Skip to main content

Full text of "Taranatha’s History Of Buddhism In India"

See other formats



Translated from Tibetan by 


Edited by 



First Edition: Simla, 1970 
Reprinted : Delhi , 1990 

All Rights Reserved 

ISBN: 81-208-0696-4 

Also available at : 

Bungalow Road, Jawahar Nagar, Delhi 1 10 007 
Chowk, Varanasi 221 001 
Ashok Rajpath, Patna 800 004 
24 Race Course Road, Bangalore 560 001 
120 Royapettah High Road, Mylapore, Madras 600 004 



In memory of the pioneers 




It was part of the original plan of this 
publication to add at the end of the book 
the entire xylograph of the Tibetan text 
(Potala 1946 edition, which is mainly follow- 
ed in the present translation) in photo- 
offset reproduction. Unfortunately, the trial 
reproduction of the xylograph from the 
micro-film copy in possession of the editor 
proved a failure and the idea of reproducing 
the entire xylograph had to be abandoned. 
As the frontispiece of the book, however, are 
reproduced from half-tone blocks only the 
beginning and end of the xylograph. These 
include the title-page and Folios 1,1 39B and 
140 A— the last containing the colophon spe- 
cially added to the Potala edition of the text. 

i ■■ ' . 

&vja^}&&M& *&£•?& Sic ?«&&«& wSa iSikK« 

m -, -Ml* : 

.flflifi wwlfc 

K * M ic 1 jSeBSS i r; ©Hi 

■'<■■• j$m3m: m 


MMm ’ 


When I walk on snow-laden paths of hills my each footprint 
appears clear, deep and distinct through which I can trace my 
path back without effort. But after a while due to wind and fresh 
snowfall all traces of my footsteps are wiped out in the snow. The 
residue is what sticks to my imagination. It is the same with the 
study of history. Every episode in it howsoever realistic, does 
fade with the sweep of time and occurrences of new events. 
Surviving evidences largely depend on interpretation of the 
historian whose reason emanates from intellect and as such has 
the glaring weakness of limitations of one’s mind which are 
conditioned by the present environment. 

The general attitudes and outward expressions of men of our 
time cannot be similar to those of the primitive society or even of 
the preceding generations. Thus, the logic of today recalling the 
events of the past times with indecisive evidences must surely be 
inaccurate in many ways. 

The line of demarcation between history and legend is too 
thin to observe while writing; the two overlap each other uncon- 
sciously and unknowingly. 

Faith and reason overpower each other throughout one’s life, 
which results in contradiction, but the conflict never ceases in any 
sphere. As such, it is difficult to say if the author of a book of 
history is free from the influence of his faith in analysing the past. 

I know many such persons who do not accept in their writings 
many episodes as historical in order to exhibit their rational 
mind and modern scholarship. But in the core of their hearts 
they believe the episodes in toto and do respect them. Such 
proclivities in authors are nothing short of dishonesty. 

As we focus our vision on the historical perspective of our 
time interspersed with strong socio-economic bias of the historian 
for recording past events to suit their political ideologies, we can 
sense the real flaw in the cross currents of historical literature 
and that takes us into a land of phantasy. 

In this situation I cannot claim Lama Taranatha to be free 
from all those conditions which make me ponder, but I can un- 
hesitatingly say that his rationality and honesty to his own 




findings are beyond cavil, a thing which held him high in the 
assessment of his contemporaries. 

I entirely agree with Y.P. Vasil’ev that the history of 
Taranatha is not history as such but history in the sense of a 
document that calls for further research in history. Straightway, 
this notion of an acute historiographer claims for specialisation 
in the field of an independent discipline. We should not be 
oblivious of the fact that Taranatha’s work does not aim at 
revealing the past in the strict sense of a modern history, his 
work vouchsafes better and more clear understanding of the 
lineages and developments of the virtuous Buddhists with a view 
to strengthening the faith ( sraddha ) in lineage of teachers as well 
as distinguishing the right lineages from the fake ones. We may 
thus assume the work to be a part or outcome of his own spiritual 

A reader of Taranatha’s work should bear in mind that he is 
reading a Buddhist treatise composed by a great devotee of 
Buddha who earnestly wishes to intensify faith in the lineage. But 
at the same time a reader may find in it useful material for historical 
purposes also. With this approach one may succeed in evaluating 
the work of Taranatha in right perspective. It is also noteworthy 
that Taranatha made an attempt to keep the episodes at con- 
ventional level. Taranatha disavowed many well known legends 
specially with regard to the extraordinary length of the life-span 
of many personages and saw that the sequence of the lineages 
did not distort the chronology. But in one thing he remained an 
avowed Tibetan as he did not ignore or refute miracles (fiddhi). 
He admitted the power of riddhi not as something supernatural 
but as perfectly natural. Such view is possible for a person who 
himself had possessed direct experience of it. 

Lama Taranatha was the most suitable person of his age to 
write an account of the development of Buddhist teachings in 
India due to following reasons: 

1) He was vitally interested in writing accounts of the past 
and the lives of personages of lineages. 

2) He had mastery over Sanskrit and also knew some of the 
Indian dialects prevalent at that time. 

3) He had moreover access to the authentic works of Pandits, 
viz. Ksemendrabhadra, Indradatta and Bhataghati. 

For modern scholarship it would have been much better if 



Taranatha had translated all the source materials into Tibetan 
language instead of writing his account based on them. Besides, 
Taranatha has also not thrown any light on the lives of the 
Pandits from whose works he has freely drawn. So, neither can 
we trace the lives and works of those Pandits who are mentioned 
by him nor have we any access to their works. 

In his autobiography called The Secret Biography Lama 
Taranatha records that without any formal instructions from 
any teacher he effortlessly acquired proficiency in various Indian 
languages. When he was just four years old, he overheard 
the conversation of Venerable Tenzin Ngawang with an Indian 
Zoki (Yogi) and he could understand the substance of it. He 
further says that because of his many previous births in India he 
had vivid recollection of geography and topography of the 
country and knowledge of various Indian languages since his 
childhood. At 16, he was prophesied by his personal deity 
(istadeva) that if he chose to go to Zanskar in Ladakh and Gar-Sha 
(presently in Himachal Pradesh) before he was twenty years old, 
he would accumulate merit to do immense service to the sentient 
beings. But since the prophecy remained unimplemented he 
thought his life work could not be so prolific. Further he tells 
that while in his twenties he once fell sick with constant, bleeding 
through his nostrils for about three months. At that time in a 
dream he saw two Indian yogis. One of them named Jvalanatha 
gave him the name Taranatha. “Taranatha” is purely an Indian 
name. It does not correspond to his original Tibetan name. 

It appears that in Taranatha’s time Indian pilgrims and other 
visitors used to trail the passes to reach the land of snow, although 
by that time very few Buddhist scholars were left in India. Most 
of the travellers who visited Tibet were not the followers of 
Buddhism. This is clear from Taranatha’s autobiography in 
which he refers to two Pandits, Purnananda and Paramananda 
who stayed with him for about ten days. He talks of their great 
erudition in various subjects. He learnt the episodes of the 
Ramayana and Mahdbharata from them. Being persuaded by 
them to worship Hanuman, Taranatha did not accede to their 
desire. The only likelihood of meeting with a Buddhist Yogi from 
Telangana (India) occurs in an allusion to such an ascetic Pandit 
Changasri who stayed for only two days with Taranatha but 
who was in a hurry to go back to India. Changasri was consh 



dered as a Mahayana Buddhist scholar by Taranatha. Although 
he did not visit India during his life time, yet it seems that he 
was known to many Indian scholars and rulers. Taranatha tells 
in his Autobiography that he got a letter from Raja Balabhadra 
of Badua of the Vindhya Hills which was written in Sanskrit in 
the Gaudi script. The content of the letter is as follows: 

“I hear that you are the only person in Himavat (snowland) 
who has preserved the tradition of Siddha Santigupta. I have 
also known from the Siddhas that you have had close relation- 
ship with me in other births. Therefore, 1 am sending you two 
“batoljarb” and two “Suryakanta”. 

A reply was sent by Taranatha, the purport of which is as 

“When the Buddha’s doctrine is languishing in India you are 
the only king who is reviving the Saddharma in the Vindhyas and 
the contiguous regions.” 

The name of the messenger who brought the letter and the 
gift from Raja Balabhadra is recorded as Illikhan. 

The above episode is difficult to verify but it shows Tara- 
natha’s contacts with Indian scholars and rulers. Among the 
works of Taranatha we have no text translated by him, but he 
mentions in his Autobiography that he did translations of minor 
texts also. He relates to have studied several Sanskrit manu- 
scripts belonging to Atisa which he found preserved in the 
Rading Monastery. His scholarship of Sanskrit is evidenced 
from many of his extensive works on the Kdlacakra Tantra and 
other philosophical texts. 

Till recent times Tibetan scholars did not take much notice 
of Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India. Taranatha is widely 
known in Tibet for his works on Tantra and Philosophy. It seems 
Taranatha himself did not give importance to History of Buddhism 
in India , as he does not make any mention of it in his autobio- 
graphy whereas he refers to most of his important works with 
details of time and circumstances which prompted him to write. 
But strangely modern scholars know Taranatha by the present 
work alone, and despite the alleged limitation of Taranatha as 
historian scholars invariably refer to Taranatha’s History of 

I personally do not attach much importance to the fact 
whether Taranatha’s work is history or a religious document. 



The importance of the work of Taranatha which is modest in 
comparison to his other works lies' in the fact that it has 
contributed extensively to the Indian Studies in general and the 
Buddhist Studies in particular in the recent time. 

Taranatha in his autobiography lays emphasis on his utter 
honesty, straightforwardness and impartiality in his writings for 
which he is proud. He also pays his deep respect to all the 
lineages of various Buddhist scholars. All these facts of Tara- 
natha are substantiated by his extensive works relating to a 
diversity of subjects ranging from his random Psalms and Verses 
( dohds and gathas) to the most sophisticated philosophical and 
Tantrika treatises, including commentaries of sutras and tantras 
besides his original compositions. 

Thus I can say with much confidence that History of Buddhism 
in India written by Taranatha is a faithful recounting of Indian 
source materials to which Taranatha had an access and there is 
no scope of distortion of facts in his narratives. 

This English translation of Taranatha’s History of Buddhism 
in India belongs, indeed, to the class of finest translations of 
Tibetan works in English. The age-old tradition of Tibetan 
translation of treatises with one Pandit of the source language 
and one translator of the destination language and a third 
person for checking and editing has been faithfully preserved in 
the preparation of this work. Lama Chimpa, an erudite scholar 
of Tibetan studies who is also well-versed in English, has acted 
as the Pandita, Alaka Chattopadhyaya, an erudite scholar of 
English and History with copious grasp of the Tibetan language 
has worked as lotsava (translator). Further the work has been 
edited by a scholar of great eminence, Professor Debiprasad 
Chattopadhyaya, who worked as Shuchain (reviser). The supple- 
mentary notes and appendices have much enhanced the value 
of the present work. I am happy to know that the book which 
has been out of print for a long time is now being reprinted for 
the great benefit of scholars and students. 

May all sentient beings be happy! 


7th December , 89 

S. Rinpoche 


Foreword xi 
Preface xxiii 
Acknowledegement xxxi 
On Typography and abbreviations, etc i 


Introductory 5 
Benedictory Verse 5 
Aim of the Work 5 
Table of Contents 6 
The Sources 19 

Ch. I. 

Account of the Period of King Ajatasatru 20 
Ch. 2. 

Account of the Period of King Subahu 26 
Ch. 3. 

Account of the Period of King Sudhanu 29 
Ch. 4. 

Account of the Period of Arya Upagupta 34 
Ch. 5. 

Account of the Period of A^-ya Dhitika 45 
Ch. 6. 

Account of the Period of King Asoka 50 
Ch. 7. 

Account of the Incidents During the Period of King Asoka 68 

Ch. 8. 

Account of the Period of King Vigatasoka 76 
Ch. 9. 

Account of the Period of Kasyapa, the Second 79 
Ch. 10. 

Account of the Period of Arya Mahaloma and Others 82 


Ch. 11. 

Account of the Period of King Mabapadma 85 
Ch. 12. 

Account of the Period of the Third Council 91 
Ch. 13. 

Account of the Period of the Beginning of the Extensive 
Propagation of the Mahayana 96 
Ch. 14. 

Account of the Period of Brahmana Rahula 102 
Ch. 15. 

Account of the Period of the Doctrine Under the Leadership 
of Atya Nagarjuna 106 

Ch. 16. 

Account of the Period of the First Hostility to the Law and of 
its Restoration 120 

Ch. 17. 

Account of the Period of Acarya Aryadeva and Others 123 

Ch. 18. 

Account of the Period of Acarya Matrceta and Others 130 

Ch. 19. 

Account of the Period of the Renewed Hostility to the Doctrine 
and of its Restoration 137 

Ch. 20. 

Account of the Period of the Third Hostility to the Doctrine 
and of its Restoration 140 

Ch. 21. 

Account of the Period of the Final Activities of King 
Buddhapaksa and of the period of King Karmacandra 144 

Ch. 22. _ 

Account of the Period of ‘Brothers Arya Asanga’ [Asanga and 
Vasubandhu] 149 

Ch. 23. 

Account of the Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 176 

Ch. 24. 

/ a 

Account of the Period of King Sila 196 


Ch. 25. 

Account of the Period of the Kings Cala, Pancamasimha and 
Others 210 
Ch. 26. 

Account of the Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 224 
Ch. 27. 

Account of the Period of King Govicandra and Others 249 

Ch. 28. 

Account of the Period of King Gopala 257 
Ch, 29. 

Account of the Period of King Devapala and His Son 265 

Ch. 30. 


Account of the Period of King Sri Dharmapala 274 
Ch. 31. 

Account of the Period of King Masuraksita, King Vanapala 
and the Great King Mahipala 284 
Ch. 32. 

Account of the Period of the Kings Mahapala and 
Samupala 289 
Ch. 33. 

Account of the Period of King Canaka 294 
Ch. 34. 

Account of the Period of Kings Bheyapala and Neyapala 304 

Ch. 35. 

Account of the Period of Amrapala, Hastipala and 
Ksantipala 310 
Ch. 36. 

Account of the Period of King Ramapala 313 
Ch. 37. 

Account of the Period of the Four Sena Kings and Others 316 


Ch. 38. 

Account of the Succession of Teachers at Vikramasila 325 

Ch. 39. 

Account of the Spread of the Doctrine in Ko-ki in the East 330 


Ch, 40. 

Account of the Introduction of the Law into the Smaller 
Islands and of its Revival in the South 332 
Ch. 41. 

Account of the Spread of the Doctrine in the South 
as Related in The Garland of Flowers 334 
Ch. 42. 

Some Discussion on the Four Sects 339 
Ch. 43. 

A Brief Discourse on the Origin of the Mantrayana 343 

Ch. 44. 

The History of Image-makers 347 

On the Sources etc 350 
Epilogue 351 
Colophon 352 

Colophon of the Potala edition 352 


1. The Patriarchs 355 

2. The As oka Legends 361 

3. Ten Prohibitions and the 

Second Council 367 

4. Tisyaraksita & Kunala 

Legend 373 

5 Mahadeva and his Five 

Principles 375 ' 

6. Kaniska’s Council : 

Yuan-Chuang & Bu-ston 377 

7. Vararuci 381 

8. Saraha 382 

9. Nagarjuna : Biographical 383 

10. Nagarjuna : Works 385 

11. Aryadeva 387 

12. Obermiller’s Note on the 

Madhyamika Acarya-s and 
their different points of 
view 388 

13. Nagabodhi 389 

14. Sakyamitra 389 

15. Sabarapada 390 

16. Matrceta 390 

17. Asvaghosa & Matrceta 391 

18. Sura 392 

19. Asvaghosa 392 

20. Lui-pa 393 

21. Asahga 393 

22. Maitreya 394 

23. Vasubandhu 395 

24. Vasil’ev on the Two 

Vibhangas 398 

25. Darika-pa 398 

26. Sthiramati 399 

27. Dignaga 400 

28. Bhavya or Bhavaviveka 401 

29. Candrakirti 401 

30. Candragomi 402 


31. Dharmapala 403 

32. Viru-pa 404 

33. Santideva 405 

34. DombT Heruka 405 

35. Vajraghanta 406 

36. Ratnakirti 406 

37. Dharmaklrti 407 

38. Kambala 408 

39. Indrabhuti 409 

40. Kukuri-pa 410 

41. Saroruhavajra 410 

42. Lalitavajra 41 1 

43. Jalandhari-pa 412 

44. Krsnacarl 412 

45. Sahajalalita 413 

46. VinTtadeva 414 

47. Jnanagarbha 414 

48. Buddhajnana 415 

49. Santaraksita 415 

50. Haribhadra 416 

51. Yasomitra 416 

52. Sakyamitra 417 

53. Kalyanamitra 417 

54. Damstrasena 417 

55. ManjusrikTrti 418 

56. LTlavajra 418 

57. Pandita Rahula 418 

58. Kalyanagupta 419 

59. Prabhakara 419 

60. Buddha guhya 419 

61. Vairocanabhadra 421 

62. Kamalaslla 421 

63. Dharmottara 422 

64. Vimalamitra 422 

65. Dharmakara 423 

66. Anandagarbha 423 

67. Parahita 424 

68. Jinamitra 425 

69. Sarvajnadeva 425 

70. Tilli-pa 426 

71. Prajnapaiita “426 

72. Jetari 426 

73. Kalacakrapada 427 

74. Santi-pa 428 

75. Vaglsvaraklrti 428 

76. Naro-pa 429 

77. Bodhibhadra 429 

78. Ratnavajra 430 

79. Mahajana 430 

80. Jnanasn 430 

81. Amoghavajra 431 

82. Viryabhadra 431 

83. Manikasri 432 

84. Jnanavajra 432 

85. Bharata Pani 433 

86. Abhayakaragupta 433 

87. SakyasrT 434 

88. Ratnaraksita 435 

89. Dlpamkarabhadra 436 

90. Sridhara 436 

91. Bhavabhadra 436 

92. Durjayacandra 437 

93. Tathagataraksita 437 

94. Kamalaraksita 438 

95. Khyun-po-rnal-’byor 438 
95. Vanaratna 440 

97. Sahajasiddhi 441 

98. The Turuska king 'Moon' 

(Fol 125B) 442 

99. History of Image-makers 445 

XXI 1 

A. Schiefner, 

V. P. Vasil’ev, 

Bibliography 471 




Foreword to the Introduction of the Russian Translation 
of Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India by Professor 
Wassiljew ( Vasil' ev) 449 

Introduction to the Russian translation of Taranatha's 
History of Buddhism in India 453 



Bom in A.D. 1575, ICun-dga’-snin-po (= Anandagarbha), 

better known as Lama Taranatha, wrote this work in 1608, i.e’. 

! . 

jit the age of 34, according to the Tibetan mode of calculating 
the age. This work is usually referred to as rGya-gar-chos-byun, 
which means “the history of Buddhism in India”. But the brief 
title Taranatha himself chose for it was dGos- dod-kun-byun, 
literally “that which fulfils all desires”. The corrupt Indian form 
in which the name occurs in the title-page of its Potala' edition 
(1946), namely Karya-kama-sarva-pravrtti-nama , is evidently 
intended to convey the same idea. Thus the history of Buddhism 
in India was for Taranatha something more than mere history. 
It was also the mahatmya of Buddhism : the account was 
intrinsically auspicious, so much so that it led to the fulfilment 
of all desires. But there is nothing extraordinary about this. 
As Vasil’ev (spelt Wassiljew in German) rightly remarks, 
historiography for the Buddhists had always been an important 
mode of propagating their creed. 

In Tibetan writings Taranatha is usually mentioned as 
“Jo-nan Taranatha” or “rje-btsun ( = bhattaraka) Taranatha 
of the Jo-nan sect”. Jo-nan is the name of a place with a lofty 
caitya and a convent about a hundred miles to the north-west 
of the Tashi-lhun-po. The sect of Tibetan Buddhism which had 
Jo-nan as its stronghold came to be known as the Jo-nan-pa 
sect. The founder of this sect was Phyogs-las-rnam-rgyal 
( = Digvijayi), born in A.D. 1306. It appears that a pro- 
nounced enthusiasm for the Kalacakra Tantra constituted an 
important feature of its creed. Taranatha himself, a later 
leader of the sect, was famous as an author of several works 
and “guide-books” ( khrid-yid ) on the Kalacakra doctrine, which 
Roerich wanted to analyse — a project unfortunately left 
unfinished by him. 

The chief monastery of the Jo-nan-pa sect — rTag-brtan- 
phun-tshogs-glin ( = the perfect and eternally firm island) — 
had a printing establishment well-known in Tibet. The complete 

xxiv Taranatha/ 

works of Taranatha were published by it. A copy of this is 
preserved in the Tsybikov Collection, Institute of the People^ 
of Asia (now renamed as the Institute of Oriental Studies), 
USSR. A. I. Vostrikov gives us the following information 
dbout Taranatha’s works from this collection. 

The present history of Buddhism consisting of 143 folios is' 
contained in the sixteenth volume of Taranatha’s collected works, 
the same volume also containing in 70 folios the work (written ! 
in A.D. 1600) with the brief title bKa > -babs-bdun-ldan, translated 
into German by A. Griinwedel. The first volume of the 
collected works contains a detailed autobiography of Taranatha 
in 331 folios, the second volume contains a history of the 
Kalacakra system in i2 folios, the tenth volume contains a 
history of the Yamantaka Tantra in 74 folios (its colophon 
giving the date of the composition as A.D. 1631) and the 
twelfth volume contains a history of the cult of Tara in 20 
folios. From these one can easily judge how voluminous a 
writer Taranatha was and in what constituted his main 

By courtesy of the Institute of the Peoples of Asia, Lenin- 
grad, I obtained a microfilm copy of the so-called “secret” 
biography (gsan-ba’i-rnam-thar) of Taranatha written by him- 
self : though brief, it is so full of the so-called mystic or occult 
experience and a quaint vision, that we had to give up our 
original idea of appending its translation to the present edition. 
Such mystic stuff is not easy to translate and, if translated at 
all, would not make much sense for the modern reader. Inci- 
dentally, in Northern Mongolia (Urga) the incarnations of 
Lama Taranatha are supposed to have resided even in recent 
times ! 

The original printing blocks of Taranatha’s works were 
largely destroyed “during the persecution of the Jo-nan-pa 
sect in the time of the Fifth Dalai Lama (Nag-bdan-blo-bzan- 
rgya-mtsho : A.D. 1617-1682) in the first half of the 17th 
century A.D. The Karma-pa and the Jo-nan-pa sects supported 
the ruler of Tsan [i.e. a central province of Tibet of which the 
chief city is Shiga-tse, adjoining which stands the grand 



monastery of Tashi-lhun-po, the seat of the Tashi Lama] and 
thus incurred the enmity of Lhasa and of the dGe-lugs-pa sect 
[i e. the most dominant sect of Tibetan Buddhism usually 
referred to by the European authors as the Yellow Cap sect]. 
In the chief monastery of the (Jo-nah-pa) sect, rTag-brtan- 
phun-tshogs-glin, were preserved the printing blocks of the 
works of Taranatha. Many of the printing blocks were 
destroyed and the monastery itself was renamed [as dGa’-ldan- 

Apparently, over two centuries later the Lhasa rulers 
realised that at least Taranatha’s history of Buddhism in India 
was too precious to be allowed to remain out. of circulation. 
Hence in 1946 a fresh edition of the work was prepared in 
Potala in 141 folios. The present translation follows mainly 
this edition, though it also takes note of the first letter-press 
edition of the Tibetan text published from St. Petersburg in 
1868 as edited by A. Schiefner. There exists another letter- 
press edition of the work published from Varanasi in 1963 as 
edited by Chos-rje-bla-ma. This edition, however, appears 
to have been intended as a literal reproduction of the Potala 
edition of 1946. 

Taranatha’s History is surely one of the most widely 
discussed works in contemporary Indology. The modern 
scholars owe their information of it mainly to A. Schiefner 
and V. P. Vasil’ev. Their German and Russian translations 
of the work appeared from St. Petersburg in 1869. As to their 
mutual relation and the circumstances that led them to take up 
these translations, it is best to follow their own statements. 
These are to be found appended to the present work. Readers 
are moreover likely to find the introduction of Vasil’ev to 
Taranatha’s History illuminating in many respects. 

Schiefner’s German and Vasil’ev’s Russian apart, the only 
complete translation of Taranatha’s History exists in the 
Japanese language : the translation was done by Enga Tera- 
moto, it contains 404 pages and was published from Tokyo in 
1928 by Heigo Shuppan-sha. From a stray reference it appears 
that the great Indian linguist Harinath De started translating 



Taranatha’s History directly from Tibetan into English and 
that at least some pages of this translation appeared in a 
journal called The Herald, January 1911. Any copy of this 
journal is hard to trace and it appears that this was one of the 
innumerable projects left unfinished by the great linguist. 
Only the other day, we received the heartening news that a 
few pages of this translation (? all that the great linguist 
translated) have been recovered and that these are going to be 
reprinted in the forthcoming issue of the Journal of Ancient 
Indian History, Calcutta University. 

While preparing the present translation, our main purpose 
has been to make the work as intelligible as we could for the 
modern reader. This means much more than the task of 
transferring a text from one language into another. Taranatha’s 
statements could be made more intelligible only by annotating 
these extensively, and this mainly by way of collecting other 
materials that have some light to throw on his statements. 
The limitation of the annotations given by us is obvious and 
none can perhaps be more keenly aware of it than we are. We 
have dared to present this translation in spite of the obvious 
inadequacy 'of the annotations mainly with the hope of 
attracting the attention of the really great scholars from whom 
are expected profound comments. These alone would make 
the text more intelligible. As for our own annotations, we are 
anxious to be clear about a few points. 

First, we have attempted to incorporate into our annota- 
tions practically all the important annotations of Vasil’ev 
and Schiefner. Though a hundred years old, these annotations 
contain much more than mere historic interest. These have 
often vital relevance for understanding Taranatha properly. 
Secondly, we have, in our annotations, mentioned practically 
all the major points on which the present translation differs 
from those of Vasil’ev and Schiefner. Though fully aware of 
the rather severe comments of eminent Tibetologists like A. I. 
Vostrikov and E.E. Obermiller on the accuracy of the transla- 
tions of both Vasil’ev and Schiefner, we are also aware that 
these translations substantially helped the later compilers of the 

Preface xxvii 

standard Tibetan dictionaries like Jaschke and Das. Therefore, 
the purpose of pointing out where the present translation 
differs from that of Vasil’ev or Schiefner is not necessarily to 
claim greater accuracy in favour of the present translation. On 
the contrary, our own experience is that Taranatha’s Tibetan is 
often hard to understand and it is sometimes difficult to be 
sure of the exact sense he wants to convey, particularly because 
of some peculiar ambiguities of the classical Tibetan language. 
While presenting the present translation, the possibility of 
an alternative understanding of some of the passages is taken 
into consideration and it has been but our simple duty to 
mention such alternatives as actually suggested by the great 
pioneers. Thirdly, our annotations have sometimes assumed 
the form of long quotations from the writings of eminent 
modern scholars. The reason for quoting them at such length 
has simply been the anxiety to allow them to speak in their 
own language, so that the risk of misrepresenting their point 
could be eliminated. 

It is not for us to answer the question how Taranatha’s 
account of Buddhism, in spite of being so overwhelmingly 
legendary, could also become one of the most widely discussed 
texts for the modern scholars working on diverse aspects 
of ancient and medieval Indian history and culture. Writers 
on the political history -of India find themselves obliged to 
take note of Taranatha’s History, no less than those writing 
the history of Indian literature and Indian logic, not to 
speak of the investigators of the history of Buddhism itself. 
Apparently, along with all sorts of quaint stories, Taranatha 
somehow or other managed to squeeze into this brief work a 
tremendous amount of solid historical data (and interesting 
Indian folklore) which are not easy to trace in other 
available sources. The very attempt to reconstruct a connected 
account from the time of Ajatasatru to that of the Turuska 
invasion — in the background of which Taranatha wants 
us to understand the history of Buddhism in India — appears to 
us to be an amazing intellectual performance, particularly 
when we remember that it was done in A.D. 1608 by a Tibetan 



scholar in his early thirties. Of course, as Vasil’ev rightly 
remarks, it is not to be taken as a finished history, but rather 
as a draft demanding a great deal of further investigation and 
that the importance of the work lies more particularly in its 
chapters covering the period intervening between the visit of 
Yuan-chuang and the virtual extinction of Buddhism in India. 

Of the varied suggestions given by Taranatha regarding 
this period, we may mention here only one. He left for us, 
though in his own way, clear indications of the factors that 
contributed to the decline and fall of Buddhism in India. 
Buddhism in its latest phase, as Taranatha so vividly 
described it, almost completely surrendered precisely to those 
beliefs and practices, as a direct rejection of which the 
Buddha himself had preached his original creed. For all we 
know, it was a creed concerned above all with the fact of suffering 
and with the way out of suffering. As Stcherbatsky puts it, 
“It can hardly be said to represent a religion. Its more 
religious side, the teaching of a path, is utterly human. Man 
reaches salvation by his own efforts, through moral and 
intellectual perfection. Nor was there, for aught we know, 
very much of a worship in the Buddhism of that time. The 
community consisted of recluses possessing neither family nor 
property, assembling twice a month for open confession of 
their sins and engaged in the practice of austerity, meditation 
and philosophic discussions.” The Buddha preached all these 
precisely because he had realised the futility of worshipping God. 
or a host of demi-gods, offering sacrifices to them or trying 
to coerce them with magical rituals. For the Buddha himself, 
these beliefs and practices were characteristics of the tirthika - s 
or outsiders. By contrast. Buddhism in its latest phase — if 
we are to trust Taranatha — bowed down to all these beliefs 
and practices and thus became practically indistinguishable 
from popular Hinduism so-called. It assumed the form of 
being an elaborate worship of all sorts of gods and goddesses 
of the popular pantheon — often under new names, but some- 
times caring not even to invent any new name for them — and 
of indulging in all sorts of ritual practices for which the 



Buddha himself had expressed his unambiguous repulsion. 
Thus, e.g., the Vikramaslla-vihara, the last grand centre of 
Buddhism established in India, Jiad even the provision for 
a Bali-acarya and a Homa-acarya ! .Buddhajnanapada, 
Taranatha further tells us, persuaded king Dharmapala to 
perform a homa for many years, during which period the king 
spent over nine lakh and two thousand tola - s of silver— and all 
these were designed to make his dynasty last longer ! And so on. 
Evidently, the memory of the human founder of the creed and 
even the vestige of his essentially human teachings were fully 
lost to the Buddhists and their patrons when Buddhism assumed 
such a queer form. The ideology, in short, passed into its 
opposite, and being left with no internal justification to survive 
as a distinct creed, the only thing on which it could then thrive 
was the fad of some big patron, the Palas being about the last 
of them. With the withdrawal or collapse of this patronage, 
Buddhism as a religion had to go into pieces. 

Sharing fully the creed in its latest phase, Taranatha 
is of course not expected to have realised all these. As far as 
he understood, therefore, the end of the Vikramaslla and the 
Odantapuri meant the end of Buddhism in India : with the 
fall of these two monasteries the Buddhist acarya-s ran hither 
and thither, seeking shelter in Kashmir, Nepal and the Ko-ki 
countries. He does not ask himself how can a creed, so long 
as it possesses any inner vitality, become virtually extinct from 
such a vast country only with the fall of two centres situated 
somewhere in Bihar. 

The causes that contributed to the internal decay of 
Buddhism in India constitute indeed an 'extremely important 
subject for investigation. Our historians are yet to work these 
out fully. Could it, however, be that at least one of the 
important causes of this was the continued patronage of 
merchants, feudal chiefs and monarchs, primarily on which 
Buddhism thrived for centuries ? Being himself a devout 
Buddhist, Taranatha dilated much on the account of such 
patronage. His enthusiasm for the financiers of Buddhism 
was hardly less than that for its actual exponents. What he 



did not note— and what we do not surely expect him to note— 
is that nothing could be more ruinous for an ideology than to 
have drawn its sanction only from such patronage. That is the 
surest way of getting alienated from the heart of the people, 
of becoming completely parasitical and of being left with no 
vitality of its own. 

The account of any genuine popular enthusiasm for 
Buddhism— particularly in its later phase — is conspicuous by 
its absence from Taranatha’s History. What could be the real 
implication of this ? Did the later leaders of Indian Buddhism- 
dreaming in their all-found monasteries mainly of the easy 
ways of attaining miraculous powers — really ceased to think of 
the relevance of any genuine popular support for their creed ? Or 
was it only the historian’s blindness to notice their care for such 
popular support ? The chances in favour of the latter alter- 
native are somewhat remote, for Taranatha was much too 
saturated with the tradition of the later Indian Buddhists to 
overlook anything considered important by them. 

It is obviously not the place for us to try to go into this 
question in greater detail. What is relevant instead is simply 
to note that the decline of Buddhism in India is too important 
a subject to remain unsettled, and in order to settle it we can- 
not afford to ignore Taranatha : he was about the only 
historian to have compiled for us — in his own way though — a 
vast amount of relevant data concerning Indian Buddhism in its 
latest phase, which are not easy to trace elsewhere. 

May 26, 1970. 

Debiprcisad Chattopaclhyaya 


Without the encouragement and active help in various forms 
of Professor Niharranjan Ray, Director, Indian Institute of 
Advanced Study, Simla, it would have been most difficult for 
me to complete this work. I cannot be explicit enough about 
my indebtedness to him. 

It is because of the kindness of Professor V. V. Balabushe- 
vjch, Head of the Indian Department, Institute of the Peoples 
of Asia (now renamed Institute of Oriental Studies), Academy 
of Sciences, USSR, that I received a complete microfilm copy 
of the Potala (1946) edition of Taranatha’s xylograph preserved 
in the Roerich Collection of the Institute. I also received a 
complete microfilm copy of Vasil’ev’s Russian translation of 
Taranatha’s History from Dr. I. D. Serebryakov of the same 
Institute. I take this opportunity of expressing my sincere 
gratitude to Professor Balabushevich and Dr. Serebryakov for 
these precious gifts. 

The present work embodies the labour of over five years 
of Professor Lama Chimpa of the Visvabharati University 
and Dr. Alaka Chattopadhyaya of the Vidyasagar College for 
Women, Calcutta. They had to revise the translation several 
times Entrusted with the work of editing it, I had to be most 
exacting. If they have not felt exasperated it is primarily 
because of their devotion to the work itself, though partly 
also because of their personal relation to me. Professor Lama 
Chimpa happens to be one of my dearest friends and Alaka is 
my wife. 

This work also embodies a great deal of labour of two 
other friends of mine, without whose help the editing itself 
would have been impossible. They are Haridas Sinharay, Depart- 
ment of Sanskrit, Central Calcutta College, and Harish 
Chandra Gupta of the National Library, Calcutta. Haridas 
Sinharay helped me to compare the present translation with 
Schiefner’s German and every scrap of Schiefner’s German 
incorporated into the present work is translated by him. 
Exactly in the same way, Harish Chandra Gupta helped me to 
compare the present translation with the Russian translation 
of Vasil’ev and every scrap of Vasil’ev’s Russian incorporated 



into the present work is translated by him. But even that was 
not enough. Haridas Sinharay spared himself of no drudgery 
in seeing the book through the press and Harish Chandra 
Gupta prepared the Index, along with Dr. N. N. Bhattacharyya, 
Department of Ancient Indian History, Calcutta University. 

In the matter of preparing the list of works of the Buddhist 
acarya - s given in the Supplementary Notes, I received 
substantial help from Mrinalkanti Gangopadhyaya, Department 
of Sanskrit, Vidyasagar College, Calcutta, who also helped me 
in preparing the press copy of the text. 

To Harbans Mukhia and Pranabranjan Ray 1 am indebted 
for two Supplementary Notes, printed with acknowledgement 
to them. 

I take this opportunity of expressing my grateful thanks 
also to my friend Dr Mahadevprasad Saha, who has shown keen 
interest in the work throughout its progress and has extended 
his kind cooperation all through. I had also to depend 
substantially on the help of my friend Rama Krishna Maitra 
particiilarly in seeing the book through the press. 

It makes me hesitate much to mention another name here, 
not because the help I received from him is not substantial but 
because his stature as a scholar is indeed too great to be freely 
associated with those of humble workers like us. Nevertheless, 
objectivity demands that I mention his name. He is Dr Suniti 
Kumar Chatterji, our National Professor in Humanities. 
Taking advantage of his paternal affection for us, myself and 
Alaka intruded upon his valuable time whenever we felt that 
something about the work was beyond our own depth. If 
we have pestered him too much, it is because of the indulgence 
he is in the habit of allowing to all students of Indian studies. 

In a somewhat similar way, we did exploit the paternal 
affection also of Dr. A. P. Banerjee-Sastri, without whose 
academic help the present work would have remained more 
incomplete and unsatisfactory than it is. 

Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya 


1. Taranatha gives the Indian names in three forms, namely — 

i) both as transliterated in Tibetan script and as translated into 
Tibetan language, 

ii) only as transliterated in Tibetan script, and 

iii) only as translated into Tibetan language. 

in the present translation, the first form is indicated by double asterisks 
at the beginning of the name, the second by a single asterisk and the third 
by none. Thus — 

i) T*r*Muditabhabhadra. In the text muditababhadra ste kun-tu- 
dga' -ba-bzah-po — Fol 49A. 

ii) ★Krsnaraja. In the text krisnaraja— Fol 49A. 

iii) Asoka. In the text wya-han-med — Fol 2A. 

2. Where Taranatha mentions the names only in Tibetan translations, 
their possible Indian equivalents are given in the text of the present transla- 
tion, indicating at the same time in the notes the Tibetan forms in which 
these are actually given by Taranatha. Only, when such Indian equivalents 
differ from those suggested by VasiTev and/or Schiefner, the equivalents 
they suggest are mentioned in the notes. In other cases, the equivalents 
given in the present translation may be taken as being the same. 

3. Indian words other than proper names also occur in the text as 
transliterated in Tibetan characters. To indicate these, a single asterisk is 
put at their beginning. Thus — 

★ pand ita — Fol 23A 

★ sloka — Fol 32A 

★ tanka — Fol 72B. 

4. In the Tibetan text, the number and title of each chapter occur at 
its end in the form of a brief colophon. VasiPev follows only the modern 
European principle of putting the chapter heading at the beginning of each 
chapter. Roerich, however, in his translation of the Biography of Dharma - 
svamin (Patna 1959) follows a principle which appears to be more satisfac- 
tory and hence is adopted here. Over and above giving the chapter heading 
in the European form, he adds at the end of each chapter the translation of 
the colophon as actually occurring in the text. 

5. Folio-beginnings of the Potala edition of the xylograph — on which 
the present translation is based — are indicated by bold letters within square 




6. References to the works in bsTan-gyur (Tanjur) are according to 
Cordier's Catalogue. 

7. Transliteration of Tibetan words is (broadly) based on the principles 
followed in A Tibetan-English Dictionary by S. C. Das. 

8. Following are the main abbreviations used in the notes 

BA— The Blue Annals. 

Bu-ston — Bu-ston’s History of Buddhism (tr Obermiller). 

D — Das, S. C., A Tibetan-English Dictionary. 

J — Jaschke, H. A., A Tibetan-English Dictionary. 

Kg — bKa'-gyur (Kanjur). 

P-ed — Potala edition of Taranatha’s xylograph. 
rG — rGyud-’grel. 

S — Schiefner 


S-ed — Schiefner’s edition of Taranatha’s text (1868) 

S n — Schiefner’s Note 
S tr — Schiefner’s translation. 

Tar — Taranatha 

Tg — bsTan-gyur (Tanjur) 

V — Vasil’ev (in German, Wassiljew) 


V n — Vasilev’s Note. 

V tr — Vasil'ev’s translation. 

For other authors and their works referred to in the notes, see 

9. Comparatively longer annotations are given at the end of the book 
in the form of Supplementary Notes. 


History of Buddhism in India 

( ta-ra-na -tha’’ i-rgya-gar-chos- ’ byuii-bshugs ) 


[ Fol 1 ] 

om svasti prajabhyah 

The clear exposition of how the precious gem of the True 
Doctrine — the glorious, the magnificent and the source of all 
glories— was spread in India ( arya-desa ), [is briefly] called the 
dgos- dod-kun- by un . l 2 


Salutation to the Buddha and the Bodhisattvas along with 
their disciples. Salutation to the Greatest Sage ( munindra ), 
who descends from the dharmadhatu 2 by the heavenly path and 
who — like the Lord of Clouds ( me.ghendra ) — decorated with the 
multi-coloured rainbow of laksana- s 3 and vyanjana- s 4 , showers 
the rain of nectar in the form of holy deeds. 


Even the learned (Tibetan) chroniclers and historians, when 
they come to discuss India, exhibit with their best efforts merely 
their poverty, like petty traders exhibiting their meagre stock. 
Some of the scholars, while trying to describe the origin of the 
Doctrine 5 , are found to commit [ Fol 2A ] many a mistake. 
For the benefit of others, therefore, I am preparing this brief 
work with the mistakes eliminated. 

1. Literally, ‘that which fulfils all desires’, hence translated by V as 
The Treasure of Wish-fulfilments. The title-page of the P-ed gives the 
(corrupt) Indian form of the short title as Karya-kama-sarva-pravrtti- 
nama, which suggests the same idea. 

2. chos-dbyihs. The sphere or purview of religion — D 430. 

3. The 32 holy marks of the Buddha — J 454. 

4. The 80 physical perfections of the Buddha, described in the Lalitavis- 
tara as marks of secondary perfection — D 792. 

5. The word chos is uniformly rendered as 'the Doctrine’ (dharma), while 
bstan-pa as ‘the Law’ ( sdsana ). 




Here in brief is the necessary table of contents. 

The descendants of the king Ksemadarsin 6 (Ajatasatru) 

were four — 

Subahu , 7 
Sudhanu , 8 
Mahendra 9 and 

And four of the successors 10 of Asoka — 

Vigatasoka , 11 
Virasena , 12 
Nanda 13 and 
Mahapadma .^ 4 

6. mthoii-ldan-dge-ba . 

7. lag-bzah. The reconstruction is after V & S It is difficult to guess 
the exact Indian names of the successors of Ajatasatru that Taranatha 
has in mind, particularly because the lists we come across in the 
Mahavamsa and the Pur ana-s do not concur. 

8. gshu-bzah. 

9. dbah-chen. 

Id. Asoka’s name is given in Tibetan as mya-han-med. Tar is perhaps 
following here the prophecy of the Manjusri-mula-tantra, which is 
also followed by Bu-ston ii. 118-9 and given in prose as follows : ‘One 
hundred years after the Teacher will have passed away, in the city of 
Kusumapura there will appear the king Asoka who will live 150 years 
and worship the monuments of the Buddha during 87 years. After 
him, the king named Vigatasoka will worship these monuments for 
76 years. Thereafter, the king Virasena will rule for 70 years and will 
be succeeded by the king Nanda. The latter’s reign will dure fiftysix 
years and his friend will be the brahmana Panini. Then there will 
appear the king Candragupta, and after him his son called Bindusara, 
who will rule for 70 years. The minister of these kings Canakya, 
(owing to his deeds) will depart to hell.’ 

11. mya-han-bral. 

12. dpa'-bo’i-sde. 

13. dga'-bo. 

14. padma-che-sde. 



Those who came in the *Candra dynasty were — 






*Bhamsa-(? Vamsa-), 

*Sala-, etc. 

— to each of these is to be added *candra. 

Then *Candragupta and Bindusara 15 and his nephew 16 







*Simha -, 17 



*Govi-, ' 

*Lalita-, etc. 

— to each of these also is to be added *candra. 

Without counting Bindusara, there were nineteen bearing 
the name *candra. Among them , 18 


15. sniii-po-thig-le. 

16. tsha-bo means both ‘grandson’ and ‘nephew’. V & S take it here 
as nephew. 

17. S-ed Sirnha, P-ed Pihga. The former reading is followed, because 
in Fol 73B of P-ed also is mentioned Simha-candra (in translitera- 
tion) of the Car.dra Dynasty. V & S Sirnha. 

18. P-ed : the names in the following list up to the Ten Candra-s occur 
both in translation and transliteration. S-ed : the names occur 
only in translation. But V says in his note that the text has these 
names in both forms. 




**Vigama (-candra), 

**Kamacandra and 
**Vimalacandra [Fol 2B] 

— these were famed as the Seven *Candra-s. 

**Candragupta, **Gobi (-candra) and **Lalitacandra, added 
to this list, make the famous Ten *Candra-s. 

Those who came in the line of the *Pala-s were fourteen — 














— to all these is to be added *pala. 

The kings that came seperately 19 were — 

Agnidatta, 20 





Sila, 21 

19. thor-bur-byuh-ba. V translates ‘temporarily’ and explains ‘not 
belonging to any dynasty or not having formed any and appearing 
in separate places’. 

20. mes-byin, 

21. hah-tshul. V & S Sila. See Bu-ston ii. 119. 



Udayi, (Uttrayana, Udayana ), 22 

*Kanika , 23 

*Turuska , 24 

Turuska Mahasammata , 25 
Buddhapaksa , 26 
Gambhlrapaksa , 27 
Cala , 28 

Caladhruva , 29 


Simha , 30 

22. S-ed bde-spyod, P-ed bde-byed. The former reading followed. In 
Fol 37A Tar gives the name as Uttrayana, which, S says, is the usual 
form in which the name occurs in Tibetan works. In Tg bde-spyod is 
an equivalent of Udayi : mDo xciv. 27 SuhrJlekha, acarya-nagarju- 
nena mitraya udayirajne prerita...lekha ; lit. reproduction mDo 
xxxiii. 32— mahacarya-nagarjunena mitraya udayibhadraya prerita 
lekha. In both versions, the Tibetan equivalent of Udayi is bde- 
spyod. Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 167) reconstructs bde-spyod as 
Udayana, which agrees with V & S. However, for the problem of 
identifying the Indian name of the addressee of Nagarjuna’s famous 
letter, see I-Tsing (Takakusu) I58f and 159n : Takakusu is inclined 
to identify the name as Satavahana, a corrupt form of which is 
Antivahana. cf also note 43 infra. 

23. cf Fol 46A, where Tar says that this Kanika is not the same as king 
Kaniska, though this seems to go against the colophon of Matrceta’s 
letter to Kaniska (Tg mDo xxxiii. 34 & xciv. 29), where the names 
Kanika and Kaniska occur interchangeably. For further discussion, 
see note 10 of chapter 18. 

24. cf Manjusri-mula-tantra quoted by Bu-ston ii. 119, ‘In the north, a 
king called Turuska is to live 300 years and after him he who is 
called Turuska Mahasammata.’ 

25. sog-po, lit. the Mongol, Turuska, etc. V & S Sakya Mahasammata. 
In Fol 53A, tire name, occurs as Turuska Mahasammata. 

26. sahs-rgyas-phyogs. 

27. zab-mo’i-phyogs. cf Bu-ston ii. 119. 

28. gyo-ba. cf Bu-ston ii. 119. 

29. gyo-brtan : gyo (to move), brtan {firm, the Pole Star, etc). 

30. seh-ge. lit. ‘the lion’. 




*Bharsi (? Varsa ), 31 

Pancamasimha , 32 

Prasanna , 33 

Pradyota , 34 

Mahasena , 35 


Sakya Mahabala . 36 

In between the *Pala-s also came separately— 
*Vasuraksi (? Masurakista ) 37 
*Canaka , 38 
Samupala , 39 
Ksantipala , 40 etc. 

There were four *Sena-s — 


*Kasa- (? ICasa), 

* Manita- and 

31. The text has Bharsi. Can it be a corruption of Varsa ? See J 386 — 
the letter bha is sometimes written for ba (va) either from ignorance 
or in order to appear learned. Thus, Bhahgala for Bahgala. How- 
ever, both V & S Bharsa. 

32. seh-ge-lha, lit. 'the five lions’, cf Bu-ston ii.l 18. 

33. gsal-ba, lit. 'clear, bright’ etc. 

34. rab-gsal, lit. 'very clear’. Both V & S Praditya. Roerich (BA ii.753) 
translates rab-gsal as Pradyota. 

35. sde-chen, lit. 'the great group’. 

36. sakya-stobs-chen. Both V & S Maha Sakyabala. 

37. P-ed Vasuraksl. S-ed Masuraksl. In Fol 111 A the name is given 
as Masuraksita in transliteration. V Masuraksa. Tg (mDo cxxiii.33) 
contains a work called Nlti-sastra attributed to Masuraksa, alias 
Masuraksi or Masa having the colophon : Masuraksa-niti ( masit - 
raksa'i lugs-kyi). 

38. tsa-na-ka. V & S Canaka, whose account is given in Fol U5Aff. 
This tsa-na-ka is not to be confused with tsa-na-ka (or Canakya, see 
Bu-ston ii.l 19) mentioned in Fol 45B. 

39. S-ed gshoh-skyoh, lit. Patra-pala. P-ed shiii-skyoh, lit. Ksetrapala. 
In Fol 11 3B the name occurs as Samupala in transliteration, which 
agrees with V & S. 

40. bzod-pa-skyoh-ba. 



Those who ruled *Kanci etc in the south — 

Sukla , 41 

Candrasobha , 42 

Salavahana (? Satavahana, Salivahana ), 43 

Mahendra (? Mahesa ), 44 

Samkara (? Ksemankara, Udayana ), 45 

Manoratha (? Manohara, Manojna ), 46 

Bhoga-subala , 47 

Candrasena , 48 

Ksemankarasimha (? Samkarasimha ), 49 

Vyaghra , 50 

*Budha , 51 


Sanmukha , 52 

Sagara , 53 

41. dkar-po, 

42. zla-mclses, lit. 'the beautiful moon*. 

43. P-ed sa-la'i-bshon, S-ed sa-la'i-gshon. The former means Sala- 
vahana, the latter Sala-kumara. V & S Salivahana. In Fol 132A 
the name occurs as Sala-vahana both in translation and transliteration, 
perhaps as a corruption of Satavahana. Alberuni (Sachau' i. 136) men- 
tions Satavahana as Samalavahana. 

44. dbaii-chen. D 907 Mahendra. V & S Mahesa. In Fol 131 A the name 
occurs as dbah-byed (lit. 'one who subdues’, 'one who accumulates 
power’ .) 

45. P-ed sde-byed. S-ed bde-byed. The former is an equivalent of Senakara, 
the latter of Samkara or Ksemankara. In Fol 131A of P-ed also the 
name occurs as bde-byed. Hence -this reading is followed. V & S 

46. yid-oh, lit. ‘handsome, delightful’ etc. V & S Manoratha. Obermiller 
(Bu-ston ii. 96) reconstructs as Manojna. cf I-Tsing (Takakusu) xiii. 

47. lohs-spyod-skra-bzaii, lit. 'one who enjoys beautiful hair’. In 
Fol 131 A the name occurs as Bhoga-subala in transliteration. 

48. zla-ba'i-sde. 

49. bde-byed-seh-ge. V & S Ksemankarasimha. 

50. stag. In Fol 13 IB the name occurs as Vyaghra-raja in transliteration. 

51. P-ed Buda, obviously a corruption of Budha, which occurs in 
Fol 13 IB. 

52. gdoh-drug, lit. ‘the six-faced one’, cf Fol 131B 

53. rgya-mtsho. 



Vikrama , 54 

Ujjayana , 55 

Srestha , 56 

Mahendra , 57 

Devaraja , 58 

Visva , 59 

Sisu , 60 

Pratapa . 61 

The southern brahmana - s were — 
Balamitra , 62 
Nagaketu , 63 
Vardhamala . 64 

The early great acarya - s were — 
Kumarananda , 65 
Matikumara , 66 
Bhadrananda , 67 [Fol 3A] 
Danabhadra , 68 

54. rab-gnon. But in Fol 131B, tht name occurs as rnam-gnon, an equi- 
valent of Vikrama. 

55. rgyal-mchog. Both V & S Ujjayana, though S suggests Jinavara as 
an alternative. 

56. gtso-bo. 

57. dbah-chen. 

58. lha-rgyal-po. 

59. sna-tshogs. 

60. byis-pa. 

61. rab-gduh. 

62. stobs-kyi-bses-gnen. In Fol 132A the name occurs as Balamitra in 

63. khCi-tog. In Fol 132B the name occurs as Nagaketu in transliteration. 

64. ' phel-ba' i-phreh-ba. In Fol 132B the name occurs as Vardhamala in 
both transliteration and translation. 

65. gshon-nu-dga’ . In Fol 132B, Kumarananda. 

66. blo-gshott. In Fol 132B, Matikumara. 

67. bzah-po’i-kun-dga' . In -Fol 133A, Bhadrananda. 

68. sbyin-bzah. In Fol 133A, Danabhadra. 



*Bahubhuja and 
Madhyamati . 69 

If Madhyantika 70 is added to the very famous seven 

successors of the Teacher Jina, their number becomes eight. 

The arhat- s who nourished the Law were — 

CJttara , 71 

Yasah , 72 

Posada , 73 

Kasyapa , 74 

Slanavasa , 75 

Mahaloma , 76 

Mahatyaga , 77 

Nandin , 78 

Dharmasresthi , 79 

Parsva , 80 

Asvagupta 81 and 


69. dbu-ma'i-blo. 

70. ni-ma-guh-ba. 

71. bla-ma. 

72. grags-pa. 

73. bsos-byin . 

74. ’ od-sruhs . 

75. P-ed yul-brlan. In Fol 27A the name occurs as yul-bslan-pa, lit. 
‘one who unified the country’. In both places, S translates the name 
as Slanavasa, taking the word as a corruption of sa-na-pa. cf Bu-ston 
ii. 109, where Obermiller, on the evidence of Kg, reconstructs yul- 
slan-pa as Slanavasa. In Fol 5A, however, the Tibetan form of 

P ' , / 

Sanavasika occurs as sa-na'i-gos-can. V translates Slanavasa and 
says that it is nothing but an equivalent of Sanakavasa. 

76. spu-chen-po. 

77. gtoii-ba-chen-po. 

78. dga'-bci-can . Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 109) reconstructs the name as 

79. chos-kyi-tshoh-dpon, lit. ‘the pious merchant’. Both V & S Dhar- 
masrestha. In Tg. (mDo lxxviii. 5 and xc. 9) Dharmasresthin and 
Dharmasrestha are interchangeably mentioned. 

80 . rtsibs-can. Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 108) takes rtsibs as Parsva. V & S 

81 . rta-sbas. 



The great bhattaraka-s 82 were — 

Uttara , 83 

Kasyapa , 84 

Mahlsasaka (? Bahusasaka ), 85 

Dharmagupta , 86 

Suvarsaka , 87 

Vatslputra , 88 

Tamrasata , 89 

Vahusruta , 90 

Dharmottara , 91 

Avantaka , 92 

Sanjaya , 93 

82. btsun-pa-chen-po'i-sde-rnams. S takes these as names of the 'schools’ 
founded by the great bhadanta-s, edivently because of the use of the 
words sde-rnams in the text. But the same words occur in the list 
of the brahmana- s given immediately afterwards, where the sense of 
the ‘school’ is ruled out. It is, therefore, safer to take the words 
sde-rnams here as simply conveying the sense of the plural, though 
some of the names in the present list are those of the founders of the 
well-known eighteen sects (see Taranatha Ch 42) while some other 
names here are not so. V translates btsun-pa as ‘the elders’ and adds 
in the note, ‘By this term is meant the well-known persons of the 
Hinayana Buddhist hierarchy. They are below arhat- s, but they must 
be either from amongst the heads, founders of schools, propagators 
of the Doctrine or the authors.’ 

83. bla-ma. cf Bu-ston ii. 96. 

84. ’ od-sruhs . 

85. The text has mah-ston and sa-ston. Roerich (BA i. 28) takes both to 
mean Mahlsasaka, though the literal meaning of the former seems to 
be Vahusasaka. S takes mah-ston as Sammitlyas and sa-ston as 
Mahxsasakas. V Mahlsasaka. 

86. chos-bsruhs. 

87. char-bzah-bebs, lit. 'good shower’. V & S Suvarsa. 

88. gnas-ma-bu, lit. ‘son of Vatsa’. S Vatsiputrlyas. 

89. gos-dmar-ba, lit. ‘one with red robe’. S TamrasatTyas. 

90. mah-thos, lit, ‘one with many listenings’. S Vahusrutiyas. 

91 . chos-mchog. 

92. sruh-ba-pa. D 717 Avantaka. cf Bu-ston ii. 99. 

93. yah-dag-rgyal-ba, taken in Bu-ston ii. 109 as Sanjaya. S Jetavaniya, 
the usual Tibetan for which is rgyal-byed-tshal-gnas-pa — D 718 and 
Bu-ston ii. 99. 



Sthavira , 94 

Dharmatrata , 95 

Vasumitra , 96 

Ghosaka , 97 

Srilabha , 98 


Kumaralata , 100 

Yamana , 101 



Subhankara (? Ksemankara ), 102 
Sanghavardhana 103 and 
Sambhuti ( ? ). 104 

94. gnas-brtan. 

95. chos-skyob. 

96. dbyig-bses, V Vasumitra. S Vasubandhu. But this name is not to be 
confused with that of the famous brother of Asahga, the usual 
Tibetan form of which is dbyig-gnen. Besides, in the Table of Con- 
tents Tar evidently includes Vasubandhu among the Six Jewels of 
Jambudvipa. cf Fol 31B, 

97. dbyahs-sgrogs. 

98. dpal-len. 

99. sahs-rgyas-lha. 

100. gshon-nu-len, lit. Kumaralabha. See Winternitz HIL il. 268 : 
‘Kumaralabha is only a wrong translation of the Chinese name given 
for Kumaralata. — See Luders, Bruchstucke dev Kalpanamand itllca des 
Kumaralata, Leipzig 1926, p. 20’. [cf Watters 1.244 : ICumaralabdha 
or Kou-mo-lo-lo-to.] S. C. Vidyabhusana HIL 248 overlooks this and 
accepts the form Kumara-labha or Kumara-labdha. V & S Kumara- 

101. mVu-thuh . 

102. dge-byed, taken by both V & S as Samkara, the usual Tibetan for 
which is bde-byed. The Tg contains a work by one dqe-byed (rG 
lxxi. 106), the Sanskrit equivalent of which is given as Subhankara. 
But dge-byed may also be the Tibetan form of Ksemankara. 

103. dge-dun-phel. 

104. bsam-rdsogs, ‘one with perfect thinking’, S Sambhuti and adds in 
the note : ‘The Tibetan compound of bsam-rdsogs allows of such a 
translation. But I do not wish to commit to it as the safe one. A 
later Tibetan author has sought to translate it as Dhyana-samskrta 
— cf Thob-yig in the Asiatique Museum, No. 287, Fol 257a, line 3.' 



The great brahmana - s who also worked for the Law were— 
Jaya , 105 
Sujaya , 106 ■ 

Kalyana , 107 

Siddha , 108 

Adarpa , 109 


Yasasvin , 110 
*Pani (Panini), 

Vijna , 111 

Bhadra , 112 

Vararuci , 113 

*Sudra , 114 

Kulika , 115 

Udbhata [-siddhi-svamin] (Mudgaragomin ), 116 
Samkara [-pati ], 117 
Dharmika (? Dharmika ), 118 

105. rgyal-ba. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

106. legs-rgyal. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

107. dge-ba. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

108. grub-pa. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

109. dregs-med. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

110. grags-ldan. V & S Yasika. Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 116) Yasasvin. 

111. mkhas-pa, lit. 'the learned’. V&S Kusala. Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 
109) Vijna. 

112. bzah-po. 

113. mchog-sred. 

114. S Sudra and adds in note that in Bu-ston [Fol 87J the name occurs as 
dmahs-rigs (lit. sudra). P-ed Sutra in transliteration. See Bu-ston 
ii. 116. 

115. rigs-ldan. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

116. mtho-brtsun, V & S Mudgaragomin. But it is an abbreviation of 
mtho-brtsun-grub-rje or Udbhata-siddhisvamin alias Mudgaragomin, 
the author of the Visesa-stava (bsTod 1) and Sarvajria-mahesvara- 
stotra-nama (bsTod 3). See Fol 34A. 

117. bde-byed, an abbreviation of bde-byed-bdag-po or Samkara-pati, the 
author of the Devatisaya-stotra (bsTod 4). See Fol 34A. V&S 

118. chos-ldan. cf Bu-ston ii. 116— Dharmika. 



Virya (? Mahavirya), 119 
Su-visnu, 120 
Madhu, 121 

Vararuci, the second, 122 

Kasijata, 123 


Vasunetra, 124 


Brhaspati, 125 



Bhadrapalita, 126 
Purna 127 and 
Purnabhadra. 128 

Most of the teachers of the Mahayana [ Fol 3B | were so 

highly renowned that, even though not mentioned in this brief 

Table of Contents, they would be known from the subsequent 


The Six Jewels of the Jambudvipa 129 were extremely famous. 

Known as the Great Four were — 

Sura, 130 

Rahula, 131 

119. brtson-lclan. cf Bu-ston ii. 116 — Mahavirya. V Uddyogin. 

120. khyab-jug-bzah, lit. Visnu-bhadra. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. V Su-visnu. 

121. sbrah-rtsi. 

122. mchog-sred-gnis-pa. 

123. gsal-ldan-skye. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

124. nor-gyi-ntig. cf Bu-ston ii. 117. 

125. phur-bu. 

126. bzah-po-bskyahs. 

127. gah-ba. cf Bu-ston ii. 117. 

128. gah-ba-bzah-po. cf Bu-ston ii. 117. 

129. Typically Tibetan form of referring to ‘Nagarjuna, Aryadeva, 
Asanga, Vasubandhu, Dignaga and Dharmaklrti’— See Fol 94A. 

130. dpa'-bo. 

131. sgra-gcan-dsin. 




Gunaprabha 132 and 
Dharmapala 133 

Santideva 134 and *Candragomi were famed among the 
learned as ‘the two wonderful teachers’. 

In India, the two Uttama-s 135 were not famous. Only the 
Tibetans join their names to the list of the Six Jewels. 

The twelve Tantrika teachers of Vikramasila 136 were — 

Jnanapada , 137 

Dlpamkara-bhadra , 138 

*Lahka-jayabhadra , 139 

Sridhara , 140 

*Bha-va-bha (Bhavabhadra ), 141 

Bhavyakirti , 142 


Durjaj'a-candra , 143 
Samaya-vajra , 144 
Tathagata-raksita 145 
Bodhibhadra 146 and 

132. yon-tan- od. 

133. chos-skyoh. 

134. shi-ba-lha. 

135. mchog-gnis. V ‘the two Supremes’. 

136. rnam-gnon-tshul. The usual form for Vikramasila, however, is rnam- 

137. ye-ses-shabs. 

138. mar-me-mdsad-bzah-po . 

139. lahka-rgyal-bzaii. Jayabhadra of Lanka or Ceylon. Tg contains a 
number of works by him on Cakrasamvara : rG vii. 12 ; xiii. 
22-3 ; 33 ; lxxvi. 16 & 20. Of these, the last was composed by 
him in Magadha. 

140. dpal-dsin. 

141. In Fol 127A the name occurs as Bhavabhadra in transliteration. 

142. skal-ldan-grags-pa. 

143. mi-thub-zla-ba. 

144. dam-tshig-rdo-rje. In Fol 127B the name is given as Krsnasamaya- 

145. de-bshin-gsegs-bsruhs. 

146. byaii-chub-bzah-po. 



Kamalaraksita. 147 

Next came various Tantrika teachers like the Six Door-keeper 

The following account will be clearly understood and 
followed if all these are remembered. 


The dependable sources of our knowledge of the royal 
chronology prior to the appearance of our Teacher Samyak- 
sambuddha in this world are the Vinayasastra , 148 Abhinis- 
kramana-sutra 149 and partly also the Lalitavistara , etc. In the 
sasira- s of the tlrthika- s occur the genealogies of innumerable 
kings, sages and other persons belonging to the satya, treta , 
dvapara and kali aeons. However, these are not fully reliable, 
because these are mixed up with errors. Further, since these 
are not related to the history of the True Doctrine— -and there- 
fore are of no value to the seekers of truth in its purity— 
[FoS 4A] I am not mentioning all these here. Nevertheless, 
to name their authoritative sources : the *Bharata consisting of 
over a hundred thousand *sloka- s, the *Ramayana containing a 
hundred thousand *sloka-s, the ** Astadasapurana containing 
over a lakh of *sloka- s, a poetical work consisting of 80,000 150 
*sloka~ s called the * Raghuvamsam, etc. 

I am going to narrate here the account of only those who 
worked for the spread of the Law of the Teacher. 

147. padma-spuh-ba. In Fol 128A the name occurs as Kamalaraksita in 

148. ’ did-ba-luh . V Vinayavastu. 

149. mhon-par-bynh-ba'i-mdo. Kg — Sendai Cat. No. 301. 

150. stoh-phrag-brgyad-bcu. 





At the time when the sayings of the Teacher Samyak- 
sambuddha were collected , 1 the gods offered their praises, 
happiness and prosperity prevailed all over the human world , 2 
both gods and men lived in bliss and the piety of king Ksema- 
darsin 3 --aiso renowned as Ajatasatru 4 — increased spontaneously. 
He brought under control without warfare all the five cities 
excepting only Vaisali . 5 

When the Tathagata and his two disciples 6 , along with 

1. Does this refer to the First Council said to have taken place at 
Rajagrha under the patronage of king Ajatasatru ? The Pali 
Cullavagga does not mention Ajatasatru in its account of the First 
Council ; but the Mahavamsa, the Samanta-pasadika etc do (See 
2500 Years 37). Bu-ston ii. 73ff gives an account of the First 
Council based on the Vinaya-ksudraka-vastu (Kg ’Dul-ba xi — Sendai 
Cat. No 6), in which also Ajatasatru figure^. As to the conditions 
that necessitated the First Council or 'the first collection of the 
sayings’ of the Buddha, Yuan-chuang (See Watters ii. 37) refers to 
the general feeling of doubt and consternation and also of the deep 
sense of sorrow with which the people were overpowered during the 
Buddha’s nirvana ; the Pali sources like the Cullavagga mention the 
general tendency to laxity expressed for example by Subhadda ; the 
Vinaya-ksudralca (quoted by Bu-ston ii. 73) refers to the general 
contempt expressed by the gods who said, 'The Word of the Teacher 
is dispersing like smoke. The monks who possessed authority and 
power have likewise passed away. Therefore the three codes of 
scripture will never come to be expounded.’ 

2. mi'i-jig-rten, i.e. as contrasted with naga-loka etc. 

3. mthoh-ldan-dge-ba. V tr ‘the so-called Ksemadarsin’ and adds in the 
note, ‘The Tibetan word should roughly mean gifted with auspi- 
cious vision’. The idea conveyed is, therefore, very near to 

4. ma-skyes-dgra. 

5. spoh-byed. V & S Vrji. But see D 802 and J 332. For other sources 
on Ajatasatru’s campaign against the Vrjis, see Basham HDA 71ff. 

6. Sariputra and Maudgalyayana, both of whom — as V adds in note — 
died before the Buddha. 

Period of King Ajatasatru 


1,68,000 arhat-s 17 went to eternal sleep and Mahakasyapa 8 also 
attained the nirvana , 9 — everybody was plunged into great grief. 
All the bhiksu-s, who saw the great Teacher in person, 
thought : ‘Because of our own carelessness, we failed to attain 
distinction during the life-time of the Buddha.’ And they 
resolved to devote themselves exclusively to the Doctrine. The 
venerable preceptors also did the same. The younger bhiksu-s, 
who did, not see the Teacher in person, thought : ‘We are 
incapable of practising the Doctrine [Fol 4B] properly, because 
we could never see the Teacher himself. We are likely to be 
misguided if we do not exert ourselves for the Law.’ Thus 
thinking they strove after virtue. 

As a result, there greatly swelled the number of those who 
attained the ‘four stages of perfection’. 10 

Arya Ananda 11 frequently preached to the ‘four classes of 
followers’. 12 Also those who were proficient in the pitaka-s 

7. According to Vinaya-ksudraka quoted by Bu-ston ii. 73, Sariputra had 

80.000 followers, Maudgalyayana 70,000, while the Teacher himself 


8. ’ od-sruhs-chen-po . 

9. V n ‘Mahakasyapa looked after the Law for about ten years.’ 

10. ’ bras-bu-bshi-thob-pa. See J 400 — 'bras-bu, reward of ascetic exercises, 
the various grades of perfection of which four are distinguished, viz. 

1 ) srotapatti — or as practised srotapanna — , i.e. he who enters the 
stream (that takes from the external world to nirvana), 2) sakrdaga- 
nrin, i.e. he who returns once more (for the period of a human birth), 
3) anagamin, i.e. he who returns no more, being a candidate of 
nirvana, 4) arhanta, the arhat, the finished saint. 

V tr ‘the four fruits’ and adds in the note, ‘i.e. the stages of srota- 
pannaka, sakrdagamin, anagamin and arhat.' 

11. kun-dga'-bo. V n ‘The title arya (’ phags-pa ) is added to the early 
patriarchs counted in the succession of the seven.’ 

12. 'khor-rnam-pa-bshi. See J 57 — The attendants of Buddha’s hearers 
divided into four classes (namely, in the earliest times) — 1) dge-sloh 
( bhiksu ), 2) dge-sloh-ma ( bhiksunl ), 3) dge-bsnen ( upasaka ) and 4) 
dge-bshen-ma (upasika). At a later period: 1) mah-thos ( sravaka ), 

2) rah-sahs-rgyas ( pratyeka-buddha ), 3) byaii-chub-sems-dpa' ( bodhi - 
sattva ), 4) so-so' i-skye-bo-rnams ( prthak-jana ), V n ‘bhiksu, bhiksunl, 
sramanera and sramanerika.' 



( pitaka-dhara- s ) expounded the Doctrine. Consequently, the 
ordained monks (pravrajyita- s) lived the life of strict moral care. 

The Teacher entrusted Mahakasyapa with the Law. 13 He 
entrusted drya Ananda with the Law. This was of special 
significance. 14 

The king and all the householders— and also the (other) 
kings, the merit of whose virtue was dffiicult to measure,— 
became disturbed with the multitude of worldly affairs (and) felt 
that previously they saw the foremost Teacher of the world 
while they now could see only his disciples. (Thus) they came to 
realise the preciousness of the buddha, dharma and samgha and 
went on worshipping these with great reverence. They storve 
after virtue and thus disappeared quarrels and conflicts. 

It is said that in this way the world remained virtuous for 
about forty years. 

On about the fifteenth year of drya Ananda’s leadership of 
the Doctrine, the young Suvarnavarna 15 attained arhat- hood. 
His account is already given in the Suvarnavarna-avaddna . 16 

At that time king Ajatasatru thought 1 : Tf even a person 
like Suvarnavarna could smoothly and without difficulty be 
led to arhat- hood by Ananda, he must be a srdvaka 17 like the 
Buddha himself.’ — Thus thinking, he worshipped for five 
years with all sorts of gifts five thousand arhat- s 18 , inclusive of 
drya Ananda.. 

Then came to *Magadha from the [ Fol 5 A ] city of 
*Kimmilimala 19 of the south a brahmana belonging to the 

13. See Supplementary Note No 1 for Tar’s account of Ananda and of 
the succession of the patriarchs as throwing light on his sources. 

14. V omits this sentence in his translation. 

15. gser-mdog-gi-rtogs-brjod. V & S Kanakavarna. 

16. Tg mDo xc 17 Suvarnavarna-avaddna. 

17. nan-thos. 

18. dgra-bcom-pa. 

19. S Kimmilimala and adds in note, which is also quoted by V 'Whether 
here the northern city of Kimpila (which is decidedly a corruption of 
Kampilla) — also mentioned by Vasil’ev in Vinaya vol iii — is to be 
understood or whether it is Krimila, cannot be decided.’ 

Ch. 1. Period of King Ajatasatru 


vicious *Bh£r4dvaja family. 20 He was a great expert in magic 
and entered into a competition of magic power with the monks. 

In the presence of the king and other people, he conjured up 
four hills made of gold, silver, crystal and *vaidurya. Each of 
these had four pleasure-gardens full of jewels. Each of the 
gardens had four lotus ponds full of all sorts of birds. 

Arya Ananda conjured up hordes of wild elephants that 
could not be destroyed. They devoured the lotuses and devas- 
tated the ponds. The trees fell down by a strong blast of wind. 
Nothing remained of the hills or of their boundaries because of 
terrible thunder shower. 

Arya Ananda transformed his own body into five hundred 
bodies. From some of them emitted lustre, some others started 
showering. rain and some others showed the four-fold perfor- 
mances 21 in the sky. From the upper parts of certain other 
bodies came out fire and from their lower parts came out 
streams of water. 

Thus he showed many assorted 22 magical feats like these. 

[ The brahmana of the ] vicious *Bharadvaja family and the 
assembled people were full of reverence. As a result of the 
elaborate exposition of the Doctrine [ by arya Ananda ], eighty 
thousand people, including five hundred brahmana - s like 
*Bharadvaja and others, were led to truth within seven days. 

On another occasion, when arya Ananda was residing at 

20. V & S 'brahmana Bharadvaja beioning to the line of Jambhala.’ But 
this seems to be far-fetched. The text has gnod-pa-can, meaning 
‘the vicious’, which also fits the context. Besides, Bharadvaja being 
a well-known brahmana gotra is itself suggestive of a line of descent. 
S & V mention Jambhala perhaps because of reading the word as 
dsam-bha-la , meaning Jambhala, the god of riches or Pluto — see D 

21. spyod-lam-bshi , the four postures of sitting, lying, standing and wal- 
king— J 335. 

22. ya-ma-zuh. 




Jetavana , 23 the householder called Sanavasika 24 lavishly enter- 
tained the samgha- s for five years. After this, he was ordained 
( pravrajyita ), being instructed by the arya [ Ananda ]. In 
course of time, he became proficient in the three pitaka- s and 
eventually attained arhat- hood, free from the two-fold 
obscurations . 25 

[FoS SB] In this way on various occasions [arya Ananda] 
led to arhat- hood about ten thousand monks. He resided in 
the middle of the *Ganga river, where it flowed between the 
two lands, [viz. Vaisali and Magadha], so tha\: the *Licchavis 
of Vaisali and king Ajatasatru of *Magadha could be equally 
favoured with his relics. Being prayed for ordination ( upa - 
sampada ) 26 by five hundred sages, he miraculously created an 
island in the middle of the river. With his supernatural power 
he got the bhiksu- s to congregate there and within an hour 
led the five hundred sages from the stage of upasampada td 

23. rgyal-byed-kyi-tshal. V n “Bu-ston fol 95 'od-ma’i-tshal or Venuvana.” 

24. sa-na’i-gos-can. V Sanavasa. Variously mentioned as Sanika, Sana- 

/ _ / * / * 
vasa, Sonavasi, Sanavasika and Sanavasika. Yuan-chuang (See 

Watters i. 120) explains the significance of the name with special 
reference to his robes. Yuan-chuang was shown the robe which by 
that time 'suffered some diminution and this was proof to disbelie- 

25. gnis-ka'i-cha-las-rnam-par-grol-ba, i.e. ubhayato-bhaga-vimukti or deli- 
verance from both klesa-avarana and jneya-avarana by the forco of 
samadhi. See N. S. Sastri, Vahyartha-siddhi (Namgyal Institute of 
Tibetology, July 1967) pp 12 & 34. cf also D 333. Dutt EMB 267 — 
the arhat- s are distinguished into two categories, of which the higher 
one comprises of those who have attained emancipation by two 
means, viz. by perfecting himself in the Eight Releases from thought- 
construction and by acquisition of the highest knowledge. They are 
called ubhalo-bhaga-vimukta-arhat-s. The lower category comprises 
of arhat- s who practise 'only the first four meditations and not the 
higher ones nor the releases.’ 

V tr ‘He became proficient first in the three pitaka- s and then in the 
two forms of arhat- hood and attained absolute salvation.’ In the 
note he explains the two forms of arhat- hood as with and without 
abode. S follows this interpretation. 

26. bsnen-par-rdsogs-pa. See D 511. 

Ch. 1. Period of King Ajatasatru 


arhat- hood. That is why, these five hundred were famed as 
the five hundred madhydhnika-s, [i.e. the five hundred that 
reached arhat- hood during mid-day] or the five hundred 
madhyantika- s [i.e. the five hundred that reached arhat-hood in 
mid-stream ]. 27 The foremost of them was known as Maha- 
madhyantika or Maha-madhyahnika. 2s 

After this, he [Ananda] attained nirvana and the relics of 
his mortal body were burnt by self-kindled fire. The ashes 
of his bones assumed the form of two balls of gems and were 
carried by the waves to the two shores of the river. The 
northern one was taken by the Yrjis 29 and the southern one 
by Ajatasatru. They built caitya- s 30 [containing these relics] in 
their respective countries. 

Ananda served the Law for forty years. The next year 

Ajatasatru also died. After being born for a while in the 

hell , 31 he died again there and was reborn in heaven. He 


listened to the doctrine from drya Sanavasika and entered the 
stream [i.e. attained the first stage of perfection, viz. that of 
srotdpatti ]. Thus it is said . 32 

The first chapter containing the account 
of the period of king Ajatasatru . 

27. cf Bu-ston ii. 89ff 

28. V & S n : Both the Tibetan words ni-ma-guh-pa and chu-clbus-pa 
appear to be based on Pali majjhantiko.' 

29. spoh-byed-pa. V ‘the inhabitants of VaisalP. 

30. Yuan-chuang was shown these caitya- s. See Watters ii. 80 : ‘Here 
(i.e. the Svetapura monastery near Vais all) were two topes, one on 
the north and one on the south side of the river, to mark the spots at 
which Ananda on going into extinction, gave one half of his bodily 
relics to Magadha and the other half to Vesali.’ Fa-hien gives 
practically the same legend of Ananda’s nirvana — See Legge 75f. 

31. Here at last Taranatha shows that he is not totally unaware of the 
dark deeds of the king. Interestingly, Kg contains a work called 
Ajata'satru-Kaukrtya-Vinodana — see Bu-ston i. 41. 

32. The typical Tibetan way of referring to something as a hearsay, 
about the authenticity of which the author himself takes no responsi- 
bility. The expression corresponds to the Chinese huo-yue — See 
Watters ii. 97. 






After that, Subahu, son of king Ajatasatru, ascended the 
throne and worshipped the Law of the Buddha for about 
seventeen 1 years. 

At that time, ary a Sanavasika looked after the Law for a 
brief period. However, during this period mainly ary a 
Madhyantika, 2 residing in *Varanasi, expounded the agama - s 
to the Tour classes of followers’ and preached the doctrine to 
the householders and brahmana-s. 

Once upon a time, many brahmana-s and householders of 
*Varanasi [Fol 6A] became annoyed with the bhiksu-s, who 
were begging for alms. They said to them, Ts there no other 
place to get the alms from ? Has *Varanasi alone any surplus 
to offer ? And if we feed you, are you not obliged to give us 
something in return ?’ 

On hearing all these, ary a Madhyantika, along with his ten 
thousand arhat followers, flew through the sky and reached 
*Usira 3 hill on the north. There a householder, called *Aja, 
arranged for the congregation of the samgha - s all around 4 

1. V & S 'ten years’, because S-ed has lo-bcu (ten years) ; but the 
P-ed has lo-bcu-bdun (seventeen years). 

2. V & S Madhyantika (passim), though in the text occurs ni-ma-guii-pa, 
literally 'the person of the mid-day’ or madhyahnika. 

3. V n (quoted by S) : 'It is said in the Vinaya that the Buddha, before 
his nirvana, had left Ananda in Rohitaka and himself went towards 
the north along with Vajrapani. The first object which appeared to 
him from afar was the Uslra mountain. The Buddha predicted that 
hundred years after him there would bean arena for the religious 
people there in the Tamasa forest on this mountain. Yuan-chuang 
also speaks of the cloister Tamasavana in the kingdom of Tehi-ma- 
po-ti.’ Cf Watters ii. 308 ; BA i. 23 ; Bu-ston ii. 109. 

4. phyogs-bshVi, lit. 'of the four directions’, an equivalent of Sanskrit 

Ch. 2. Period of King Subahu 


and entertained them for one year. Forty-four thousand 
arhat - s assembled there. For this reason, the Law was spread 
more extensively in the north. 

In this way, Madhyantika preached the Doctrine for three 
years in *Usira. 

At that time, arya Sanavasika resided at Sravasti. 5 As the 
result of his preaching the Doctrine to the ‘four classes of 
followers’, the number of the arhat - s there reached nearly a 

Earlier, during the time of king Ajatasatru, there lived two 
persons who, though brahmana by birth, were extremely tough, 
wicked, sinful and were indifferent to the purity and impurity 
of food. They used to kill all sorts of animals. They were 
called *Pana and *Nava. 6 

They committed theft in some houses and were therefore 
punished by the king. 7 This made them extremely angry. So 
they offered midday meals to many arhat-?, and prayed, ‘By 
virtue of this act, may we be reborn as yaksa-s and plunder 8 
the king and people of *Magadha’. 

After some time, these two persons died in an epidemic 
[Fol 6B] and were reborn as yaksa-s . On the seventh or eighth 
year of the reign of king Subahu, they became very powerful 
yaksa-s of *Magadha and caused a terrible epidemic to spread 
in the country. A large number of persons and cattle perished. 
But the epidemic did not subside. 

When the astronomers came to know the cause of this 

[epidemic], the citizens of *Magadha succeeded in inviting 

Sanavasika from Sravasti and entreated him to overpower the 

two yaksa-s. 

* / 

He [Sanavasika] came to the *Gurva hill 9 and took shelter 
in the cave in which these two yaksa-s were residing. At 

5. mlian-yod. 

6. Y & S Napa. S-ed Napa. P-ed Nava. 

7. V & S ‘their hands were chopped off’. This translation is because 

S-ed has lag-pa-bcad-pa, instead of which P-ed has chad-pas-bcad-pa 


8. V tr ‘take revenge on’. 

9. A corruption of Gurupada, which was the other name of Kukkuta- 

pada — see Watters ii. 143. 



that time, these yaksa-s had gone to other yaksa- s and were 

called back by a friend of theirs, who was also a yaksa. 

On returning, they smashed in a terrible fury the stones 

that formed the cave. But there emerged another cave and 

ary a Sanavasika was seen sitting within it. This happened 

thrice. Then these two [yaksa- s] set fire [to the cave]. But the 

arhat covered all the ten directions with greater flames. The 

two yaksa-s got scared and tried to escape. But they could find 

no way out because of the flames all around. When they 

surrendered to Sanavasika, the flames got extinguished. After 

this, he [Sanavasika] preached the Doctrine to them. They 
became full of great devotion and were led to sarana-gamana 
and s iksa. 10 

Immediately after this, the epidemic came to an end. 

Thousands of brahmana- s and householders thus witnessed 
* / 

the miraculous power [of Sanavasika]. 

The second chapter containing the 
account of the period of king Subahu. 

10. bslab-pa' i-gnas — see D 1324, V n ‘i.e. the promise to respect the 
Doctrine and to learn its dogmas. Even today, this is the attitude 
that the lay devotees adopt to Buddhism.’ 

Ch. 3. Period of King Sudhanu 




After the death of this king [Subahii], his son Sudhanu suc- 
ceeded him. At that time there took place the conversion of 
Kashmir by Madhyantika. 1 

By his miraculous power, Madhyantika went to Kashmir 
and settled on the shore of a lake where lived the Nagas. 2 The 
furious Naga king *Audusta 3 and his attendants [Foil 7 A] 
caused a terrible storm 4 and rain, but could not shake even l a 

3. For legends of the conversion of Kashmir by Madhyantika given by 
Yuan-chuang and others, see Watters i. 230,239,260ff. cf also Bu-ston 
ii. 89 ; BA i. 23. V n ‘For the spread of Buddhism in Kashmir, see 
L. Feer in Journal Asiatique, December 1865. We do not think that 
it is necessary to regard the arrival of Madhyantika here as a pure 
historical fact. The beginning of the introduction of the religion in 
all the countries lias always been considered earlier than the facts 
actually taking place. For example, in this history itself, we find a 
reference to the prevalence of mysticism at a time when it was still 
not there in India. In China, in Tibet and in Ceylon — everywhere 
the appearance of Buddhism is attributed to an earlier date in various 
histories.’ S quotes this note. 

2. cf Watters i. 264-5. 

3. S n ‘In other sources, the name of the naga-raja is stated otherwise — 
cf. L. Feer in Journal Asiatique 1865, p. 498ff.’ Przyluski 5 : the 
name given as Hu-lu-t’u in the Vinaya of the Mula-sarvastivadls. BA 
i. 23 Audusta. cf Watters i. 229-30, ‘We read in the Sarvata Vinaya 
that the Buddha on a certain occasion near the end of his career, took 
with him his attendant yaksa named Vajrapani and went through the 
air to the country beyond the Indus to subdue and convert this 
dragon (Apalala)...In a Vinaya treatise apparently from Pali sources, 
we read of a dragon called Alapalu in Kapin (Kashmir), who is over- 
come and converted by the great arhat Madhyantika (Majjhantika) 
who had come as an apostle to introduce Buddhism. This legend 
seems to be a version of the story here narrated (by Yuan-chuang : 
Watters i. 229), Majjhantika taking the place of the Buddha.’ 

4. S omits ‘storm’, though both S-ed and P-ed have rdsi-char-drag-po 
(rain and storm). 



corner of his [Madhyantika’s] robe. The rain of weapons let 
loose by them changed into a shower of flowers. So the Naga 
king appeared in person and asked, ‘Oh arya, what exactly do 
you want ?’ 

He replied, ‘Give me a plot of land/ 

‘How much of land ?’ 

‘Just enough for a seat with legs crossed .’ 5 
‘So let it be yours.’ 

With his miraculous power, he covered nine valleys of 
Kashmir by his single sitting posture. 

The Naga asked, ‘How many attendants are there with the 
ary a ?’ 

‘Five hundred.’ 

‘If it is less even by one, I shall take back the land.’ 

The Teacher [Buddha] had predicted 6 that this place was go- 
ing to be fit for vipasyana . 7 [Madhyantika] thought : ‘ Brahma - 
na- s and householders should also be made to settle here, 
because the donors and donees should exist together.’ Thus 
thinking, he brought to Kashmir five hundred- Madhyantika 

5. skyil-kruh, the posture of sitting cross-legged— J 27. 

6. On this prophecy, see Watters i, 264. Przyluski 5 notes a contradiction 
tm this point in the Vinaya of the Mula-sarvastivadi-s : ‘Speaking to 
Vajrapani at the spot where the monastery of the Dark Forest was to 
be set up, the Buddha says, “For the study of samatha this will be the 
best place.” And when he travels through Kashmir, the Buddha says 
with reference to the place where Madhyantika was later to subdue 
the naga Hu-lu-t’u, “The most important of the monasteries for the 
cultivation of vipasyana shall be established there.” Later, showing 
to Ananda the future site of the Nata-Bhata monastery in the country 
of Mathura, he makes the following prediction : “Among the habita- 
tions of those who practise the methods of samatha and vipasyana, 
this will be the premier one,” It will be seen to what extent these 
compilers were negligent and without scruple. After having attributed 
to the Buddha two prophecies destined to exalt the monasteries 
of the northern region, they have carelessly reproduced an ancient 
text that contradicts the previous assertion !’ 

7. lhag-mthoit. V n ‘Contemplation in which the mind is engrossed in 
metaphysical thought.’ cf J 474 — implies an absolute inexcitability 
of mind and a deadening of it against any impression from without, 

Ch. 3. Period of King Sudhanu 


followers 8 from *Ustra and also many a hundred-thousand 
brahmana - s and householders highly devoted to the Doctrine 
from *VaranasI. After this, there gradually assembled a large 
number of persons from various directions. 

Even during the lifetime of Madhyantika himself, the coun- 
try [Kashmir] became ornamented with a large number of 
samgha - s living in nine big towns, many hilly villages, one pala- 
ce and twelve monasteries. From there he went to the Gandha- 
madana 9 mountain with his miraculous power and, accompa- 
nied by the people of Kashmir, subdued the Nagas there with 
charmed tire. 

[The Nagas] promised to give him that quantity of saffron 10 
[field] which could be covered by the shadow of his [stretched 
out] robe. Then the arhat enlarged his robe with miraculous 
power and all the people [i.e. his followers] collected the saffron 
[? saplings 11 ]. In a moment [they] returned to Kashmir. 

By converting Kashmir [FoS 7B] into a saffron-producing 
land, he told them, ‘This is going to be the main source for 
increasing your wealth.’ 

Thus saying, he converted all the inhabitants of Kashmir 
into the followers of the Law and attained nirvana . 

It is said that he preached the Doctrine in Kashmir for 
about twenty years. 

At the time of Madhyantika’s departure for Kashmir, arya 
Sanavasika preached the Doctrine to the ‘four classes of follow- 
ers’ in the six cities. 

After reigning for twentythree years, king Sudhanu passed 

combined with an absorption in the idea of Buddha or which in the 
end amounts to the same thing, in the idea of emptiness and nothing- 
ness. This is the aim to which the contemplating Buddhist aspires, 
when placing an image of Buddha as rten ( caitya ) before him, he 
looks at it immovably, until every other thought is lost and no sensual 
impressions from the outer world any longer reach or affect his mind. 

8. cf Watters i. 267 

9. ri-spos-had-ldan. cf Watters i. 262, for the legend of Madhyantika 
bringing saffron from Gandhamadana to Kashmir. 

10. gur-gum, 

11. V adds ‘on which the shadow fell.’ 



away. Then his officers and attendants, numbering two thou- 
sand 12 in all, received ordination ( pravrajya ) under Sanavasika. 
Along with numerous people including them, he spent the rainy 
season 13 ( varsa-vasa ) in the crematorium of Sitavana . 14 During 
the pravarona , 15 he took them to show the crematorium itself. 
This led them to attain the a suci-samadhi , 16 Purifying their 
mind of all desires, it instantly led them to arhat-hood. 

After this, Upagupta , 17 son of Gupta 18 the incense-seller, 
had the realisation of the Truth immediately after being ordained 
( upasampada ). Within seven days, he attained the ubhayato- 
bhaga-vimukta arhat- hood . 19 

12. S ‘one thousand’, though both S-ed and P-ed have gnis-stoh (two 
thousand). V ‘about two thousand.' 

13. dbyar-gnas, literally ‘summer residence’. S also takes it in this sense. 
V tr ‘ varsaka time’. For such rendering of the varsa-vasa, however, 
see Watters i. 144-5. cf also Legge 10 n ; 1-Tsing (Takakusu) 85f. 

14. bsil-ba'i-tshal. 

15. dgag-dbye. V ‘period of permission’. V n ‘a kind of festival at the end 
of the rainy season when the monks were allowed to come out. Jn 
Vinaya also, there is a separate section on it.’ cf J 94 ; I-Tsing 
(Takakusu) 86f. 

16. mi-sdug-pa'i-tih-he-dsin. J 293 ‘contemplating one’s self and the world 
as a foul putrid carcass. V n ‘Here it means artificial representation 
to oneself of every surrounding thing and finally of the whole world 
in the form of a deadbody, which blackens, decays — in 9 forms in all. 
These representations are sometimes three-fold : initial, purifying and 
the final. That is why there is a reference to the corresponding 
representations here.’ 

17. ne-sbas. In the account of Tar, Upagupta, the apostle of Mathura, is 
converted by Sanavasika, who is also an apostle of Mathura. Thus, 
he follows here what Przyluski calls the tradition recorded in the 
Asokavaddna, described by him as ‘Eulogy and lllustriousness of the 
Church of Mathura’ (Przyluski 3, 7). By contrast, according to the 
tradition of Kashmir, as recorded in the Vinaya of the Mula-sarvasti- 
vadl-s, Upagupta is converted by Madhyantika, the. apostle of 
Kashmir (ib 3). This, as Przyluski argues, is the result of the later 
tendency of the monks of Kashmir to glorify their own centre, cf the 
prophecy of Ananda in Vinaya-ksudraka quoted by Bu-ston ii. 88-9. 

18. S omits. Gupta. But both S-ed and P-ed have sbas-pa (gupta). cf 
Przyluski 4 ; Bu-ston ii. 88-9. 

19. V ‘salvation in both forms of arhat- hood.’ 

Ch. 3. Period of King Sudhanu 



Entrusting Upagupta with the Law, he [Sanavasika] himself 
attained nirvana in *Campa. 

The number of those who realised the Truth as a result of 
Sanavasika’s preaching amounted to about a lakh and the num- 
ber of the arhat- s also reached about ten thousand. 

According to the tradition of Kashmir, Madhyantika also 
must be counted as one in the succession of teachers who were 
entrusted with the Law, because while living in the madhya- 

de'sa he looked after the Law for fifteen years. At that time, 

the disciples of drya Sanavasika were few in number. Only 

after Madhyantika’s departure for Kashmir, Sanavasika looked 

after the Law. [FoS 8A] Therefore, it is said that the successors 

of (those entrusted with) the Law should be counted as eight. 

According to others, the Teacher had himself predicted that 

Madhyantika was to convert Kashmir. So Ananda directly 

instructed him to do so. However, Ananda entrusted only 

Sanavasika with the Law. Therefore, only seven are to be 
counted in this line of succession. , The Tibetans follow this 
view. 20 

The third chapter containing the 
account of the period of king Sudhanu. 

20. See Supplementary Note 1 (on the patriarchs). 






Then Upagupta crossed the *Ganga and proceeded to the 
north. He reached Videha , 1 a country on the western side of 
*Tirahuti . 2 There he resided in a monastery built by a house- 
holder called *Vasusara, who was entertaining the samgha - s all 
around. He (Upagupta) spent the rainy season there, and, 
because of his preachings during these three months [of varsa- 
vasa ], the number of those who attained arhat - hood became 
one thousand. After this, he went to the great mountain *Gan- 
dhara 3 and led many people to [the realisation of] truth by 
preaching the Doctrine. 

From there he went next to the city of Mathura on the north- 
western border of the madhya-deka. During that time, at the 
portal of Mathura 4 where people used to assemble, the Malla 
chiefs 5 — the merchants *Nata and *Bhanta 6 — were talking to 
each other. They praised arya Upagupta and thought how 
much desirable it would have been if arya Upagupta took his 


residence at the monastery built by them on the *Sira 7 hill 
/ _ 

during the time, of arya Sanavasika. 

1. lus~phags. 

2. i.e. Tlrabhukti. Tar throughout refers to it as Tirahuti. 

3. S-ed Gandha, P-ed Gandhara. S n ‘it is definitely Gandhamadana.’ 

4. bcom-brlag. 

5. gyad-kyi-gtso-bo. J 74 gyad, an equivalent of Sanskrit Malla, the 
name of a people. V tr gtso-bo as ‘chief’ and gyad as ‘Malla’. 
Hence the expression is rendered by him as ‘the Malla chiefs — the 
merchants Nata and Bhata’. cf Bu-ston ii. 88, ‘Nata and Pata, sons 
of a merchant’ ; Watters ii. 44. 

6. P-ed Bhanta. 

7. cf Watters i. 308 : ‘In some books the hill on which was the Nata- 
bata vihara occupied by Upagupta is called Sira or Usira, although 
we also have mention of the Usira hill without any reference to a 
cave or monastery. This Usira hill was at the side of the Urumunda 

Ch. 4. Period of Arya Upagupta 


They saw then arya Upagupta coming from a distance and 
they said, ‘Ah, this one coming here from afar and looking 
self-controlled and brilliant must be arya Upagupta. 5 

[ Fol 8B ] Saying this to each other, they moved forward 
to welcome him, bowed down before him and addressed him 
thus, ‘Art thou arya Upagupta ?’ 

‘So am I known in this world’, said he. 

They offered him the Nata-bhatika vihara 8 on the mount 


*Sira fully furnished with all requirements. When he preached 
the Doctrine there, many ordained monks and householders 
were led to the realisation of the Truth. 

On another occasion, as he was preaching the Doctrine to 
several lakhs of people, the evil Mara 9 showered rice 10 on the 

This drew many people away from the congregation [to the 
city]. Others went on listening to the sermons. On the second 

hill and the latter name may have included the two hills and the wood 
or forest adjoining.’ Bu-ston ii. 88 mentions the hill as Murunda ; in 
BA i. 23 it is called Slrsa-parvata. 

8. gar-mkhan-dpad-bo'i-gtsug-lag-khah. V & S Nata-bhatika vihara. V n 

‘In the Tibetan-Sanskrit Dictionary, we find the word Nata corres- 
ponding to the Tibetan word gar-mkhan. But the Tibetan word 
dpa’-bo, "knight”, does not have any suitable equivalent, which 
should mean bhatad For other names in which this monastery was 
mentioned, see Watters i. 309 : ‘This Upagupta monastery is appa- 
rently the Cream Village vihara of a Vinaya treatise, one of the many 
Buddhist establishments mentioned as being in the Mathura district. 
It may also perhaps be the Guha-vihara of the Lion Pillar Inscriptions. 
We find it called the Natika-samgharama, and the Nata-bata (or 
Nati-bati) vihara, as already stated, and the Nata-bhatikaranyaya- 
tana of the Divyavadanad 

9. bdiul-sdig-can. S Mara-Papiya. cf BA i. 23 : Upagupta subduing Mara, 
the sinner. The account of the conversion of Mara by Upagupta, 
argues Przyluski 7, was evidently designed in the Asokavadaiia to 
glorify Upagupta : ‘The Buddha had not certainly converted Mara, 
the personification of evil. He had done this in order to leave to 
Upagupta the glory of carrying this difficult enterprise to a successful 

10. S fruit, but both S-ed and P-ed have ’bras (rice) and not ’ bras-bu 
(fruit). V bread. 



day, when [Mara] showered clothes, many more people went 
away to the city. In the same way, there was a shower of silver 
on the third, of gold on the fourth and of sapta-ratna 11 on the 
fifth day. The number of listeners was reduced, to insignifi- 

On the sixth 12 day, Mara himself assumed the form of a 
celestial dancer 13 . His wife, 14 sons and daughters appeared as 
celestial singers and dancers and thus there entered the city 
thirtysix males and females in the guise of celestial actors. 
Distracted by the magic of the dance and sweet tunes of vocal 
and instrumental music [everybody left the congregation] and 
there was none left to listen to the Doctrine 15 . 

Then arya Upagupta himself went to the city. ‘Ah, the 
foremost ones, how wonderful is your performance ! I have 
garlands to offer you.’ Thus saying he put garlands on the 
heads and necks of all of them. 

By the miraculous power of the arya, the bodies of the evil 
one and of his associates immediately turned into aged, decayed 
and ugly ones, wearing tattered rags [ Fol 9 A ] with decom- 
posed corpses on their heads and rotten ,dead dogs hanging 
from their necks. There was stink all around. He turned the 
whole scene into a nauseating one. The people, who were yet 
to be free from passion, covered their noses and turned back in 
anger, fear and disgust. 

Then Upagupta asked, ‘Oh evil one, why did you harm my 
followers ?’. 

11. rin-po-che-sna-bdun. 

12. S ‘seventh day’, but both S-ed and P-ed have ni-ma-drug-pa (sixth 

13. V ‘celestial actor’ and adds in the note, ‘i.e. not a simple actor. It 
appears that this word should mean something more than a good 
actor. We will find later a reference to celestial architects and 

14. V & S omit ‘wife’, because S-ed does not contain chuh-ma, which 
occurs in P-ed. 

15. V tr ‘And with their performances, magical arts, melodious songs and 
music so captivated (lit. transformed) the hearts of all, that not a 
single (person) was left to listen to the Doctrine.’ 

Ch. 4. Period of Arya Upagupta 


‘Forgive us, please, oh arya , and free us from our fetters.’ 

Upagupta said, C I shall do this if you do not try to harm 
my followers [any more].’ 

£ I shall do no harm even though I perish.’ 

Immediately, Mara’s body resumed its usual form. He said, 
‘1 caused injuries with all my power to *Gautama while he was 
in Bodhimanda 16 (Vajrasana). Yet he remained undisturbed 
in his meditation on compassion. But in spite of being the 
followers of *Gautama, you are violent and aggressive. You, 
arya, have put us under fetters as soon as we tried the slightest 

Then Upagupta, preaching the Doctrine even to the evil 
Mara, said, ‘I had vision only of the dharma-kaya 17 of the 
Teacher, but I never saw him in his rupa-kaya . 18 You, how- 
ever, have seen him, oh evil one. Therefore, show me his 
physical form.’ 

When he (Mara) assumed the physical form of the Teacher, 
arya Upagupta became full of profound reverence. His hairs 
stood on end in ecstasy, his eyes were full of tears. He placed 
his folded hands on his head and said, ‘I bow down to the 

Unable to bear this, the evil Mara fell down unconscious 
and then vanished. 

Thus was born a great reverence in all the people, who, as a 
result of the merit of their past virtue, [ Fo! 9B ] assembled 
there from all directions. As a consequence of his preaching 
the Doctrine throughout the sixth night [beginning] from that 
of the showering of rice, eighteen lakhs of people were led to 
the realisation of the Truth on the seventh day. 

He (Upagupta) spent the rest of his life in the Nata-bhatika 

16. byaii-chub-snih-po. See J 374 & D 884. Yuan-chuang (Watters ii. 114-5) 
‘The name is derived from the fact that here the 1000 Buddhas of this „ 
kalpa go into the vajra-samadhi ; as they attain bod hi at this spot, it 
is also called the Bodhi Arena ( tao-ch'ang , i.e. Bodhimandala or 

17. chos-kyi-sku. 

18. gzugs-kyi-sku. 



vihara. There was a cave there, eighteen cubits 19 in length, 
twelve in breadth and six in height. Each of the ordained 
monks who attained arhat-hood by virtue of his preaching, used 
to throw one wooden chip four inches long into the cave. In this 
way, the cave was so filled up with such wooden chips that no 
passage remained and, after some time, when arya Upagupta 
attained the pari-nirvana, his body was cremated with these . 20 
His relics were collected together and, it is said, it was taken 
away by the gods. 

The Teacher himself had predicted that he (Upagupta) was 
to be a Buddha without the laksana- s . 21 This meant that though 
without the laksana - s and vyanjana - s of the Buddha, he was simi- 
lar to the Buddha in his compassion for the living beings. After 
the nirvana of the Tathagata, nobody surpassed him in compa- 
ssion for the living beings. 

The period during which Upagupta served the Law was mainly 
the period of nine years’ rule over most of the regions of Apa- 
rantaka 22 by king Mahendra, son of king Sudhanu, and the 

19. khru, literally the measure from the elbow to the extremity of the 
middle finger. But D 172 takes it roughly as a cubit. Similarly, sor 
literally means the finger, but D 1286 takes sor-bshi-pa as roughly 
equivalent to 4 inches in measure. BA i. 23 gives the measurement 
of the cave as 18 cubics in length and 12 cubics in width. For other 
measurements of the cave, see Watters i. 307 : ‘Connected with the 
monaste y was the cave in which the disciples converted by Upagup- 
ta’s teaching, on their attainment of arhal- ship, deposited each a slip 
of wood or bamboo. ..Its dimensions vary in different books, one 
authority making it 18 chou ( chou : 1'5 ft.) by 12 chou wide and 7 chou 
high. In our pilgrim’s (Yuan-chuang’s) description, we should pro- 
bably regard “above 20 feet high” as a mistake for “above 20 feet 
long”, other writers giving the length as 24 or 27 feet, the height being 
about 9 or 10 feet.’ 

20. cf Watters i. 307, ‘When he (Upagupta) died, all the tallies deposited 
by these arhat-s were taken away and used at his cremation. Yet 
Yuan-chuang would have us believe that he saw them still filling up 
the cave !’ 

21. a-laksana-buddha. cf Watters i. 311 ; Bu-ston ii. 89. Przyluski 7 
quotes the prediction as occurring in the Asokavadana. 

22. ni-og-gi-rgyal-khams. See D 481 & J 187. 

Ch. 4. Period of Arya Upagupta 


period of twentytwo years’ rule by his (Mahendra’s) son 

Now, there lived in eastern India an arhat named Uttara. 23 
King Mahendra had great reverence for him. The people of 
*Bagala 24 . built for him a monastery in the region of Kukkuta- 
pala 25 and offered it to him. It became famous as Kukkuta- 
arama. 26 As a result of his many sermons to numerous people 
belonging to the ‘four classes of followers’ of Aparantaka, 
[Fol 10A] a large number of them were led to the attainment of 
the ‘four stages of perfection’. 

His foremost disciple was arhat Yasah 27 . 

Shortly after king *Camasa had ascended the throne after 
the death of king Mahendra, there lived in *Magadha a brahma- 
nn-woman called *Jahsa, who was then about one hundred and 
twenty years old. She had three sons, called Jaya, Sujaya and 

The first of them was a worshipper of the god Mahadeva, 28 

23. bla-ma. cf Watters ii. 224-5. 

24. P-ed Bagala, S-ed Bamgala. S 'people of Bagala’, V 'people of the 
whole country.’ 

25. bya-gag-skyoh-ba'i-ljohs. S n ‘The word-for-word translation of the 
Tibetan text should be Kukkuta-pada. Other sources ascribe the buil- 
ding of the vihara to king Asoka.’ But S-ed also has skyoh-ba, lit. 
‘pala’. Przyluski 173f Kukkuta-pada. V 'a monastery equipped with 
birds’, cf Watters ii. 143ff, where Yuan-chuang refers to it as the 
Kukkuta-pada or Guru-pada Hill : ‘The mountain here called by our 
pilgrim as Cock’s Foot and Sage’s Foot is also called Wolf’s Traces, 
i.e. perhaps Koka-pada.’ Watters’ note ‘The Wolf’s Traces Moun- 
tain was apparently part of Grdhrakuta.’ 

26. bya-gag-gi-kun-dga'-m-ba, literally ‘the bird grove’, cf Watters ii. 
98f : both Yuan-chuang and Fa-hien place the monastery to the 
south-east of Pataliputra. According to Yuan-chuang it was built by 
Asoka. Watters adds, ‘There was an earlier Kukkutarama near 
Pataliputra, probably only huts in the park. Asoka may have built 
a monastery on this ancient site. There was also another Kukkuta- 
rama near KausambI in the Buddha’s time.’ 

27. grags-pa. 

28. lha-chen-po-dbah-phyug. V & S Mahesvara. 



the second of the sage Kapila 29 and the third of Samyak-sambu- 
ddha. They studied their respective doctrines thoroughly and 
used to argue among themselves every day in the same house. 

Their mother once said, ‘I provide you with food and cloth- 
ing, leaving you nothing more to want. Why, then, do you 
always argue ?’ They replied, ‘We do not argue for the sake of 
food etc. What we argue about are the right teacher and the 
right doctrine.’ 

Their mother said, ‘If you fail to discriminate with your 
own intellect between the right and wrong teacher or doctrine 
better ask other scholars about these.’ 

Obeying the mother, they went about many places and made 
enquiries. They failed to find anybody who could convince 
them. At last they came to arhat Uttara and each of them 
placed his view elaborately before him. 

Jaya and Sujaya first narrated how Mahadeva was praised 
for destroying Tripura and how Kapila had the terrible power 
of cursing. But the sramana *Gautama could not curse and 
therefore it was obvious that his penance was fruitless. He 
could not overpower the asura 30 and hence his might was 

To this, the arhat [ Fol 10B ] replied, 

‘What does penance mean to one that allows 
the mind to be agitated with anger and leads it 
to curse others ? Even the evil, immoral and 
violent dakini- s and raksasa - s can curse. It is 
extremely foolish to try to kill those who, even 
without being killed, chained or beaten, are 
inevitably going to die. That is like a stupid 
person who threatens the setting sun with his 
stick and boasts that he has driven it away. 

Listen further, Oh brahmana - s : The Buddha 
strives for the welfare of the world. Non-vio- 
lence is his Doctrine. He who has faith in him 

29. ser-skya. 

30. V tr 'the masses’, because, as he says in the note, he reads the word 
as Ita-min (instead of lha-min, which occurs in the text). 

Ch. 4. Period of Arya Upagupta 41 

and follows him, always speaks of non-violence. 
Working ever for others’ welfare, he attains 
enlightenment. Being non-violent, he always acts 
in the virtuous way. He teaches also his follo- 
wers to act for the welfare [of others]. One 
listening to his words — be one a brahmana or 
sramana — can never find any harm in these. 

Such are the maxims of universal virtue. [By 
contrast], the religion of Mahadeva is of 
one who is cruel and loves to live in the cre- 
matorium, eats the flesh, fat and marrow of 
the human body and by nature is violent and 
revels in killing. His doctrine, being the doctrine 
of violence, is defiled. Even to have faith in it 
amounts to the practice of violence. How can 
any sensible person have reverence for it ? If 
mere courage is virtue, why are not the lions 
and tigers worshipped ? Tranquillity of mind 
alone is real virtue.’ 

(This passage occurs in the text in the form of a verse) 

Such was the first sermon [of the arhat). Thereafter he 
delivered otner [Fol 11A] sermons illustrating the difference 
between virtue and vice in five hundred ways. These two brah- 
mana-s also realised the truth of all these and were filled with 
great reverence for the tri-ratna. The young brahmana Kalyana, 
who was already devout, became all the more devoted. 

Thus, agreeing among themselves, the three went back to 
their home and addressed their mother, 'All of us have realised 
the virtue of the Buddha. So each of us want to build a temple 
for placing the image of the Teacher. Show us, mother, the 
land for these.’ 

When the mother showed them the places, the brahmana 
Jaya built a temple for the image [of the Buddha] at * Varanasi, 
the place of the Turning of the Wheel ( dharma-cakra-pravartana ). 

The vihara- s in which the Teacher had himself lived, being 




essentially supernatural phenomena, had to disappear with the 
withdrawal of the miracle [i.e. the Buddha’s nirvana]. In the eyes 
of mortals, however, there was then no trace of these because 
of destruction, devastation and other causes [lit. evils]. 

The brahmana Sujaya built a temple with the image [of the 
Buddha] in Venuvana 31 in Rajagrha. 32 Kalya na, the youngest 
brahmana, built the *Gandhola of Vajrasana 33 with the Maha- 
bodhi 34 in it. Those who built this were celestial architects 
appearing in human form. [At the time of making the image] 
the brahmana Kalya n a and the celestial architects shut them- 
selves within the temple with the materials for making the 
Mahabodhi. Nobody was permitted to enter it for seven days. 
On the sixth day, the mother of the three brahmana brothers 
came and knocked at the door. Tt is now not more than six 
days and the door can be opened only tomorrow morning’, 
[they said from inside the temple]. The mother said, ‘I am 
going to die tonight. In the world today, I alone survive who 
personally have seen [Fol 11 B] the Buddha. Therefore, others 
in the future will not be able to determine whether the image is 
in the likeness of the Tatbagata or not. So you must open the 
door.’ 35 

When she had said thus and the door was opened, the archi- 
tects vanished. A close examination of the image showed overall 
likeness with the Teacher. However, there were discrepancies 

3 1 . ’ od-mdi-tshal . 

32. rgyal-po'i-khab. 

33. rdo-rje-gdan. 

34. byah-chub-cheti-po. 

35. cf Watters ii. 116 for other legends about the making of the image : 
‘The pilgrim (Yuan-chuang) goes on to tell the wonderful story of 
the image of Buddha made by Maitreya in the disguise of a Brahmin. 
This artist asked only for scented clay, and a lamp and to be left 
alone in the Temple for six months. When this time was up, except 
four days four months as in some texts), the people became 
curious, and opened the door to see. They found the beautiful like- 
ness complete, except for one little piece about the right breast, but 
the artist had disappeared.’ For Chag lo-tsa-ba’s account of the 
legend, see Roerich SW 525fF. 

Ch. 4. Period of Arya Upagupta 


in three aspects. These were : no halo radiated from it, it was 
not preaching the Doctrine and, except for sitting, it did not 
,show the three other attitudes. That is why it is [generally] 
said that this image resembled the real Buddha. Since full 
seven days could not be devoted to the construction of the 
image, its iconographical lacuna consisted, according to some, 
in the toe of the right foot ; according to others, it was in the 
curl of the hair turning towards the right. So it appears that 
these two were later added to the image. But it is known that 
the *pandita-s say that [the iconographical] lacunae consisted 
in the lack of hair on the body and the failure to make the 
robe remain without touching the body. * Pandita Ksemendra- 
bhadra 36 is of the same opinion. 

36. sa-dbah-bzah-po. An authority frequently referred to by Tar, whose 
historical work forms one of the most important sources of his own 
history. Unfortunately, Tar nowhere gives the Indian form of his 
name nor mentions the title of his historical work. V & S reconstruct 
the original Indian name as Ksemendra and add in the note that he 
was the same Ksemendra as mentioned by Burnouf 555. In Fol 22A, 
Tar mentions another of his own sources as Kalpalata. Przyluski 
thinks that it must be another work by the same author and this 
Kalpalata is nothing but an abbreviated form of the well-known 
Avadana-Icalpalata by Ksemendra ( Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta 1940). 
Therefore, referring to the other lost historical work by sa-dbah- 
bzah-po, Przyluski 108 argues, ‘The historical work of Ksemendra 
mentioned by Taranatha has not come down to us for all we know. 
But there cannot have been any doubt regarding the identity of its 
author. He is the celebrated Kashmirian writer who lived in the 
eleventh century.’ Assuming this, it is relevant to ask : could this 
lost work of Ksemendra be the same as the Nrpavali, mentioned by 
Kalhana as one of his own sources ? cf Keith 161, ‘The polymath 
Ksemendra had written a Nrpavali which Kalhana censures for want 
of care, but which probably was a careful summary of his sources, 
and, therefore, is a real loss.’ Peculiarly, however, in Fol 139A, Tar 
speaks of the same writer as a scholar of Magadha ( magadha'i 
pandita). Besides, it needs to be noted that the name sa-dbah-bzah- 
po also occurs in the Tg, — though evidently as that of some other 
author — where the Sanskrit equivalent of the name is given as 
Mahlndrabhadra or BhumTndrabhadra (mDo xciv. 1) and as 
( pandita sri ) Mahlndrabhadra (of Nepal) (mDo cxvi. 6). 



On the same night, the brahmarii *Jahsa died without 
falling ill. 

Soon afterwards, bvahmana Kalyana, while travelling, found 
a self-radiating gem called *Asmagarbha. He thought, ‘Had I 
found this before making the Mahabodhi, it could have been 
used for the eye-balls of the image. But, alas, I could not find 
it then. 5 Immediately, there spontaneously appeared holes in 
the places of the eye-balls of the image. When he was about 
to break it [i.e. the gem] into two, there spontaneously appeared 
another similar one. These two were grafted in the places of 
the eye-balls. Similarly was found another self-radiating gem 
called *Indranila. This was placed in-between the brows 37 of 
the image. 

Till the time of king *Rathika, the interior of the temple of 
the Mahabodhi remained illuminated with the rays of the gems 
during the night. 

[ Fol 12A ] Then the three brahmana brothers arranged for 
the maintenance of five hundred bhiksu- s in each of these three 
temples. They worshipped the samgha- s all around with the 
necessary provisions. 

The fourth chapter containing the 
account of the period of arya Upagupta. 

37. mclsod-spu. D 1051 — a circle of hair between the eyebrows in the 
middle of the forehead, one of the particular marks of a Buddha 
from which he sends forth divine rays of light. 

Ch. 5. Period of Arya Dhltika 




Arya Upagupta entrusted arya *Dhitika with the Law. His 
account is as follows. 

In Ujjayini 1 there lived a fabulously rich brahmana. He 
had a son called *Dhitika who was very intelligent and straight- 
forward. After he completed the study of the four Vedas and 
the eighteen branches of learning, his father, feeling happy, 
wanted to see him settled and get married. But he said, ‘I have 
no desire for a home. Permit me, please, to get ordained.’ 

His father said, ‘If you are determined to get ordained, do 
not do it before I die. And look after these five hundred 
brahmana attendants.’ 

Obeying his father, he lived in the house a chaste life , 2 
teaching the five hundred brahmana- s the practice of non- 
violence . 3 

After sometime, when his father died, he gave away all the 
properties to the sramana- s and brahmana- s. Along with his 
five hundred brahmana followers, he assumed the robe of the 
travelling mendicant and went through sixteen big cities . 4 There 
he asked the most famous tirthika- s and brahmana- s about the 
path of pure moral conduct, but received no satisfactory answer. 
At last he went to Mathura, approached arya Upagupta and 
asked him the same questions. [From him he learnt the right 
answers]. He received with great reverence the ordination of 
pravrajya [Pol 12B] and upasampada [under Upagupta]. 

1 . ’phags-rgyal. 

2. tshahs-spyod. See D 1021. V n ‘This for the first time indicates the 
attempt of Buddhism to unite with those leading a mundane life from 
which subsequently arose the Bodhisattvas.’ 

3. V tr ‘instructed these five hundred brahmana- s without any cruelty 
(or pressure on them)’. 

4. groh-khyer-chen-po-bcu-drug, i.e. the sodasa-janapada- s. 



By virtue of Upagupta’s seven-fold sermons, the five 
hundred brahmana- s attained arhat-hood only within seven 
days. Arya *Dhitika established himself in the asta-vimoksa- 
samadhi . 5 He roused great reverence for the Buddha’s Law 
among the leading brahmana-s of different places. He delivered 
the sermons to the ‘four classes of followers’ in six cities, after 
arya Upagupta entrusted him with the Law. Thus spreading 
extensively the Law of the Buddha, he led the living beings to 

Once upon a time, there lived in the country called *Thogar 6 
a king named *Mi-nar . 7 In this country, everybody worshipped 
the sky-god. Besides this, they knew no distinction between 
virtue and vice. During their festivals, they worshipped the 
sky-god with great smoke by burning grains, clothes, jewels and 
fragrant woods. Along with his five hundred arhat followers, 
arya *Dhitika once flew through the sky, appeared at the place 
of their worship and took his seat at the altar there. They took 
him as the sky-god, bowed down at his feet and worshipped 
him elaborately. When, however, he preached the Doctrine, 
about a thousand people — including their king — were led to the 
realisation of the Truth. Innumerable people were brought to the 
path of sarana-gamana and siksa. 

He spent the three months of the rainy season there. As a 
result, the number of bhiksu- s greatly increased. Even the number 
of those who attained arhat- hood reached about a thousand. 
Thereafter, the route between this country and Kashmir cleared 
up and thus many sthavira-s of Kashmir came to this place and 
the Law was widely spread. 

During the time of this king [Fol 13A] and his son called 
*I-ma-sya , 8 about fifty big monasteries were filled with a large 
number of samgha- s. 

5. rnam-par-thar-pa-brgyad-la-bsam-gtan-pa. See Mahavyutpatti (Calcutta 
1944) Pt. iii. p. 288. 

6. Tukharistan. V & S Tukhara. For the spread of Buddhism in 
Tukharistan, see Litvinsky in Kushan Studies in USSR 57ff. 

7. S n ‘the name is very close to that of Menandros — see Lassen ii. 

323fT. > . 

8. S n ‘Is it reminiscent of Hermaios ?’ V n ‘see Lassen ii. 337’ 

Ch. 5. Period of Arya Dhitika 


Also in *Kamarupa in the east, there lived a brahmana 
called *Siddha, who was as wealthy as a great king and had 
thousands of attendants. He used to worship the sun. Once, 
while he was worshipping the sun, arya *Dhitika, by his mira- 
culous power, made himself emerge as it were from the solar 
region and sat in front of him, radiating lustre. Taking him 
to be the sun-god, he [Siddha] bowed down to him and wor- 
shipped him. He [Dhitika] delivered sermons to him. When 
the brahmana was full of reverence, the arya revealed his 
real self and preached the Doctrine over again. The brahmana 
realised the Truth and with great reverence built a vihara called 
Mahacaitya . 9 He also lavishly entertained the samgha- s all 
around. Thus the Law of the Buddha was widely spread in 
*Kamarupa . 10 

At that time, in *Malava on the west, there was a brahmana 
called Adarpa , 11 who ruled as an uncrowned king. Every day 
he performed a sacrifice with the flesh and blood of a thousand 
slaughtered goats. He had also a thousand altars for sacrifice. 
All his brahmana attendants had to perform the *Aja-medha 
sacrifice according to their own capacities and all those who 
were not brahmana- s were employed to collect the materials for 
the sacrifice. He once wanted to perform the *Go-medha 
sacrifice and invited *Bhrku-raksasa [Bhrgu], [ Fol 13B ] 
belonging to the Bhrgu family 12 for performing the sacrifice. 
He collected ten thousand white cows, invited many brahmana- s 
and arranged everything for the sacrifice. 

When he started performing the sacrifice, arya *Dhitika 
appeared at the altar. In spite of their best efforts, the sacrificial 
fire could not be kindled nor could the cows be slaughtered in 

9. mchod-rten-chen-pd. V Mahastupa. 

10. According to Yuan-chuang, however, Kamarupa was almost unaware 
of Buddhism. See Watters ii. 186 : ‘they worshipped the deva-s and 
did not believe in Buddhism. So there had never been a Buddhist 
monastery in the land and whatever Buddhists there were in it per- 
formed their acts of devotion secretly.’ 

1 1 . dregs-med. 

12. mn-spoii-gi-rigs. 



any way. It was even impossible to hurt these. Though the 
brahmana- s tried to recite the Vedas 13 and mantra-s , they could 
utter no sound. 

*Bhrku-raksasa said, ‘The real obstacle to the performance 
of the sacrifice is being caused by the influence of this sramana.’ 
Though everybody threw stones, sticks and dust at him, they 
saw these being turned into flowers and sandal-powder. This 
made them full of reverence for him. They bowed down at his 
feet and prayed for forgiveness. 

‘Oh arya, what dost thou command ?’ 

The arya said, ‘Listen, oh brahmana- s, what are you going 
to attain by this sinful and evil sacrifice ? [Instead of this] 
offer gifts and strive after virtue. Cows 14 are deities of the 
brahmana families. How can it be proper for one who behaves 
like a human being 15 to kill the gods and the parents ? 16 The 
cow’s flesh is always impure and the brahmana- s do not even 
touch it. Is it not an insult to the gods [to offer it ] ? Oh 
sages, renounce this sinful religion. What are you going to 
achieve by this sacrifice designed for the purpose of eating 
meat ? 17 It is debasing the mantra- s to feed oneself with the 
help of the Black Art .’ 18 

In these ways, when he preached the Doctrine elabo- 
rately, they were full of remorse because of their sin. 

13. rig-byed. 

14. The text has bdag (self), perhaps a corruption of ba-dag (cow). 

15. The text has me (fire), perhaps a corruption of mi (man). S takes the 
word as ma (implying the sense of the negative), which hardly gives 
a clear meaning in this context. 

16. S tr ‘As you yourselves are gods of the brahmana families and should 
fulfil the filial duties, why should you, as gods, have to do with the 
murder of your parents ?’ V tr ‘If I (i.e. we), being a god of the 
brahmana- s, am obliged to perform (some) filial duties, what is the 
use of killing gods and parents ?’ Such translations hardly give a 
coherent meaning, though, accepting the textual readings proposed in 
notes 14 & 15 above, the passage becomes quite intelligible. 

17. V tr ‘If you are prejudiced against using meat as a food, what will 
you achieve (what is the justification) by this sacrificial oblation ?’ 

18. V tr ‘The mantra- s to which miraculous power is attributed are 
illusions of the world.’ 

Ch. 5. Period of Arya Upagupta 


Ashamed of their own conduct, they hung their heads low 
and humbly asked how to atone for the sin. As taught by the 
arya, all the brahmana- s were brought to the path of sarana- 
gamana and panca-siksd . 19 [Fol 14A] They built a big temple 
on the ruins of the drama of the house-holder Ghosila 20 and 
strove after the wonderful seven-fold merit. 21 

In this way, the Law was widely spread in that country. 
This happened shortly after the birth of king Asoka. After 
this, he [Dhitika] gradually converted about five hundred 
brahmana- s into the devotees of the ratna- s. He looked after 
the Law of the Buddha for a long time and thus caused wel- 
fare to the living beings. 

After entrusting arya Krsna 22 with the Law, he attained 
nirvana in Ujjayinl in the *Malava country. 

The fifth chapter containing the 
account of the period of arya Dhitika. 

19. N. Dutt EMB 151 : of the ten sila-s or siksa-pada-s, only the first 
five were specially intended for the lay devotees. 

20. gdahs-can. V & S Ghosavat. V n ‘The sweet-voiced.’ However, for 
the Ghosilarama or Ghositarama, see Watters i. 369-370. 

2 1 . bsod-nams-bdun . 

22. 'phags-pa-nag-po. V & S arya Kala. V n ‘It can be Krsna, the 
Chinese form of which is Mi-tsche-kia.’ 






At that time, king Asoka 1 attained his youth. His account 
is as follows. 

In *Camparana 2 of the border-land 3 , there was a king called 
^Nemita 4 of the solar dynasty, who, with five hundred ministers 
and great wealth, ruled the northern lands. He had from 
the first [wife] six sons, called Kalyana , 5 Rathika , 6 ^ankhika 7 
Ohanika 8 , Padmaka 9 and the sixth called Kanaka . 10 

1. mya-han-med For Przyluski’s view concerning the possible sources 
from which Tar compiles the legends of Asoka, see Supplementary 
Note 2. V n ‘In the Buddhist works, there is a prediction by the 
Buddha that 100 years after his death there will be a cakravartin 
named Asoka — having the surname Peacock ( maurya ) — who, by build- 
ing 84,000 monuments, will spread the power of Buddha. This 
prediction, therefore, refers to the dharma-raja Asoka, whom the 
European scholars regard as Asoka the second. He could have lived 
not later than 100 (or 110 or 116) years after Buddha.’ 

2. Campa, the capital of Ahga, was also called Camparanya — D. C. 
Sircar CGEIL 109. S sees in this the contraction of two names, 
Campa arid Karna. V quotes S. cf Watters ii. 181 f. 

3. V tr ‘belonging to the Tha-ru tribe’ and adds in note that S translates 
tha-ru as border-land. 

4. In the standard account, Asoka is considered a son of Bindusara, 
whom, along with Candragupta, Tar seems to relegate to another 
line — Fol 2A. 

5. dge-ba-can. VLaksmana. It is tempting to conjecture if Tar has in 
mind the name of Suslma or Sumana. From Tar’s list of Asoka’s 
brothers, the absence of the names of Tissa Ekaviharika and Vitas oka 
appears to be particularly conspicuous — see C. D. Chatterjee in JAIH 
i. 117ff ; Przyluski 121 and Watters ii. 94f. Vltasoka appears in Tar 
as the grandson and successor of Asoka — Fol 26A. 

6. sih-rta-can. 

7. dun-can. 

8. nor-can. 

9. padma-can. 

10. P-ed g ser-can, 'one possessing gold’. S-ed ser-can (D 1279 — brass), 
reconstructed by V & S as Anupa. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


Later on, the king united with the wife of a merchant 11 and 
she conceived. The king’s mother died and on the day the 
mourning was over this merchant’s wife gave birth to a son. 
[The king said] ‘Let he be called Asoka, because he is born on 
the day when the period of mourning came to an end.’ So he 
was thus named. 

On growing up, he became an adept in the sixty arts, eight- 
fold divination and the arts of writing and reading palms. At 
that time, [Foi 14B] in the presence of many people, the 
ministers enquired of the brahmana astrologers : ‘Which one of 
the king’s sons is going to be the king ?’ 

[The astrologers answered] ‘He who eats the best food, 
wears the best clothes and sits on the best seat.’ 

On being confidentially enquired by two of the foremost 
ministers, it was told that by best food was meant cooked rice, 
by best clothes were meant the coarse ones and by the best 
seat the ground. Since the other sons of the king lived the life 
of luxury while Asoka had ordinary food and clothes, it was 
known that Asoka was going to be the king. 

Meanwhile, peoples of the hilly countries like Nepal and 
*Khasya 12 revolted. Asoka was sent with the army to subdue 
them. Without difficulty Asoka subdued .the hilly races, imposed 
levy and annual tax on them, realised ransom from them and 
offered these to the king. 

11. V tr ‘the wife (i.e. the daughter of some) merchant’. However, see 
”C. D. Chatterjee in JAIHi.119 — according to the commentary on 
the Mahavamsa, Asoka and his co-uterine brothers Tissa and 
Vitasoka were born of queen Dharma, a princess of a Moriyan royal 
family, while, in the Avadana texts, of Subhadrahgl, a certain 
brahmana lady of Campa. ‘Asoka’, adds C. D. Chatterjee, ‘was the 
heir apparent and not Suslma or Sumana, whichever might have been 
his real name. But in the Avadana texts, Asoka has been represented 
as the usurper ! Suslma might have been the eldest son of Bindusara ; 
but that did not justify his claim to the throne, judging by the law of 
succession followed in the Moriyan royal family.’ ^ 

12. ‘Khasa, a Himalayan people, including the ancestors of the modern 
Khakkas of Kashmir’ — Sircar CGEIL 83. According to the Asokdva- 
dana, however, Asoka, during his youth, subdued the country of the 
Khasas and Taksasila (instead of Nepal)-^-Przyluski 111. 



The king said, ‘I am highly pleased with your intelligence, 
might and bravery. I shall give you whatever you want . 5 

[Asoka said] ‘My brothers here are going to harm me. 
Therefore, please give me the city of *Pataliputra 13 as my own 
place along with the other things that I need . 5 

He (Nemita) granted him all these. In this city were built 
five hundred gardens and a thousand girls with musical instru- 
ments surrounded him the whole day and night and satisfied 
his lust. 

*Camasa, king of *Magadha, died at that time. Though 

he had twelve sons, none of them could retain the kingdom 

when placed on the throne. His brahmana minister called 
/ m 

Gambhira-Sila 14 ruled for a few years. During that time 
there developed enmity between him and king *Nemita. In 
the long-drawn battle fought on the bank of the *Ganga, the 
six elder sons [Fol ISA] of the king took part. King *Nemita 
died at that time. Considering that the news of the king’s 
death might boost up the morale of the *Magadhans, this was 
kept suppressed and the administration of the kingdom was 
carried on by two ministers. However, since on the seventh 
day the people of the city came to know all about this, they 
started disobeying the two ministers. 

[The ministers thought] ‘So now is the time of the prediction 
of the brahmana - s coming true . 5 Thus thinking, they invited 
Asoka and installed him on the throne . 15 

Aft&r conquering *Magadha, on the day when each of 
the six elder sons of the king took possession of a city, they 
heard that Asoka had been installed on the throne. On receiving 
this news, instead of returning towards the north of the *Ganga, 

13. Yuan-chuang (Watters ii. 88) : ‘In the 100th year after the Buddha’s 
nirvana, king Asoka, the great-grandson of king Bimbisara, trans- 
ferred l\is capital from Rajagrha to Pataliputra.’ 

14. hah-tshul-zab-pa. 

15. According to the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa, Asoka, when acting 
as the vice-regent at UjjayinI, came to know of Bindusara’s death and 
hence proceeded to Pataliputra to seize the throne — Bongard-Levin & 
Volkova 6. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


the sons of the king, along with five hundred ministers, estab- 
lished their own rule in the five cities like Rajagrha etc, while 
the sixth of them established his rule in *Anga. 

The king’s first son followed the ‘secret doctrine of the 
Lokayata ,’ 16 the second worshipped Mahadeva, the third 
Visnu , 17 the fourth the secret [doctrine of the] Vedanta , 18 the 
fifth the Digambara Kanaka 19 and the sixth the brahmcicari 
brahmana *Kusa-putra 20 [ ? Kausika]. Each of them established 
his own centre. 

Following the advice of the anchorite of the *Bhrku [Bhrgu] 
family, the worshipper of dakinl-s and raksasa- s, Asoka 
accepted for his deity the mother goddesses of the crematorium 
including *Uma-devi. Indulging as he did in lust for several 
years, he came to be known as *Kamasoka. 

Having once a clash of opinions with the elder brothers, he 
(Asoka) went on fighting them for several years. [Fol 15 B] 
At last, he killed his six brothers 21 along with the five hundred 
ministers. He attacked many other cities and brought under 
his rule the whole territory from the Himalaya to the Vindhya. 

As he grew extremely haughty and cruel, he felt no peace 
of mind or even an appetite without performing a violent 

1 6. ’ jig-rten-rgyah-phan-gyi-gsah-tshig . 

17. khyab-jug. 

18. rig-byed-mtha ' . 

19. gcer-bu-pa-gser-can. V & S Nirgrantha Pingala. V n 'cf Burnouf 
360. In the text gser-can, which, according to S, is a corruption of 

20. kusa'i-bu, lit. ‘son of Kusa’. V tr ‘the Brahmanical teaching of the 
brahmana Kausika.’ 

21. C. D. Chatterjee in JAIH i. 11 8f observes that though As oka’s claim 
to the throne was quite legitimate, in the Pali chronicles, he ‘was 
dubbed Candasoka...for conducting a fratricidal war, in the course of 
which all his step-brothers were killed.’ The Avadana texts go further 
and claim that the name Candasoka 'had its origin ... in the slaughter, 
after torturing mercilessly, all those who, by mistake, entered the 
Hell of which he was the creator. Indeed.. .the flight of kalpana 
(imagination) cannot be higher than this !’ Evidently, the motive 
behind all these fabrications was to add a dramatic background to the 
later pious career of the king. 



action. On each morning, he ordered for punishments like 
killing, beating and chaining. Soothed only by these, he could 
sit peacefully for his meal. Ksemendrabhadra says, ‘There 
are many such accounts of the aggressiveness of the king. But 
I am not relating all these here, because that is unnecessary . 5 
I have myself heard many Indian legends. These also I am 
not recording here. 

Led by the false knowledge of the brahmana- s, he decided 
to perform animal sacrifice. The anchorite of the *Bhrlcu 
[Bhrgu] family Golcarna 22 in particular said, ‘If you perform a 
sacrifice of ten thousand human beings, your empire will expand 
and you will also attain liberation . 5 

Thus advised, he got the sacrificial house built . 23 He 
searched everywhere for a person that could slaughter ten 
thousand men. For sometime, however, none could be found 
like this. At last he found a Candala 24 of *Tirahuti and 
ordered him, ‘I am going to send to this house all those that 
are to be slaughtered. Go on slaughtering anybody that enters 
this house till the number reaches ten thousand . 5 The king 
himself took the oath of worshipping Uma 25 in this form. 

22. ba-lah-rna-ba. cf Watters ii.89 — According to other legends ‘king 
Asoka had burnt to death 500 ladies of his harem, and his chief 
minister Radhagupta (called also Anuruddha) reminding him that 
such proceedings were unseemly of a king, recommended His Majesty 
to institute a place of punishment under a proper official. The king 
took the advice and caused a jail or place of punishment to be con- 
structed, with a handsome attractive building with trees and tanks 
like a city.’ 

23. Usually referred to as Asoka ’s Hell. Both Fa-hien and Yuan- 
chuang were shown its relics, cf Watters ii. 90 : ‘Fa-hien’s account is 
not taken from the Divyavadana, but it agrees with that work in 
placing the site of the Hell near the tope erected by Asoka over 
Ajatasatru’s share of Buddha’s relics. Yuan-chuang also seems to 
have found the site near and to the north of the Relic Tope as Fa- 
hien describes.’ cf Przyluski 127ff. 

24. In the Divyavadana, he is called Canda-giri (in Chinese O-shan or 
Wicked Hill) — Watters ii. 90. Asokavadana mentions him as Canda 
Girika, but considers, him to have been a merchant — Przyluski 
118 & 127. 

25. bka'-thub-zlog-ma. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


After slaughtering one or two thousand men, when this 
killer was going somewhere outside the city, a bhiksu , 26 with the 
hope of changing his conduct, told him about the sin of killing 
animals and of many details of the [punishments given in the] 
hell. However, the killer totally misunderstood all these 
virtuous [Fol 16 A] words and thought 27 : ‘I have so long been 
killing by chopping off the heads of men. From what the 
bhiksu says, it now appears that I can as well kill them in. 
various other ways like burning, cutting to pieces and taking off 
the skin [as the bhiksu describes the scenes of the hell].’ 

So he continued to kill in these ways many other men and 
about five thousand persons were slaughtered in that sacrificial 
house. At that time, the king’s former name was changed into 
*Candala * Asoka. 

Now at that time, a disciple of arhat Yasah entered the 
house by mistake. He was well-versed in the scriptures, was 
placed in the yoga-mar ga and was a novice 28 ( sramanera ). 
When the killer was about to strike him with the sword, he en- 
quired the cause thereof. He [the killer] told him about what 
had happened before. 

26. Watters ii. 90 — the bhiksu belonged to Ke-tu-ma monastery. Accor- 
ding to other sources, he was from Kukkutarama vihara ; Bala- 
pandita was either his name or the text he recited — Przyluski 127ff. 

27. V tr ‘However (these virtuous words) could not arouse even a grain 
of virtue in him, and he, on the contrary, thought...’ 

28. In the Asokavadana his name is given as Samudra — Przyluski 120. cf 
Watters ii. 90 — his name in Chinese form : Hai, meaning ‘the sea’. 
Interestingly, Tar does not mention his name and refers to him simply 
as a sramanera, though he is supposed to have been responsible for 
the epoch-making event of converting Asoka. Comments Przyluski 
120-1: ‘Having been in use for a long time, the figure of Samudra 
afterwards lost its prominence and his name fell into oblivion. Ere 
long it was found that this anonymity was not without its advantage. 
It was an edifying spectacle to see the most powerful of monarchs to 
have been converted by an ordinary monk. The moment the value 
of this contrast was realised, it was sought to be accentuated. In the 
account of Taranatha as in the Ceylonese chronicles^ it is no longer 
an ordinary bhiksu that converts the great king ; it is a novice, a little 
sramanera .’ 



‘So, kill me after seven days. I shall not move out till then 
and shall stay in this sacrificial house.’ When he said this, the 
killer agreed. 

Witnessing the sacrificial place full of blood, flesh, bones, 
intestines, etc, he directly realised the sixteen truths 29 like imper- 
manence and, before the expiry of seven days, attained arhat- 
hood. He also acquired the miraculous power ( rddhi ). 

On the day of the expiry of these seven days, the killer 
thought : ‘None like him had entered this house before. There- 
fore, I am going to kill him in a new way.’ Thus thinking, he 
filled an enormous cauldron with *til oil, put the novice 30 in it 
an4 placed it on fire. In spite of the fire burning for the whole 
day and night, not even the slightest damage was done to his 
body. 31 

On receiving this news, the king was surprised [Fol 16B] and 
he came to the sacrificial house to see this. The killer ran to- 
wards him with the sword. The king asked him the reason for 
this. [The killer said] ‘Oh king, it is your own vow that any- 
body entering this house must be killed till the number reaches 
ten thousand.’ 

The kingi said, ‘But, then, you have yourself entered the 
house before me. So I must kill you first.’ 

While the two were thus arguing among themselves, the 
novice showed the miraculous feats like showering rain, causing 
lightning, moving in the sky, etc. Both the king and the killer 
were full of great reverence and bowed down at his feet and 
the seed of enlightenment germinated within them. 

29. bden-pa'i-rnam-pa-bcu-drug. See Mahavyutpatti (Calcutta 1944) Pt. iii. 
p. 275-6. cf Yuan-chuang (Watters ii. 90), 'At that time, one of the 
king’s concubines arrived to undergo punishment for misconduct. She 
was at once pounded to atoms in the presence of the bhiksu. The 
latter now made the most of his respite, and by zealous application 
became an arhat.' 

30. dge-tshul, lit, sramanera. It is apparently strange to refer to him 
thus even after his attainment of arhat-hood. In the next chapter 
also, Sudarsana prays for ordination after attaining arhat- hood. 

31. Yuan-chuang describes the scene differently — see Watters ii. 89. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


He (the novice) delivered the sermon and the king became 
extremely repentant for his sins and at once demolished the 
sacrificial house. He asked the novice how to atone for the 

‘Oh king, I am incapable of telling you the means of atoning 
for your sins. In the Kukkutarama in the east, there lives an 
upadhyaya arhat called Yasah-dhvaja 32 , who will be able to tell 
you about the ways of atoning for your sins.’ 

Accordingly, the king sent the message to the arhat : ‘Oh 
arya, please come to *Pataliputra and relieve me of my sins. 
If, oh arya, you cannot come here, I shall go to you.’ 

Realising that the arrival there of the king himself would 
have meant harm to many people, the arhat Yasah himself came 
to *Pataliputra. There, he delivered the sermons to the king 
during every day, and, during every night, he delivered the 
sermons to the ‘four classes of followers’ at the monastery. 

From the time of meeting [Fol 17 A] arhat Yasah, the king 
was full of great reverence and started spending the day and 
night in pious acts. He worshipped thirty thousand hhiksu- s 
every day. 

When arhat Yasah was living in other places like *Magadha 
etc, the king once sent five hundred merchants to collect gems 
from the treasure island 33 . Their voyage was successful and 
they were returning with the cargo of various gems. When they 
halted for rest on this side of the sea [ ? Indian coast ], the 
Nagas sent waves to carry away their merchandise. They had 
to return depending on other sources of livelihood. It was 
rumoured in *Pataliputra that the merchants were going to be 
back within seven days. Since nobody heard about what 
actually had happened to them, all sorts of people including the 
brahmana- s and parivrajaka-s collected to see the colour and 

32. In Tar’s account, from now on Yasah becomes the adviser of Asoka. 

For other legends connecting Asoka with Upagupta, see Watters ii. 

91 and Przyluski 69ff. 

33. nor-bu'i-glih, cf Przyluski 111-2. 




other wonderful qualities of the gems. On the seventh day, 
when the king along with the people came to the garden, they 
saw the merchants returning only with their upper garments on 
and looking exhausted. Everybody was amazed by this unex- 
pected sight and burst into laughter. 

The king asked the cause of this. The merchants told their 
story and said, ‘Oh lord, if you do not take some measure to 
subdue the Nagas, nobody from now on will be willing to go to 
collect the gems. Oh king, please take some measure.’ 

The king felt highly disturbed and consulted the wise men 
about the possible measures. The brahmana - s and parivrajaka - s 
[ Fol 17 B ] knew of none. But an arhat u with six abhijnana - s 
thought, ‘The possible measure should be suggested [in the 
form of the prediction] by a deity. If the arhat himself does it, 
the people may take him as being partial to the bhiksu- s. Even 
the king will feel sceptical and the tirthika - s would slander.’ 
With this consideration, he said, ‘Oh great king, there certainly 
is a measure. But this will be predicted tonight by your tutelary 

Early in the morning, the king heard the tutelary deity resi- 
ding above 35 saying, ‘Oh king, worship the Buddha elaborately. 
The Nagas will be subdued.’ And the tutelary deity residing 
below 36 said, ‘Oh king, worship the samgha - s of the arhat-s. 
[The Nagas] will be subdued.’ 

In the morning, the king got the people assembled together, 
told them about the predictions and asked, ‘What should be 
done now ?’. The ministers said, ‘Please ask the arhat himself 
who foretold this yesterday.’ He was summoned and questioned. 
[The arhat thought] ‘Let me adopt some means of convincing 

He wrote on a small piece of copper- plate, ‘Oh Nagas, 

34. Though in Tar, the usu? ' adviser of Asoka is Yasah, in his account 
of subduing the naga-s another arhat — mentioned as Indra in the 
Avadanakalpalata — acts as his counsellor : see Przyluski 111. 

35. khyim-gyi-nam-mkha’-la-gnas-pa'i-lha, lit. ‘tutelary deity in the upper 
sphere of the house’. 

36. sa-la-gnas-pa'i-lha, lit. ‘tutelary deity on the ground’. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


listen to the command of king Asoka. Return to the merchants 
the gems that you have taken away 5 , etc. And he threw the 
copper-plate into the *Ganga. On the top of a lofty pillar of 
stone at the broad cross-road of the city, he also placed a pot 
made of *asta-dhatu containing golden images of both the king 
and the Naga. 

On the next morning, it was found that the copper-plate was 
thrown back at the gate of the king’s palace by the storm and 
rain caused by the furious Nagas and that the king’s image was 
bowing down before that of the Naga. 

[ Fol 18A ] On being questioned by the king, the arhat said, 
‘The accumulated merit of the Naga is at present greater than 
that of the king. For increasing your own merit, please worship 
the Buddha and the samgha .’ 

The king, feeling inspired, started worshipping the images 37 
.and caiiya - s seven times more than before. In a moment, the 
arhat went to the realm of the Nagas and of the gods and 
invited all the arhat- s. The king also built a very big house for 
the festival. When the arhat rang the *gandi, 3S the arhat - s 
assembled even from Sumeru 39 and its surroundings. (The 
king) worshipped with all the requisites the samgha of sixty 
thousand arhat - s for three months. During this period, the 
king’s image raised itself gradually day by day and in fortyfive 
days became as high as that of the Naga. After this, the image 
of the Naga went on stooping down every day. And on the 
next fortyfifth day, it was found that the image of the Naga was 
bowing down at the feet of the king’s image. 

The people were full of great wonder : ‘Ah, such then is the 
result of worshipping the Jewels (tri-ratna).* 

37. sku-gzugs, lit. ‘image’. Przyluski 109 takes this as a reference to the 
worship of the image of the Buddha and argues that Tar’s source here 
‘points to the Kashmirian period at the earliest, for before the rise of 
the Graeco-Bactrian School of Art (of Gandhara) artists avoided 
building images of the Buddha.’ However, Yuan-chuang saw images 
of the Buddha which he believed were made during the time of 
Prasenajit and Udayana — Watters i. 384. cf also I-Tsing 190. 

38. D 214 — the gong or bell to call monks to monastic services. 

39. ri-rab. 



When the same copper-plate was again thrown into the 
*Ganga, the messenger of the Naga appeared in human guise 
on the next day and said, ‘The gems are deposited back on the 
seashore. Please send the merchants to bring these.’ 

As the king was about to do so, the same arhat said, ‘That 
will not be a great wonder. [ Fol 18 B ] Better send them the 
message that within seven days they are to bring the gems here 
on their own shoulders. That will be a great wonder.’ 

This being done, on the seventh day when the king was 
surrounded by a large number of people, the Nagas, in the guise 
of merchants, brought the gems and touched the king’s feet. 
It was a grand spectacle for the people and a great festival 
was organised to celebrate it. 

The king became an adept in the magic spell of yaksa-ratha M 
and with this raised a four-divison army of the yaksa-s — with 
horses as big as elephants and men as tall as the *tala 
trees, etc. He brought under his rule without bloodshed all the 
countries including those to the south of the Vindhya. And 
he conquered the northern Himalayas, the snowy ranges beyond 
Li-yul , 41 the entire land of *Jambudvipa bounded by seas on 
east, south and west, and also fifty small islands. 

Arhat Yasah then explained to him the prediction of the 
Teacher Samyak-sambuddha thus : ‘[You are to] decorate the 
surface of the earth with caitya - s containing the relics of the 

So he felt the need of finding the relics 42 of the Teacher. 

40. gnod-sbyin-sih-rta'i-rigs-shags. S n ‘The Man jusrl-mula-t antra refers 
to the yaksa-ratha-siddhi.' cf Chag lo-tsa-ba (Roerich SW 537) : 
'He propitiated the great yaksa called Ratha.’ 

41. D 1213 Karpsadesa or Khoten. In Tg Arhat-samghavardhana- 
vyakarana (mDo xciv. 44) and Kamsa-desa-vyakarana (mDo xciv. 45) 
contain a history of Li-yul, with a descriptive enumeration of the 
vihata- s and religious sects there and also an account of Kustana, the 
first king of Li-yul, from whose name was derived the name Khoten. 
For Kustana and Khoten, see Watters ii. 295ff ; I-Tsing (Takakusu) 
liii & 20 and Legge 16ff & 109. 

42. For legends of finding the relics, see Przyluski 109ff ; Watters ii. 20f 
and C. D. Chatterjee in JAIH i. 124. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


The relic which was received by king Ajatasatru as his 
share was securely preserved, buried under the great caitya of 
Rajagrha. The king and arhat Yasah, along with the people, 
went there to recover it. Reaching the place, they dug the 
ground three men deep and saw a burning iron-wheel so swiftly 
turning round that it was not possible to go near it. 

On the advice of a local old woman [Fol 19A], they went 
to a hilly stream about three yojana - s to the west. When the 
course of its flow was diverted, the wheel stopped turning and 
the fire on it got extinguished. After the ground was dug 
further, a copper-plate was found containing the inscription : 
‘Here lies the relic of the. Tathagata, one big *Magadhan drona 
in measure. In the future, a certain poor king would dig 
it out.’ 

Seeing this, Asoka arrogantly thought, ‘So the person to 
discover it cannot be myself, because he is supposed to be a 
poor one. Therefore, he must be somebody else.’ Thus he was 
about to return. 

However, being requested by the arhat, he dug the ground 
again seven men deep and at last found the relic, which was 
originally only one big *Magadhan drona in measure but had 
now increased to measure six khala-s . It was preserved in the 
innermost of seven chests, placed one within the other, of which 
the outermost one was made of iron. The chests were studded with 
self-radiating gems placed at their four corners. Each of these 
gems could illumine as far as a yojana. All these were arranged 
in the form of offerings [of lighted lamps]. The value of each 
gem was so much that the entire property throughout the 
whole empire of Asoka could not equal it. Knowing this, 
his arrogance was removed. 

He took only one big drona of the relic and kept the rest 
hidden as before, rediverted the hidden stream so that the iron- 
wheel started revolving and the fire burning as before.' This 
was again covered up [with earth]. 

Employing the powerful yaksa - s as messengers and assis- 
tants, he sent out command to the people of the different places, 
and, only in the course of a day and night, built the caitya - s 



of the eight holy places, 43 [Fol 19B] and the caitya- s surround- 
ing Vajrasana and those that were spread all over *Jambudvipa 
as far as Li-yul in the north, —a total of eighty-four thousand 
caitya- s 44 containing the relics of the Muni. Then he sent out 
his command everywhere that daily worship was to be conducted 
in each of these caitya- s with thousands of lamps, incense and 
garlands. The Bodhi Tree was worshipped with scented water 
and panca-amrta ib filled in ten thousand pitchers made of gold, 
silver and *vaidurya , and from some distance it was worshipped 
with ten thousand incense burners and lamps. For three 
months, he worshipped with all offerings at *Pataliputra sixty 
thousand arhat- s, who had been invited and offered high seats 
of honour (lit. ‘placed in the sky’). He worshipped the samgha- s, 
the arya-saiksa A 6 and the prthak-jana-s^ , who were offered 
seats on the ground. At the end, he offered to each monk 
robes worth a lakh. On the same night, the king, along with 
his attendants, started on the shoulders of the most powerful 
yaksa- s for visiting the caitya- s and, in seven days, completed 
his pilgrimage of the caitya- s raised all over *Jambudvipa in 

43. i.e. 1) LumbinI Garden, Kapilavastu ; 2) Bodhi Tree near the 

. -w . - / 

Nairanjana river, Magadha ; 3) Varanasi ; 4) Jetavana, Sravasti ; 
5) Kanyakubja ; 6) Rajagrha ; 7) VaisalT and 8) Kusinagara. See 
Takakusu I-Tsing 108n. There exists a work by Sri-Harsadeva, king 
of Kashmir, called Asta-maha-sthana-caitya-vandand-stava — Tg, 
bsTod 57. Another work in Tg is attributed to Nagarjuna called 
Asta-maha-sthana-caitya-stotra, bsTod 24-5 

44. cf Watters ii. 92 ‘The 84,000 topes set up by Asoka are generally said 

to have been for the distribution of the Buddha’s relics taken for the 

purpose by the king from seven of the eight topes erected by the 

original recipients. But they are also said to have been made for the 

worship of the 84,000 aphorisms of Buddhism or sections of the Law’. 

cf Legge 69n : ‘the bones of the human body are supposed to consist 

of 84,000 atoms, and hence the legend of Asoka’s wish to build 84,000 


. topes, one over each atom of Sakyamuni’s skeleton ’ 

45. bdud-rtsi-lha. See Roerich SW 512-13. 

46. ’ phags-pa-slob-pa . J 587— the venerable preceptors, more than 
bhiksu- s but less than arhat- s. 

47. so-so' i-skye-bo. D 1283 — a layman, a man in his natural state, i.e. 
one not yet enlightened. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


honour of the Jewels. Everywhere he increased the offerings 
ten-fold and offered golden ornaments to each of the caitya- s 
(containing the relics) of the Buddha and of the sravaka- s. He 
lavishly decorated the Bodhi Tree with all kinds of gems. 

On the eighth day, the king repeatedly prayed, ‘Let me, by 
virtue of these pious acts, attain enlightenment and become the 
supreme among men. 5 [Fol 20A] And he asked the people to 
join him earnestly in this prayer. 

But most of the people started saying that though the king 
was making a great deal of labour, it was going to bear little 
fruit. Some others said that as there was nothing called the 
amittara-bodhi (highest enlightenment), how the prayer of the 
king could be fulfilled ? 

On hearing all these the king said, ‘If this prayer of mine is 
going to be fulfilled, let the great earth shake and flowers shower 
from the sky. 5 Immediately after he said this, the earth shook 
and the sky showered flowers. As a result, faith grew in these 
people and they also joined the prayer. 

He worshipped the bhiksu- s for three months during the 
consecration of the caitya-s. When this was over, there acciden- 
tally remained behind 48 many ordinary bhiksu- s. The king 
made a big offering to them in the garden and showed parti- 
cular respect to an aged monk, who sat at the head of the 
row. 49 This aged monk was extremely foolish and was of 
little learning. 

He could not recite even a single *sloka, while among the 
younger bhiksu- s there were many pitaka-dhara- s. 

After the feast, the monks occupying lower seats asked the 
aged monk, ‘Do you know why the king is making special 
offering to you V 

The aged one said, ‘I do not know it 5 . 

They said, ‘But we know this. The king will presently 
come to you for listening to your sermons. You will have to 
deliver a sermon. 5 

48. glo-bur-du-lhags-pa. S ‘who suddenly appeared’. 

49. vf ■ddhasana. cf I-Tsing (Takakusu) 35ff. 



This greatly hurt the feelings of the aged monk and he said, 
‘I received ordination sixty years back. Yet I do not know 
even a single *sloka. [ Fol 20 B ] Only if I could guess this 
before, I would have found another monk capable of delivering 
the sermon and would have offered all the good food to him. 

"However, I have already eaten all these. Now, what is to be 
done ?’ 

Thus he felt sad. The deity of the garden thought, ‘It 
would be highly improper if the king fails to show respect to 
this monk.’ So he came to this monk in human guise and said, 
‘If the king approaches you for sermons, you should say : “Oh 
great king, since even this earth with its mountains is afterall 
momentary, what is there to think about the kingdom ? Oh 
great king, you should meditate on this.” ’ 

Then came the king and, presenting him with a set of robes 
of golden colour, sat down to listen to the sermon. As the 
king was already full of reverence, when the aged monk repea- 
ted all these, he thought that this was the fundamental truth and 
felt ecstasy to think over its significance. 

The deity of the garden again told the aged monk, ‘Do not 
allow the offerings of the devotee to go waste.’ 50 So he [the 
aged monk] took instructions from an acarya and, concentra- 
ting intensely on it, attained arhat - hood in three months. He 
spent the rainy season in the Parijata-vana of the Tusita [lit. 
the region of the 33 gods] and returned again to the samgha - s 
and to the people of *Pataliputra. The robes which he received 
from the king were fragrant with the scent of Parijata and it 
spread all around. On being asked by the other monks, he 
said all that had happened and this astonished all. 

The king also eventually heard all these. [He thought] 
‘The attainment of arhat - hood even by an utterly foolish monk 
is due to the merit of the Doctrine [ Fol 21A ] and to my 
gift of the robes.’ Impressed by the blessings derived by 
others from his gifts, he lavishly entertained again three lakhs 

50. P-ed chud-zod (waste), S-ed churt (little). V & S'Do not accept even 
a grain of food offered by the devotee.’ 

Ch. 6. Period of King Aioka 


of monks for five years 51 : he offered excellent food and robes 
to the samgha-s of the arhat- s during the first part of the day, to 
the samgha-s of the venerable preceptors (arya-saiksa- s) during 
the second part of the day and to the samgha- s of the 
prthak-jana- s during the third part of the day. 

Towards the end of his life the king took the vow to donate 
one hundred crores of gold to the samgha-s of each of [the 
following countries, viz.] Aparantaka, Kashmir and *Thogar . 52 
He donated in full to the samgha-s of Kashmir and ^Thogar 
and also made offerings of other things equal in amount. When, 
however, four crores of gold and other materials remained to 
be donated to the samgha-s of Aparantaka [to complete the 
promised sum of one hundred crores], the king fell seriously ill. 
His nephew 53 Vasavadatta , 54 the treasurer of the royal gold, 
disobeyed the king and refused to pay the remaining gold to 
the samgha-s [of Aparantaka]. 

At that time, the king had half a handful 55 of amalaka- s 
before him for quenching his thirst. He offered these with 
great reverence to the arhat- s who at that time had come to 
him. All the arhat- s unanimously exclaimed, ‘Oh king, the 
virtue of this gift is much greater than that of the donation 
of ninetysix crores of gold which you had made while you were 

51. paiicavarsika. cf Przyluski 109 & 122. For Fa-hien’s detailed descrip- 
tion, see Legge 22f. 

52. Przyluski 109 argues that this reference to Tukharistan indicates that 
Tar is drawing here on much later legends, because Tukharistan 
‘opened itself to Buddhism only after the Kusanas’. But Tar 
apparently believes that Buddhism was introduced into Tukharistan 
much earlier — see Fol 12B, the account of Dhitika. For archaeological 
evidences of Buddhism in Tukharistan, see Litvinsky in Kushan Studies 
in USSR 51ft. 

53. tsha-bo. V & S grandson. 

54. nor-lhas-byin. 

55. skyu-ru-ra-snim-pa-phyed, lit. ‘half an aJijali of amalaka-s\ But the 
usual legend is about half an amalaka. cf Przyluski 65 ; Watters ii. 
100 . 




An attendant maid was once fanning him with a camara , 56 
the handle of which was studded with jewels. She felt sleepy 
by the midday heat and the camara fell down from her 
hand on the body of the king. The king thought, ‘Previously 
even the great kings [FoS 2 IB] used to wash my feet. Even the 
lowest of the servants is insulting me now in this way.’ Thus he 
died with anger in mind. 

Because of this anger, he had to be reborn as a Naga in a 
big lake of ^Pataliputra. 

It is said that arhat Yasah thought : ‘Where is the pious 
great king reborn ?’ And he came to know that he was reborn 
in the lake as a Naga. The arhat went to the shore of this 
lake. He (the Naga) came upon the surface of the lake and sat 
in front of the arhat in a Very pleasant manner, as had been his 
old habit. When he was about to eat the birds and other animals, 
the arhat preached the Doctrine and said, ‘Oh great king, 
beware !’ Immediately he stopped eating and died. He was 
reborn among the gods in the Tusita. 

From the time the king acquired reverence for the Law of 
the Buddha, started building numerous temples and monasteries 
all over his kingdom and spread the Law of the Buddha 
in all directions — from then on his former name was changed 
and he became famous as ^Dharma-Asoka. 

When he failed to donate to the bhiksu - s of Aparantaka 
more than ninety-six crores of gold, one of his wise ministers 
told him, ‘Oh king, there is a way out. Make a gift of this 
entire kingdom worth a hundred crores of gold to the samgha .’ 
Accordingly, the king donated the kingdom *to the samgha. 
For the sake of enhancing the king’s virtue, the samgha 
ruled the kingdom for only two days, after which they (the 
ministers) took back the kingdom in exchange of immeasurable 
gold and wealth offered to the samgha. And then [Fol 22A] 
Asoka’s grandson 67 Vigatasoka 58 was placed on the throne. 

56. rha-yab. 

57. tsha-bo. 

58. mya-han-bral. 

Ch. 6. Period of King Asoka 


In the history compiled by Ksemendrabhadra, is given this 
biography in an orderly form. (The account is also found) in 
the Sravaka Pitalca-s 59 and along with the Asoka-avadana , 
Asoka-vinlta-avadana , Asokena-naga-viriita-avadana, Caitya-axa- 
dana , Utsava-avadana, Sxarna-dana-axadana. These six, along 
with the Kunala-avadana, make the total of seven. Of these, 
the second and the seventh are translated in Tibet. I have 
seen the others in their Indian originals. Certain incidents 
like that of the ‘gift of gold’ are to be found also in the 
Kalpa-lata . 60 

The sixth chapter containing the 
account of the period of king Asoka. 

59. See Supplementary Note 2. 

60. dpag-bsam-'khri-sih, evidently the Avadana-kalpalata (Bib. Ind., 
Calcutta 1940). Incidentally, in Tg (mDo xciii), the Tibetan form of 
the name of the author Ksemendra is given as dge-ba'i-dbah-po and 
not as sa-dbah-bzah-po — see note 36 of ch. 4. 

6 & 




Before entrusting arya Krsna 1 with the Law, arya *Dhitika 
was ill for a long time. He resided then in *Kausambi in the 
’“Malava country. He was to deliver sermons to the ‘four classes 
of followers.’ However, the monks of Vaisali (said), ‘How can 
we expect sermons on the True Law from a sthavira who is him- 
self sick ?’ And they refused to go to him. While violating the 
Ten Prohibitions 2 , they claimed : ‘Such is the Doctrine, such is 
the Vinaya and such is the Law of the Teacher.’ 

Seven hundred arhat- s 3 — including arhat Yasah 4 — felt 
annoyed and organised the Second Council for the collection of 
the sayings (of the Buddha) at the *KusumpurI vihara under 
the patronage of king Nandin , 5 a *Licchavi ,by birth. 

1. V & S Kala. V n 'According to the Chinese histories, Dhitika was 
born in Mathura and preached in Central India, while Kala (Chinese 
Mi-tsche-kia) was born in Central India and was the head of 8,000 

2. For the Ten Prohibitions and the Second Council, see Supplementary 
Note 3. 

3. On the Second Council being a council of 700 arhat- s, see Bu-ston 
ii. 94 ; Watters ii. 73ff ; BA i. 24. According to the Cullavagga xii. 
2.9 and Vinaya-Ksudraka (quoted by Bu-ston ii. 94), all of them were 
the disciples of Ananda. 

4. On the part played by Yasah (variously mentioned as Yasa, Yasoda, 
Yasano, Yasah — Watters ii. 74) in summoning the Second Council, 
see Bu-ston ii. 91ff ; Watters ii. 73ff ; Cullavagga xii. 1.1 (where he is 
mentioned as the son of Kakandaka) ; etc. Tar glosses over the 
account of the organised hostility of the Vaisali monks against 
Yasah : Cullavagga xii. 1.7 — they expelled Yasah ; Vindya-Ksudraka 
(see Bu-ston ii. 94) — they tried to bribe his followers ; etc. Hence, 
Yasah bad to go round various places for mobilising support in 
favour of himself. 

5. dga'-byed. See Supplementary Note 3. 

Ch. 7. Incidents during the period of Asoka 


[Fo! 22 B] Now, about those seven hundred arhat-s. At the 
time of the demarcation 6 of the six cities, (even) among those 
who belonged only to the region of Vaisall there were ubhayato- 
bhdga-vimukta and vahusruta arhat-s. Hence this Second Council 
was a representative 7 (lit. ‘collection of parts’ or ‘composite’) 
one. Since a full description of it is given in the Ksudra-agama 8 
and is accordingly well-known, I am not describing it here. 

That this Second Council took place at this time is stated by 
*Bhadaghati 9 and Ksemendrabhadra and we take it to be in 
accordance with our view, because the Vinaya current in Tibet 
states that the Second Council took place one hundred and ten 
years after the Teacher’s nirvana. 

According to the Vinaya of the other sects, the Second 
Council took place two hundred and ten or two hundred and 
twenty years after the Teacher’s nirvana. Many historical works 
were produced in India for bringing the two versions into agree- 
ment. Though these make arya *Dhitika and others the con- 
temporaries of Asoka, (at the same time) according to these the 
Second Council took place after the nirvana of Mahasudarsana 10 
and the death of king Asoka. 

In the Ksudra-agama is said, ‘When he [Krsna] entrusted 
Mahasudarsana with the Law, even the great elephants 11 [the 

6. mtshams-bcad-pa. V n — it should be understood here in the sense of 

7. cha-sas-kyi-bsdu-ba, lit. ‘collection of parts’. According to the 
Cullavagga, this Council referred the matter to a committee consisting 
of four monks from the east and four from the west ; bhiksu Ajita 
was appointed the seat-regulator and SabbakamI (Sarvakamin) was 
elected to preside over the Council. The Vinaya-ksudraka (quoted 
by Bu-ston ii. 91ff) asserts that Yasah first mobilised for himself the 

r * f - 

support of arhat Sarvakamin of Sadha from the city of Sonaka, of 
Dhanika from Samkasya, of Kubjita from Pataliputra, of Ajita from 
Srughna, of Sambhuta from Mahismatl and of Revata from Sahaja. 
cf also Watters ii. 76 on the Council being representative. 

8. luh-phran-tshegs, the Vinaya-ksudraka-vastu (Kg Dul-va xi 2, xii, xiii) 
Sendai No. 6. 

9. S-ed Bhataghati. P-ed Bhadaghati. 

10. legs-mthoh-chen-po. 

11. glah-po-chen-po, Rockhill LB 170n — the seven early patriarchs are 



patriarchs] had attained parinirvdna and at that time ( de’i-tshe ) 
one hundred and ten years had passed after the nirvana of the 
Teacher.’ There is some confusion about the meaning of these 

The Indian particle *yadacit, according to the ways of analy- 
sing the compound, is used in both the senses of £ at which time’ 
(gah-gi-tshe) and ‘at that time’ (de’i-tshe) . 12 [ Fol 21 A ] In the 

present context, it should be translated as ‘at which time’ [i.e 
roughly this period]. 13 

The guru *pandita said, ‘To speak of two hundred and 
twenty years is the same as to speak of one hundred and ten 
years, because the former counts a half year as one year.’ In 
the metrical composition of *pandita Indradatta 14 [is said] : 
‘After the nirvana of the Jina, on the fiftieth year came Upa- 
gupta and the succession of the Leadership of the Order came to 
its end on the hundred and tenth year. After that was born 
Asoka.’ We also come across the comment on this : ‘This 
does not agree with the prediction. Further, it contradicts the 
main Indian sources. Therefore, though it appears quite all right 
and justified, it is in fact baseless.’ 

In *Anga in the east, there lived a very rich householder. In 
his house there was a tree that grew as the result of his virtue. 
It gave fruits in the form of gems. He had no son. So he wor- 
shipped the images of Mahadeva, Visnu and Krsna. 15 As a 
result, a son was born to him, who was given the name Krsna. 

On- growing up, he had the desire for a sea-voyage and 
reached the treasure islarfd with five hundred merchants in a 
ship. His voyage was successful. Thus he made six smooth and 

designated in the Tibetan Vinaya as elephants, i.e. mighty ones. V ti; 
‘the great teachers (lit. elephants)'. 

12. i.e. the former roughly refers to a period whereas the latter specifies it. 

13. S n ‘So imagines Taranatha. One can easily see how far he was 
versed in Sanskrit. The word yadacit is, indeed, a Tibetan fabrica- 
tion.’ But the comment is hardly justified, for the meaning of the 
word suggested by Tar can as well be justified by the rules of Sanskrit 

14. dbah-poi-byin. See Fol 139A, where the title of his work is mentioned 
as the Buddha-purana. 

15. VKala. 

Ch. 7, Incidents during the period of Asoka 


successful voyages within a short time and became known every- 
where as a virtuous merchant. In the meanwhile his parents 
died and he became a devotee of arya *Dhitika. A number of 
merchants came to him from the far north and requested him 
to make another voyage with them. | Fol 23B ] He said, 1 
have never heard of one making seven successful voyages. So I 
cannot go. 5 But on the strong insistence of others, he had to 
make the voyage at last. 

They reached the treasure island and were returning with the 
ships loaded with gems. They saw an island covered with green 
forest raised above the sea and thought of having some rest 
there. As they reached the place, the raksasi called Krauncl- 
kumari 16 — a kind of sea-demon— captured the merchants. The 
leader of the merchants (Krsna) prayed to arya *Dhitika. The 
deities favouring him reached this message to arya *Dhitika. 
By his miraculous power, arya *Dhitika appeared in the island. 
The raksasi- s were scared by his halo and ran away. Thus 
the merchants safely returned to *Jambudvipa. 

After this the merchants entertained the neighbouring 
samgha- s for three years with all their wealth. They got them- 
selves ordained, received upasampada under arya *Dhitika 
and eventually attained arhat- hood. 

Later on, at the time of arya *Dhitika’s nirvana, arya Krsna 
was entrusted with the Law. Though coming from a leading 
merchant family, he became an ordained monk. His sermons 
to the ‘four classes of followers’ maintained the tradition of 
leading them to ‘the four stages of perfection.’ 

There was then in Kashmir a monk called Vatsa 17 born in a 

16. khruh-khruh-gshon-nu-ma. 

17. gnas-pa, lit. sthira. S reconstructs the name as Vatsa, which is adop- 
ted here, because the view under discussion appears to be that of the 
Vatsiputriyas. See Stcherbatsky BL i. 32 ; N. Dutt AMB 17n ; 
Vallee-Poussin in ERE iv. 184 &n. Vn 'We do not know if this 
Vatsa should be considered as the same person as Vatsiputra, from 
whom originated the well-known school of the Vatsiputrlyas, one of 
the earliest to be separated from the Sthaviras.’ Incidentally, the 
Tibetan form of Vatsa as forming part of the Vatsiputrlyas is 



brahmana family. He was cruel, wicked and, though vastly 
learned, was in favour of the doctrine of the (permanent) soul 
( atmaka-vada ). He went around corrupting the common monks 
with the wrong view. This resulted in minor controversies 
within the samgha. So in the *Puskarini-vihara in *Maru, the 
samgha- s congregated from all around, yaksa Kapila providing 
them for their maintenance. [ Fol 24A ] The expiatory rite 
was performed there. He (Krsna) repeatedly preached the 
doctrine of impermanence (lit. denial of soul, anatma-vada ) to 
all the samgha- s. When three months were almost over, he 
purified the minds of those monks who were previously influ- 
enced by the doctrine of the soul as preached by sthavira Vatsa 
and led everybody to the realisation of truth. At last even 
sthavira Yatsa himself was brought to the right view. 

At that time, in the island of *Singala [Simhala] there 
lived the king Asana-Simha-Kosa . 18 As he was holding his 
court, a merchant from *JambudvIpa presented him a wooden 
image of the Teacher. He asked, ‘What is this ?’ [The merchant] 
described to him the greatness [of the leaders] from the Teacher 
to arya Krsna. The king felt eager to see arya Krsna and to 
listen to the true Doctrine. He sent a messenger. The messenger 
reached the arya and the arya, along with his five hundred 
followers, flew through the sky by his miraculous power. Cling- 
ing to his robe, the messenger also reached the border of 
*Simhala. The messenger was sent (to the Ling) and the king, 
along with others, came to welcome them. They proceeded 
towards the capital, showing on their way various miracles like 
radiating multi-coloured rays. He (Krsna) preached the Doctrine 
for three months in that island, filled it with monasteries and 
samgha-s and led many people to the ‘four stages of perfection . 5 

Though the island had been blessed before by the Teacher’s 
feet, after the Teacher’s nirvana the Law there gradually faded 
away. [Fol 24B] But arya Krsna spread it extensively again. 

18. This reconstruction is after V & S. The text has khri-ldan-seh-ge- 
mdsod-pa However, assuming khri-ldan not forming part of the 
name itself, the passage may be translated as, ‘The throne of the 
Simhala island was at that time occupied by Simha-kosa.’ 

Ch. 7. Incidents during the Period of Asoka 


At last, he (Krsna) entrusted arya Sudarsana with the Law, 
who was a ksatriya by birth and who attained nirvana in *Kusa- 
vana in the north. 

Now; about arya Sudarsana. 

There lived a very prosperous person called Darsana , 19 born 
in the Pandu 20 family of the ksatriya - s in *Bharukaccha in the 
west. His son was named Sudarsana. When he grew up, he had 
in fifty gardens fifty charming damsels, each of them with five 
female attendants and five female musicians. Everyday, he used 
to have flowers worth five thousand golden *pana- s, not to 
speak of his other riches. In fact, he was as wealthy as the 

While proceeding to the garden accompanied by his attendants, 


he once saw an arhat called *Sukayana, who was going towards 

the city along with his large body of followers. Filled with great 

reverence, he (Sudarsana) bowed down at his feet and sat nearby. 

When the arhat (Sukayana) preached the Doctrine, he attained 

arhat-hood while sitting on the same place. 

He prayed for ordination. The arhat said that one living in 

the house was unfit for ordination. Hence, there was no scope 


for it. (And the arhat Sukayana added), ‘However, you may 
ask your father.’ 

So he prayed to his father (for the permission of) getting 
ordained. This made the father furious, who was about to 
bind him with iron chains.. At that moment, he raised himself 
up in the sky and showed miracles like radiating lustre, etc. His 
father was full of reverence and said, ‘Oh son, since you are 
possessed of such excellences, please get yourself ordained and 
have mercy for me also.’ [Fol 25A] Then he received the ordi- 
nation and, as the result of his preaching the Doctrine to the 
father, the father also realised the Truth. 

After this, he accepted arya Krsna as the acarya and stayed 
with him for a long time. After the nirvana of arya Krsna, the 

19. mthoh-ba. 

20. skya-seh. 




great Sudarsana maintained discipline among the ‘four classes 
of followers.’ 21 

There lived then in the region of *Sindhu in the west a 
powerful yaksini called *HingalacI, who wielded great magical 
power. She caused terrible epidemics in different countries. 
When the people tried to escape, she assumed a dreadful form 
and blocked their roads. The people offered her everyday a 
sacrifice consisting of food drawn by a cart of six oxen, and 
also a man and a woman and a good horse. 

Then arya Sudarsana realised that it was time to subdue her. 
So he received his alms of cooked food ( pinda ) from a village 
of *Sindhu and started eating it at her place. The yaksini took 
him as a monk who had lost his way. When the slop-water 
fell on the ground, she became furious and showered stones and 
weapons at him. But as the arhat remained absorbed in medi- 
tation on compassion, these turned into a shower of flowers. By 
the will-power of the arya, there broke out fire all around. As 
the yaksini herself began to be burnt by it, she got scared and 
took refuge to the arya. He preached the Doctrine to her and 
led her to siksa. [Since then] no sacrifice of flesh and blood is 
offered to her till now. 

[ Fol 25 B ] Realising that after him there would be none to 
do it, he subdued about five hundred Nagas and Yaksas, who 
had no respect for the Law. The arya next toured the southern 
countries extensively, filled these with monasteries and samgha- s 
and established the Law of the Buddha in many small islands. 
He spread the Doctrine also in Maha-cina 22 and other places, 
though in a limited form. 

Thus causing bliss to innumerable people, he attained nirvana 
‘without any corporeal residue’. 23 

21. V n ‘According to the Chinese historians, the seventh patriarch is 
called Buddhanandi and he was a native of northern India. Krsna 
(or Kala) met him in a market and reminded him of the Buddha’s 
prophecy to Ananda that 300 years after his nirvana, Buddhanandi 
will spread the Doctrine in the north.’ 

22. rgya-yu'-chen-po. See J 106. 

23. phuh-po-lhag-ma-med-pa' i-dbyihs , N. Dutt AMB 79 nirupadhi-sesa— 

Ch. 7. Incidents during the Period of Asoka 


The childhood of king Asoka synchronised with the latter 
part of the life of arya *Dhitika. The Law was looked after by 
arya Krsna when Asoka was following his career of sin and by 
arya Sudarsana when he (Asoka) became dharma-raja. u 

After the nirvana of the great Sudarsana, the king (Asoka) 
also passed away. 

From arya Ananda to Sudarsana, there exist avadana- s 
about each (of the patriarchs). I have given here their gist 
based on the selections from these by Ksemendrabhadra. 

These successors maintained the Law fully and their contribu- 
tions are in a manner comparable to those of the Buddha him- 
self. Many arhat-s appeared after them, yet the contribution of 
none of them could match that of the Teacher himself and that 
of these patriarchs. 

The seventh chapter containing the account 
of the incidents of the period of king Asoka. 

24. chos-kyi-rgyal-po. 





King Asoka had eleven sons, among whom the best was 
*Kunala. He was given the name *Kunala by a sage, because 
he had eyes like those of the *Kunala birds of the Himalaya. 
When he became well-versed in all arts, [Fot 26A] a queen of 
Asoka called Tisyaraksita 1 became erotically attached to him 
and tried to seduce him. 2 Being very chaste, he did not 
respond. Tisyaraksita was extremely angry. 

Asoka was once sick with violent vomitting and purgations. 
Tisyaraksita came to know that a common man of the hilly 
region was similarly sick. She got him killed and his abdomen 
opened. It was found that within his stomach there was a 
hideous looking insect with many limbs. She understood that 
its movement up and down was causing the vomitting and 
purgation. It could not be killed by any medicine other than 
white garlic. So Tisyaraksita gave the king the medicine of 
white garlic. The ksatriya-s did not take garlic. But the king 
book it on medical consideration and was cured. 

When the king wanted to grant her whatever she desired, 
she said, ‘Not now ; I shall ask for it some other time.’ 

Prince *Kunala was once sent with the army to suppress 
the revolt of king Kunjarakarna 3 in the far north-western 
country called *Asmaparanta. 4 When he subdued the king, 

1 . skar-rgyal-bsruhs-ma . 

2. For legends of Tisyaraksita, see Supplementary Note 4. 

3. glah-po'i-rna-ba, lit. the ear of an elephant or of a cow. V & S 
Gokarna. In the Kunala-avadana (Bongard-Levin & Volkova verse 
85 f) and Avadana-kalpalata, the name occurs as Kunjarakarna. 

4. By Asmaparanta, Tar refers to Taksasila — see, e.g. Fol 32A, though 

the usual Tibetan form of Taksasila is r do- jog. In Chinese sources, 
it is variously mentioned as 'cut off head’ (sila understood as siras), 
‘severed rock’, ‘chiselled rock’, ‘the rock of the Takkas’ etc — Watters i. 
241 ; Legge 32. ^ ; 

Ch. 8. Period of King Vigatasoka 


Tisyaraksita said to Asoka, ‘Lord, it is now the time to fulfil 
your promise. Give me the power to rule for seven days.’ 

This was granted. She wrote a letter ordering to pluck off 
the eyes of *Kunala, stole the king’s seal, put it on the letter 
and sent it with a messenger to *Asmaparanta. In spite of 
reading the letter, the king of that country hesitated to pluck 
off *Kunala’s eyes. * Kunala himself read the letter and taking 
it as the king’s order was about to offer his own eyes, when 
(the king of Asmaparanta) said, ‘Pluck off only one of your 
eyes, and hand it over to me.’ [Fol 26B] He did so. 5 

An arhat had already foretold all these to him and preached to 
him many aspects of the Doctrine, like that of impermanence, 
etc. As he remembered the significance of all these while hand- 
ing over one of his eyes, he attained the srotapatti stage. He 
then left all his attendants and wandered about in different 
places with a vlna in his hands. 

At last he reached the elephant-stable of (the king of) 
*Pataliputra. A wise elephant recognised and saluted him. 6 But 
the men there could not recognise him. In the early morning, 
the elephant-keepers told him, ‘Play the vlna. 11 When he 
played the vlna and gave out the *gamaka, the king listened to 
it from his gorgeous palace and the sound reminded him of his 
son. In the morning, he made enquiries and found his son. 

After he came to know the reason for all these, he became 
furious and ordered : ‘Put Tisyaraksita in a house made of 
lacquer and set fire to it.’ But *Kunala dissuaded him from 
doing this. 7 * 

5. Yuan-chuang reports (Watters i. 245-6) : ‘On the north side of the 
south hill to the south-east of the capital (Taksasila) was a tope about 
100 feet high erected by king Asoka on the spot where his son prince 
Kunala had his eyes torn out by the guile of his step-mother ; the 
blind came here to pray, and many had their prayers answered by 
restoration of sight.’ 

6. Ksemendra narrates this legend of the elephant recognising Kunala, 
though it does not occur in the Divyavadana — Bongard-Levin & 
Volkova 4. 

7. ‘According to the Divyavadana, Asoka severely punished queen 

Tisyaraksita and the people of Taksasila ... In Ksemendra’s poem, 



'If I have the same compassion for Tisyaraksita that I 
have for my own son and if I am free from all anger, let me get 
back my eye as before.’ —The moment he prayed like this he 
received back the eye 8 more beautiful than the older one. 

He next took up ordination and attained ar hat-hood. That 
is why, though it was his turn to be the king, his son Vigata- 
soka 9 was placed on the throne. 

Now, there lived a brahmana called *Raghava 10 in *Odivisa. 
He was wealthy and became a follower of the Three Jewels. In 
his dream, he received the following inspiration from the deity : 
‘In the next morning, a monk will come to beg at your house. 
He is powerful and is possessed of miraculous power. So he will 
be able to make the neighbouring arya- s assemble. .Pray to him.’ 

[Fol 27A] In the morning, arhat Posada 11 came to his house. 
When he (Raghava) prayed to him, he got about eighty thou- 
sand arhat-s assemble there and they were entertained for three 
years. The deities favouring the Law showered gems 12 on his 
house. During the rest of his life he used to satisfy one lakh of 
beggars 13 every day. 

The eighth chapter containing the account 
of the period of king Vigatasoka. 

the king, full of kindness, forgives the guilty ... According to one of 
the versions, Asoka executed Tisyaraksita’ ( ib .). cf also Watters 
ii. 295. 

8. Though, according to the Divyavadana and Ksemendra’s poem, Kunala 
received back his eye-sight by virtue of his truthfulness ( satyadhi - 
sthana ), according to other sources (see Beal BRWW 139-41), he 
was actually cured by arhat G hosa. Watters i. 246 : ‘Ghosa, the name 
of the arhat who restored eye-sight to Kunala, was also the name of 
a physician of this district (Taksasila), who was celebrated as an 

9. V n ‘According to Lassen ii. 271, the son of Kunala is named Sam- 
pati. The account given in the Chinese history of Asoka agrees 
with this.’ cf Bongard-Levin & Volkova 6. 

10. cf Bu-ston ii.116. 

11. bsos-byin. 

12. S ‘flowers.’ But the text has rin-po-ce ( ratna ). 

13. V & S bhiksu. But the text has sloh-ba-po, i.e. beggars (D 1301) 
not in the sense of the monks, for which the usual Tibetan is 

Ch. 9. Period of Kasyapa, the Second 




Now , 1 arhat Kasyapa , 2 bom in *Gandhara in the north, 
was working for the welfare of the living beings with ‘the three- 
fold deeds of the Law .’ 3 At that time king Virasena , 4 son of king 
Vigatasoka, obtained inexhaustible treasure without causing 
the least harm to the living beings by propitiating the goddess 
Sr !, 5 the consort of Kuvera . 6 He entertained for three years the 
monks all around and worshipped all the caitya- s in the world 
with a hundred items of offerings for each. 

In Mathura a brahmana called Yasasvi , 7 who was highly 

devoted to the Law, built a monastery called Saravati 8 and an 

arhat named Slanavasa 9 preached the Doctrine there to a large 
number of monks assembled from the four directions. He 
entertained about a hundred thousand monks. 

In *Maruda 10 there lived the son of a merchant called 
Mahadeva . 11 He committed the three deadly sins 12 namely 

1 . de'i-rjes-su, lit. ‘after that’. 

2. ’ od-sruhs . 

3. bstan-pa'i-bya-ba-rnam-pa-gsum. V n ‘teaching, debating and com- 

4. dpa'-bo'i-sde. S-ed dbah-po'i-sde, hence S translates the name in the 
note as Indrasena, though retaining the form Virasena in the text. 
In the Table of Contents, S-ed also gives the form dpa'-bo'i-sde, lit. 
vira-sena, which occurs in both the places in P-ed. cf Bu-ston ii. 118. 

5. lha-mo-dpal. S Laksmi. 

6. rnam-thos-sras. S Vaisravana, 

7. grags-ldan. V & S Yasika. Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 116) Yasasvin. 

8. ’ dam-bu-can. 

9. yul-bslan-pa. S. Slanavasa. 

10. V n ‘According to Palladius, Maruda. S thinks that the name of this 
kingdom might have originated from the name of Marunda king.’ 

11. On Mahadeva, his alleged sins and the five principles preached by 
him as related in the Abhidharma treatises, see Supplementary Note 5. 

12. mtshams-med-gsum, See J 455; D 1039; Mahavyutpatti Part iii, p. 



killing his father, killing his mother and killing an arhat. De- 
pressed in mind, he left for Kashmir where, carefully concealing 
his misdeeds, he became a monk. As he had a keen intellect, 
[ Fol 27B ] he acquired mastery of the three Pitaka-s, felt 
remorse for his sins and strove by himself after meditation in a 
monastery. Being blessed by the power of Mara, he was taken 
by all for an arhat and thus his prestige grew more and more. 


He went to the Saravati monastery 13 with a large number of his 
monk-followers. The monks there used to recite by turn the 
Pratimoksa-sutra. u When it was Mahadeva’s turn to recite, at 
the end' of the recital he added : 

‘All the gods are deceived by ignorance. The 
path is made of mere verbal tradition. Those 
with doubt are being converted [into the Law] 
by others. Such is the Law of the Buddha.’ 

As he recited thus, the arya- s and older bhiksu- s said, ‘This 
does not form part of the sutra .’ Most of the younger bhiksu- s 
sided with Mahadeva. Thus there arose a quarrel. 

On many other occasions also, he similarly distorted the 
meaning of the siitra- s. After his death, another monk called 
Bhadra, 15 who is considered to have been a veritable incarna- 
tion of the evil Mara, raised many doubts by way of challeng- 
ing the sayings [of the Buddha]. He preached the five principles, 18 
namely of 1) rejoinder, 17 2) ignorance, 18 3) doubt, 19 4) critical 


13. V n ‘Palladius mentions Pataliputra instead of Saravati as the place 
of this incident.’ cf Watters i. 269ff ; Bu-ston ii.109. 

14. so-sor-thar-pa'i-mdo (Sendai No. 2) 

15. bzah-po. cf Bu-ston ii.96, where Mahadeva is not mentioned in 
connection with the controversies leading to the Third Council (under 
Kaniska). Instead of that, Bu-ston quotes the Tarkajvala of Bhava- 
viveka : ‘Mara, the Evil One, having assumed the form of a 
monk named Bhadra, showed many miraculous apparitions, sowed 
disunion amongst the clergy and brought confusion into the 

16. See Supplementary Note 5. 

17. gshan-la-lan-g dab-pa. Roerich (BA i. 28) translates ‘advice to others.’ 

18. ma-ses-pa. ' • 

19. yid-gnis. V double-mindedness. Roerich (BA i. 29) doubt ( vimati ). 

Ch. 9. Period of Kasyapa, the Second 


examination 20 and 5) fortifying one’s own thesis. 21 [He said] 
that these formed the Law of the Teacher. 

Thus there arose many differences of opinion concerning the 
understanding of the sayings of the Teacher. Irregularities and 
conflicts resulted from the various doubts and uncertainties. 22 
As the preachers of the various stitra- s preached these in different 
languages of the different regions, the sayings were gradually 
corrupted, the letters becoming shorter or longer due to the 
influence of the different dialects and modes of writing. 23 

The arhat- s and other scholars [ Fol 28A ] tried to resolve 
these conflicts. However, because of the influence of Mara 
on the common monks, the controversies could not be 

Only after the death of Mahadeva and Bhadra, the monks 
realised their real character. 

After the nirvana of arhat Kasyapa, the second, arya 
Mahaloma 24 and arya Nandin 25 worked for the Law in 

The ninth chapter containing the account 
of the period of Kasyapa, the second. 

20. yohs-su-brtag-pa. V full conviction. Roerich (BA i. 29) careful 
investigation ( parikalpa ). 

21. bdag-nid-gso-bar-byed-pa. Roerich (BA i. 29) self-maintenance. 

22. S tr ‘Conflict became manifold from the doubts and misunderstand- 

23. cf Bu-ston ii. 96-7. See Supplementary Note 6. 

24. spu-chen-po. 

25. dga'-ba-can. 






King Virasena died shortiy after arya Mahaloma and arya 
Nandin started to look after the Law. His son Nanda 1 
ascended the throne and ruled the kingdom for twentynine 
years. He brought the pisaca *Pi-lu-pa 2 under control and, 
as a result, whenever he stretched his palms to the sky, these 
were filled with gems. 

There lived then a brahmana called Yijha 3 in Stfvarna-drona . 4 
He got the monks of the four directions to assemble and enter- 
tained them for seven years. After that, the king of *Kasi- 
varanasi worshipped the monks and maintained them for many 

Now, a vastly learned monk called Naga repeatedly praised 
the five principles [of Bhadra] and intensified the disputes 
among the samgha- s. This led to the split of the samgha-s into 
four sects. So arya DharmasresthI , 5 after attaining arhat- hood, 

1. dga'-bo. 

2. V Pilu. Tg (rG xliii. 1 52) contains a work called Pisaca-pilupala-sadha- 
na attributed to Prajnapala or Prajnapalita. 

3. mkhas-pa. V Kusala. But see Obermiller — Bu-ston ii. 109. 

4. gser-bre. cf Bu-ston ii. 109. V n ‘This kingdom is mentioned in the 
Vinaya Vol ge 144. It lies on the path traversed by the Buddha from 
Sa-la’i-sto-bas to Saketana ( gnas-bcas ). This kingdom was thus called, 
because the Brahmins measured gold which Sakyamuni, in his previ- 
ous birth — when he was still a Bodhisattva — distributed in weight of 
units of drona ( bre ).’ 

5. chos-kyi-tshoh-dpon. V & S Dharmasrestha. But tshoh-dpon means 
‘the leading merchant.’ The Vi naya-stotra (mDo xc.9, commented 
upon by Vinltadeva — mDo lxxviii.5 lit. repro. xc.10) attributed to him 
in Tg mentions his name as acarya bhadanta Dharmasresthin, 
(Index Mongolian giving the equivalent of the name as Dharma 

Ch. 10. Period of Arya Mahaloma and others 


left the disputing groups of samgha-s and went towards the 
north accompanied by the peace-loving monks. 

The brahmana *Panini 6 was a friend of king Nanda. He 
was born in the "“Bhiruka-vana in the west. He asked the 
palmist whether he was going to be an expert in grammar. 
The prediction was in the negative. [Foil 28 B] With a sharp 
knife, he changed the lines of his own palm, studied grammar 
under all the grammarians of the world, worked hard and 
acquired great proficiency. Yet he remained dissatisfied. 

By intense propitiation, he received the vision of the 
tutelary deity. The deity appeared before him and uttered 
* 0 , */', *w, and he acquired knowledge of all words in the three 

The ‘outsiders’ 7 (vahya- s or tirthika- s) consider him as the 
is vara. But the ‘outsiders’ have no basis for this. The 
‘insiders’ 8 9 10 consider him as Avalokitesvara. This is based on 
the prophecy of the Manjusn-mula-tantra 9 : ‘*Panini, the son of 
a brahmana, will certainly attain the sravaka-bodhi. I have 
predicted that he would be the great lokesvara (Avalokitesvara) 
by his own words (lit. charms)’. 

He composed a grammatical work called *Pani-vyakarana, 
containing a thousand *sloka- s and a commentary on it 
containing another thousand *sloka- s. Thus, he composed two 
thousand *sloka- s 10 in all. These are supposed to be the 
basis of all grammatical works. 

6. The usual form in which Tar mentions the name is Pani. 

7. phyi pa, i.e. the non-Buddhist. 

8. naii-pa, i.e. the Buddhist. 

9. Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 167) translates the passage — 

Panini, the brahmatia's son. 

Has been prophesised by me 
To attain the enlightenment of the sravaka - s 
And he shall likewise secure the charm 
For propitiating the High Lord of the Universe. 
Interestingly, Panini’s grammar, as preserved in Tg ( mDo cxxxv.l ) 
is mentioned as being revealed by arya Avalokitesvara to Panini. 

10. The colophon of the Panini-vyakarana-sutra, as preserved in Tg 
(mDo cxxxv.l) says that it contains 2000 sloka-s . 



There ex.sted no written treatise on grammar before him, 
nor was there any system (of grammar). It is said that older 
grammarians used to learn a lot of grammar only by way of 
collecting stray rules from different fragmentary works. 11 But in 
Tibet, the * Indr a-vyakar ana is believed to be older 12 than this. 
If it is really older, it must have been a celestial composition. 
However, it is certain that in India ( arya-desa ) it could not 
have been an earlier work. This will be explained later. 

The Candra-vydkarana xz translated in Tibet is in agreement 
with that of ®Pani. The Kalapa-vyakarana 1 * agrees with the 
[grammatical] system of *Indra. So say the *pand ita- s. 15 That 
is why, it is said that persons with a thorough mastery of all 
the implications of the * Pani-vyakarana are very rare, these 
implications being extremely extensive. 16 [FoS 29 A] 

The tenth chapter containing the account 
of the period of drya Mahaloma and others. 

11. V St S add : ‘and they were regarded as highly learned.’ This is 
perhaps because of the word grags-so in the text, taken in the present 
translation as : ‘It is said.’ 

12. cf Bu-ston ii. 166f on the Indra-vyakarana being earlier than that of 

13. Tg ( mDo cxvi. 1 ) Candra-vyakarana-sutra-rtama by mahacarya 

14. see Fol 39B 

15. Y tr ‘our pandita .’ 

16. For Bu-ston’s view of the history of the grammatical literature, see 
Bu-ston ii. 166f. V quotes this in his note. 

Cb. 11. Period of King Mahapadma 




There was a king named Agnidatta 1 in Van ay u 2 on the 
northern frontier. He entertained for over thirty years about 
three thousand arya- s, inclusive of arhat Dharmasresthi 

When drya Mahatyaga 3 was looking after the Law in the 
madhya-desa , Mahapadma , 4 son of king Nanda, entertained all 
the samgha-s in Kusumapura . 5 6 A bhiksu called Sthiramati,® 
who was a follower of sthavira Naga , 7 provoked at that time- 
wider controversies by propagating the five principles (of 
Bhadra) over again. Thus the four sects began gradually to 
divide into eighteen. 

King Mahapadma had two friends, the brahmana Bhadra 
and the brahmana Vararuci 8 . Both of them entertained the 
samgha-s extensively. 

The brahmana Bhadra could visit any kingdom by his magic 
power and acquire all the wealth of the non-human beings 

1 . me-byin. V n quoted by S ‘In the Vinaya-ksudraka there is a legend 
about a king called Agnidatta. who was born out of fire after the 
death of his mother. According to the Tibetan Vinaya, he was a 
contemporary of the Buddha. He reigned in Parantaka and he was 
afraid that his possible disrespect for Gautama was to cause dis- 
content among the people and officers. Buddha passes through his 
place from Mathura via Otala for going to Pancala.’ cf the 
prophecy quoted by Bu-ston ii. 110 : ‘In the border woodland, in the 
royal palace called The Peaceful, the king named Agnidatta is to 
worship the relics and the disciples of the Buddha. In that country, 
more than 3,000 arhat- s are to arise,’ 

2. nags-kyi-sa, lit. vana-bhumi. 

3. gtoh-ba-chen-po. 

4. padma-chen-po. 

5. groh-khyer-me-tog. 

6. yid-brtan-pa — not the famous author and disciple of Vasubandhu, 
whom Tar discusses in Fol 65A-B. 

7. gnas-brtan-klu. 

8. mchog-sred. See Supplementary Note 7. 



(? yaksa-s, naga - s etc). With this he daily entertained with all 
requisites about eighteen hundred brahmana-s, two thousand 
monks and other wandering mendicants and beggars — ten thou- 
sand in all. 

Vararuci had a pair of charmed sandals made of leaves. 
Wearing these, he used to acquire precious things from the 
realm of the gods and the IS! a gas and with these he satisfied 
the needy persons. 

But there once developed hostility between him and the 
king. The king was apprehensive of being harmed by his black 
magic. So he sent an agent to kill him. [Fol 29BJ Wearing 
his pair of sandals, he escaped to Ujjayini. 9 At last a woman 
employed by the king seduced him and robbed him of his pair 
of sandals. He thus became unable to escape and was mur- 
dered by the killer. The king then built twentyfour monas- 
teries to atone for the sin of killing a brahmana. By providing 
these with all the necessaries, he made these the prosperous 
centres of the Doctrine. 

According to some, the Third Council 11 * took place during 
this time. Obviously, however, this cannot be fully true. 

It is said that this Vararuci prepared 11 a number of copies 
of the Vibhasa 12 and distributed these among the preachers of 

9. ’ phags-rgyal . 

10. Tar gives his account of the Third Council in Fol 31Af 

1 1 . bris, lit. ‘wrote’. V 'wrote ( i.e. did not compose but copied or 
ordered to be copied ).’ 

12. bye-brag-tu-bsad-pa. V n ‘Under the title Vibhasa, there are two 
works in Chinese translation, the first comprising 14 and the second 
200 chapters. Both of these are ascribed to Katyayana, who is said 
to have lived during the time of the Buddha and to have collected to- 
gether or explained the words of the Buddha in answer to the questions 
of Sariputra, the 500 arhat - s and others. The first of these works is 
very unusual, but the second is nothing more than a detailed commen- 
tary on the Jnanaprasthana — the first of the seven Abhidharma-s 
of which the Vibhasa is in a certain sense a summary. With 
reference to these works we find mention in these as well as in other 
sources that Katyayana lived 300 years after the parinirvana of the 
Buddha and that the first Vibhasa was composed by arhat 

Ch. 11. Period of King Mahapadma 


the Doctrine and that, though certain written works contain- 
ing the sayings (of the Teacher) existed even during the life- 
time of the Teacher himself, only henceforth began the practice 
of writing of the commentaries in the form of the sastra- s. 

But the word vibhasa is to be taken here in the sense of 
detailed exposition . 13 Thus also were explained the precepts of 
the Teacher on the basis of the exact words uttered by him 
before. In this way was spread the significance of the sayings. 
Hence, from the point of view of the sastra- s, nothing was 
composed as being more easily understandable than the sutra- s. 

This Vibhasa was composed for the welfare of the living 
beings of the later period. According to some, this was composed 
collectively by the arhat- s during the time of Upagupta. Accor- 
ding to others, this was composed by Yasah, Sarvakama 14 and 
others. The Tibetans think that it was composed by five 
hundred arhat- s like Sarvakama, Kubjita 15 and others in the 
north of the Vindhyas in the Nata-bhatika vihara. Such a view 
is clearly the result of mixing up the two views just mentioned. 
In any case, it is a collection of the sayings (of the Teacher) by 
the arhat- s 16 [Fol 30 A], which, after being orally transmitted 
through the succession of the sthavira- s, was later committed to 

According to the Vaibhasikas, the Seven Abhi- s 17 (i.e. the 

Shi-to-pan-ni and the second by 500 arhat- s called to Kashmir by the 
Gandhara king Kaniska 400 years (according to another tradition of 
this Vibhasa , 600 years) after the Buddha. Among the compilers were 
Parsva and Vasumitra. It is clear that the Vaibhasikas, the followers 
of this work, wanted this work to be associated with the name of the 
Buddha. The Sautrantikas, however, being opposed to the Vaibha- 
sikas, had no ground to conceal the truth (i.e. these works were much 
posterior to the Buddha). One must have this fact before one's eyes 
as one follows the text of Taranatha further.’ 

13. don-ni-shib-mor-bsad-pa. 

14. thams-cad-dod. 

15. skur-po. 

16. P-ed de-dag-gi, lit. ‘of the arhat- s’. S-ed de-dag-gis, ‘by the arhat- s’. 
The latter reading followed. 

17. These are 1) Dharma-skandha of Sariputra, 2) Prajnapti-sastra of 



seven Abhidharma treatises) are but the sayings (of the Teacher). 

Therefore, the Vibhasa was the first of the commentaries on the 

significance (of the sayings). According to the Sautrantikas, 

even the Seven Abhi-s were really composed by the sravaka- 

prthagjana- s , 18 though falsely propagated as the sayings of the 


Teacher compiled by Sariputra 19 and others. Thus the Seven 
marked the beginning of the commentaries on sastra- s . 20 

Some of the acdrya-s say that the Seven were originally the 
sayings of the Teacher, though it may be that into these 

Maudgalyayana, 3) Dhatu-kaya by Purna, 4) Vijnana-kaya by 
Devasarman, 5) Jnana-prasthana of Katyayana, 6) Prakarana-pada 
of Vasumitra and 7) Samgiti-paryaya by Mahakausthila. — see 
Bu-ston i. 49. 

18. nan-thos-so-so-skye-bo. 

19. sa-ri-bu. 

20. V n ‘Here is what is stated in the first Chinese Vibhasa. Who 
composed this sutra ? — Buddha. Why ? — Because* it contains the 
most profound wisdom, the most treasured esseAce of tfie teaching ; 
it explains all boundaries of omniscience. And, who, except Buddha, 
can possess such boundaries ! Why has it been said that it is 
composed ? — This sutra was pronounced in reply to the questions of 
Sariputra, 500 bhiksu- s and magic enquirers. Why is it said that 
Katyayana composed this sutra ? — Because this arya committed it to 
memory, mastered it and considerably propagated it by preaching. 
He took a vow for 500 Buddhas to compile the Abhidharma. What 
is meant by the Abhidharma of Buddha ? — Buddha preached various 
fragmentary teachings at various places and Katyayana, as a result 
of his previous desire, arranged these in sections and articles’. 

cf Bu-ston i. 49f ‘The Kashmirian Vaibhasikas regard these seven 
works as belonging to the Word of the Buddha. They say that they 
contain sermons delivered by the teacher at various time, at different 
places and to diverse persons separately, the arhat-s and sravaka-s 
having subsequently collected them ... The Sautrantikas and the other 
(schools) say, that the Abhidharma is included in both the Sutras and 
the Vinaya, or otherwise, has been expounded at intervals, and that 
no mistake is made (by admitting such an order). As to the seven 
works, (the schools just mentioned) regard them as exegetical treati- 
ses. The contents of these works are rendered, in abridged form, by 
the Mahavibhasa, which in its turn is condensed in the Abhidharma- 
kosa and other treatises.’ 

Ch. 11. Period of King Mahapadma 


were later interpolated the words of the sravaka-prthagjana-s, 
i.e. somewhat like the collection of the sutra - s of the different 
sects. The portions of these (Abhidharma-s) that contradict 
the three pramana- s 21 are to be considered as interpolations. 
Just as there is an Abhidharma-pitaka of Mahayana, so also 
there could have been one of the sravaka- s. It should be ad- 
mitted that there is coherence in the significance of the three 
pitaka- s. Since there exist as separate works two other pitaka - s 
of the sravaka-s, there is no reason to think that they had no 

The last view appears to be correct. So we may accept it 
here. The statement (to the contrary) made by the great acarya 
Vasubandhu 22 seems to have been influenced by his tendency to 
follow the Sautrantika view. 

Again, there are some who think that these (seven Abhidhar- 
ma-s of the sravaka- s) 23 are not at all the words of the Teacher 

and these contain many errors. So these could have been 

actually composed by Sariputra and others. Such a view is 
extremely foolish, because the Venerable Two (Sariputra and 
Maudgalyayana) attained nirvana before the Teacher. [FoS 30B] 
During the lifetime of the Teacher, commentaries on the 
significance of the sayings were not prepared at all. It is, 
therefore, too much to imagine that commentaries distorting 
the significance of his sayings were already written while the 
Teacher himself was alive. 

To keep ourselves confined to the Law of our Buddha : the 
difference between the sayings and the commentaries on the 
significance of these is as follows. The former were compiled 

21. i.e. a) consistency with the teaching of the Buddha (rah-tshig-sha- 
phyi-mi-gal-ba), b) freedom from internal contradiction ( luh-dah - 
sha-phyi-mi-gal-ba ) and c) not refuted by independent argument, i.e. 
logically sound ( rigs-pa-dah-sha-phyi-mi-gal-ba ). 

22. dbyig-gnen. 

23. V ‘it (i.e. the A^ibhasa)'. The literal translation of the cryptic sentence 
is : “there are some who think (?) not the sayings”. 




during his lifetime while the latter were composed after his 

If even the Venerable Two and others are viewed as having 
distorted the significance of the sayings, it will be impossible to 
trace anybody as being ‘duly authorised ’ 24 mentioned (in the 
following prediction): ‘It is almost the period of the termina- 
tion of the duly authorised ones.’ If even the arhat- s are 
considered to have been without the realisation of the Truth, 
it will have to be admitted that none realised the Truth follow- 
ing the path of the sravaka-s. This will amount to deliberate 
insults to the great arhat-s produced by the spiritual power of 
the Buddha. Therefore, such a view could only be the result 
of the influence of Mara. 

Shortly after the period of king Mahapadma, Candraraksita 25 
became the king of *Odivisa. It is said that arya Manjusri 
came to his house in the guise of a monk, preached some 
Mahayana doctrines and left a book there. According to the 
followers of the sutra, 20 it was the Prajna-paramita-asta- 
sdhasrikd . 27 According to the followers of tantra , it was the 
**Tattva-samgraha. 28 However, the point is not of major 
significance, though in my opinion the former view is right. 
This was the first appearance of the Mahayana in the human 
world after the Teacher’s nirvana. [Fol 31A]. 

The eleventh chapter containing the 

account of the period of king Mahapadma. 

24. dbah-gyur-skye-bo. 

25. zla-ba-sriih-ba. V & S Candragupta. But V adds in note 'literally, 
the protector of the moon, can also be Candraraksita '(?), because the 
name of Candragupta in the Candra-vamsa is written as zla-ba- 

26. mdo-lugs-pa. V & S Sautrantika. The usual Tibetan form of 
Sautrantika is mdo-sde-ba. 

27. ses-rab-kyi-pha-rol-tu-phyin-pa-brgyad-stoh-pa. Kg Sendai No 12. 

28. Kg — Sendai No 479 Sarva-tathdgata-tattvasamgraha-ndma-mahayana 
sutra . 

Ch. 12 Period of the Third Council 




Now, there was a king called Simha 1 in Kashmir. He recei- 
ved ordination and was called Sudarsana . 2 He then attained 
arhat-h ood and preached the Doctrine in Kashmir. 

King *Kaniska of *Jalandhara 3 heard about him, became 
full of respect and came towards Kashmir in the north. He 
listened to the Doctrine from arya Simha Sudarsana, worshipped 
extensively all the caitya - s in the north and also lavishly enter- 
tained the samgha-s of the four directions. 

At that time, there was a monk called Sanjaya . 4 He was 
taken as an arhat. He preached the Doctrine extensively, 
became very influential and received enormous wealth from the 
brahmana - s and householders. As a result the Doctrine was 
discussed by the samgha of two lakhs of monks . 5 

The monks were then already divided into eighteen sects, 
but lived without much controversies. 


In Kashmir there was a brahmana called *Sudra 6 who 
possessed inconceivable wealth. Bhattaraka Dharmatrata , 7 the 

1 . seh-ge. 

2. legs-mthoh. cfBAi. 24-5 ‘Arya Krsna ... entrusted the Doctrine to 
arya Sudarsana ... At that time three hundred years had elapsed since 
the parinirvana of the Blessed One. King Asoka having died, 
Sudarsana was reborn in Kashmira. His parents gave him the 
name of Simha. Having taken up ordination in the religious order 
of the Blessed One, he attained the stage of arhat- ship. About that 
time, a king from the country of Uttarapatha, named Kaniska, visited 
Kashmira in order to meet Simha.’ 

3. cf Bu-ston ii. 97 — Kaniska, king of Jalandhara. 

4. yah-dag-rgyal-ba-can. V Samjayin. cf Bu-ston ii. 109, where Samjaya 
(along with Vijna) mentioned as belonging to Saketana. 

5. lit. two lakhs of samgha- s. Y accepts this meaning. 

6. V & S Sudra. cf Bu-ston ii. 116 dmahs-rigs, lit. sudra. However, both 
in S-ed and P-ed, the name occurs as Sutra in transliteration. 

7. chos-skyob, whose Udanavarga (Tg mDo Ixxi. 1, lit. repro. of Kg — 
Sendai No 326) is considered as an agama (bka’) by the Vaibhasikas. 



Vaibhasika, along with his attendants, and the first Sautrantika 
mahd-bhattaraka Sthavira 8 of Kashmir, along with his five 
thousand attendant-monks, continued to receive his patronage 
and thus the Tri-pitaka was extensively propagated. 

The scriptures of the Sautrantikas, at this period, were the 
series of agama works 9 (dgama-grantha-mdla) , the Pitakadhara - 
musti, 10 etc. 

From the east there came then an arhat called arya Parsva, 11 
who had reached the limit of scriptural knowledge. [Fol 3!B]. 
He recited some extremely rare sutra- s like the Suvarnamala- 
avadana , 12 and the one containing the prediction received in 
dream by king *Kri-Kri, 13 — works that he received from some 
profoundly learned sthavira- s. 

Hearing (these), king *Kaniska got a large number of monks 
assembled in the Karnikavana monastery 14 of Kashmir and, 
according to the Kashmiris, the Third Council then took place. 

8. gnas-brtan. 

9. luh-dpe’i-phreh-ba. V & S Dr stanta-mul agama. Tg (mDo xciv. 41) 
contains a work called Drstanta-malya. 

10. sde-snod-’ dsin-pa' i-dpe-mkhyud. V n ‘We will in vain search in Chinese 
language — in which alone the agama- s are preserved in their complete 
form — some works corresponding to these titles. But if we think 
that Taranatha uses here not the exact titles of books but has in 
view their content, these works could be Madhyama-agama, which 
always makes use of comparison, and Samyukta-agama, which 
expounds the view of the creation of the universe. Otherwise, these 
works are already lost and the agama-s available are much later 

11. rtsibs-logs. cf Bu-ston ii. 108 and BA i. 25. 

12. gser-phreh-can-gyi-rtogs-brjod. Tg mDo xc. 17. 

13. This dream-prediction is found in Arya-svapna-nirdesa-nama-maha- 
yana-siitra — Kg Sendai No. 48. Bu-ston ii. 98 quotes the dream and 
its significance : 'Oh great monarch, in thy dream thou hast seen how 
18 men were pulling at a piece of cloth. This means that the teaching 
of the Buddha Sakyamuni will be split into 18 sects. But the cloth — 
that is (the Doctrine of) Salvation — will not be torn asunder. This 
passage likewise proves that (the canonical texts acknowledged by the 
18 sects) represent all of them the Words of the Buddha.’ 

14. rna-rgyart-nags or ma-rgyan-gyi-nags. BA i. 25 Karnikavana. Bu-ston 
ii. 97 — Kuvana monastery. V Kundalavana-vihara. 

Ch. 12. Period of the Third Council 


According to others, this council took place in the *Kuvana 
vihara, — a monastery of *Jalandhara. Most of the scholars 
accept the latter view. 

According to the Tibetans, this council took place in an 
assembly of five hundred arhat- s, five hundred bodhisattava- s 15 
and five hundred common ( prthagjana ) *pandita-s. 1G Although 
this does not go against the Mahayana tradition (it needs to 
be noted that) at that time the great Buddhist scholars were 
called maha-bhattaraka- s rather than * pandita-s . 17 So the use 
of the word * pandita with five hundred is not exactly correct. 

A stray page containing the later portion of an Indian 
work on the succession of the hierarchs is translated by 
Kumarasri of ’Gos . 18 In this also are mentioned four hundred 
bhattaraka- s like *Vasumitra and others . 19 So this is proper. 
However ,* 1 it will be wrong to identify this * Vasumitra with the 

15. N. Dutt AMB 40 The reference to the existence of a class of monks 
called bodhisattva- s at the time of Kaniska’s council is also signi- 
ficant. For we read in the Divyavadana p. 261 of the existence of a 
class of monks called bodhisattva-jatika, along with a hint that they 
were not looked upon with favour by the Hinayanists.’ Ib. 40n ‘Two 
or three days after the first ordination according to the pratimoksa 
rules, the monks pass through a special ordination according to the 
Brahmajala-sutra and become bodhisattva .’ 

16. Bu-ston ii. 97 ‘The members of the Council were 500 arhat- s with 
Purnika at their head, 500 bodhisattva- s, Vasumitra and others, and 
250 or 10,000 ordinary pandita-s.' 

17. Vidyabhusana HIL 271f 'Pandita was a degree which was conferred 
by the Vikramasila university on its successful candidates. It is not 
known what the title the university of Nalanda conferred on its 
distinguished students. Perhaps, in that university, too, the title 
pandita was recognised.’ 

18. i.e. the author of The Blue Annals, briefly referred to as ’Gos 
lo-tsa-ba. The passage is quoted in BA i.24-5 and it is added : ‘The 
above passage was discovered by me in a single leaf of an Indian 
manuscript which contained an account of the hierarchy of the 

19. The passage, as quoted in BA i.25, is : ‘At the vihara of Karnikavana 
in Kashmlra, 500 arhat- s headed by arya Parsva, 400 venerables 
headed by Vasumitra and 500 bodhisattva- s recited the Abhidharma.’ 



great Vaibhasika acarya Vasumitra. 20 Further, since these 
relate to the Law of the sravaka- s, it is desirable to follow the 
sravaka tradition here. It is said (in the sravaka tradition) 
that five hundred arhat-s and five thousand maha-bhattaraka- s, 
well-versed in the Tri-pitaka, took part in this council. Five 
hundred arhat-s are mentioned here in order to glorify the Law. 
As a matter of fact [Fol 32 A] the number of arhat-s was smaller. 
The number could have been five hundred including those who 
attained the srotapatti and other stages. 

Before Mahadeva and Bhadra, the number of those that 
attained the stages (of spiritual perfection) everyday was quite 
considerable. Because of the damage done to the Law by 
these two, controversies started among the monks and they 
became more keen on debate than on meditation. As a result, 
the number of those that attained spiritual perfection sharply 
dropped. That is why, at the time of the Third Council there 
were only a few arhat-s. 

During the latter part of king Vlrasena’s life, throughout the 
lives of kings Nanda and Mahapadma and the first part of the 
life of king *Kaniska, the controversies among the monks conti- 
nued. The controversies were most acute for sixty three years. 

20. Yuan-chuang also says that Vasumitra figured prominently in 
Kaniska’s Council. Referring to this name, Watters i.273f comments : 
‘Vasumitra, here as in other places, is a name common to several 
illustrious Buddhists in the early periods of the Church.’ Thus : 
1) a personal disciple of the Buddha, 2) author of the Abhidharma- 
prakaranapada-sastra and Abhidharma-dhatukayapada-sastra and 
probably also of a brief work commented upon by Dharmatrata, 
3) author of Arya-vasumitra-bodhisattva-sahglti-sastra, 4) the author 
of the treatises translated in Chinese as Chih-pu-yi-lun and Yi-pu-tsung- 
lan, 5) commentator on Vasubandhu’s Abhidhannakosa-sastra. 
Vasumitra mentioned in connection with Kaniska’s Council is 
supposed to have headed the 500 arhat-s who, in this Council, com- 
posed the Abhidharma-maha-vibhasa-sastra. ‘But’, comments 
Watters, ‘there is nothing either in this treatise or the Sahgiti-sastra to 
show that these works were written at the time of Kaniska, nor is there 
anything in either to show that it was wholly or in part the work of 

Ch. 12. Period of the Third Council 


If to these are added the minor controversies of the earlier and 
later periods, these went on for about a hundred years. 

The controversies subsided at the Third Council, when all 
those belonging to the eighteen sects jointly purified the Law 
and codified the Vinaya. Also those portions of the Sutra- 
pitaka and the Abhidharmci which were not codified before 
received codification and those portions which were already 
codified were revised . 21 

During the time of all these, some of the Mahayana scrip- 
tures reached the human world. A few monks who attained the 
anutpattikadharma-ksanti 22 stage preached these a little. How- 
ever, since this did not become very extensive, the sravaka- s did 
not contest ‘it. 

The twelfth chapter containing 
the account of the Third Council. 

21. cf Bu-ston ii.101 on the time of the codification of the pi taka-s. 

22. N. Dutt AMB 40 ‘It may be a development of the Hinayanic anut- 
padajhana (further non-origin of asrava - s and hence rebirth) and 
ksaya-jnana, but it bore a completely different sense in the Mahayana 
scriptures.’ V & S tr ‘those who had attained the practice in the 
teaching of "not to be born again.” ’ 





After the Third Council, king *Kaniska passed away. 

There lived a very wealthy householder called *JatP in 
*Asmaparanta in the north, near the Thogar country [Fol 32B] 
to the west of Kashmir. He used to worship all the caitya - s in 
the north. He invited Vasumitra, the Vaibhasika 1 2 bhattaraka , 
from the region of *Maru in the west and bhattaraka Ghosaka 3 
from the Thogar country. He entertained three lakhs of monks 
for twelve years. At the end of this, he prayed for anuttara- 
bodhi and as, the sign of the prayer being fulfilled, the offerings 
of flowers and lamps remained fresh and burning throughout the 
year and, moreover, the sandal-powder and the flowers offered 
(in the course of the prayer) remained suspended in the air. The 
earth shook and there came the sound of music, and so on. 

In the Puskalavati 4 Palace, king *Kaniska’s son entertained 

1. cf the prophecy quoted by Bu-ston ii. 109-10 : ‘On the northern border- 
land, in the city of Taksasila, a householder named Jatanika will 
appear. He will pay homage to my body and my disciples and, after 
one thousand aeons, in the age of Good Luck, in the world called 
Mahavyuha-svalamkrta, he is to become the Buddha Samantaprabha.’ 

2. V Sarvastivadin. But the text has bye-brag-tu-smra-ba, the usual 
Tibetan for Vaibhasika, that of Sarvastivadi being thams-cad-yod-pa. 

3. Litvinsky in Kushan Studies in USSR p. 64 ‘The famous Buddhist theo- 
logian Ghosaka was born in Tukharistan. He was one of the leading 
figures at the Buddhist Council in Purusapura and author of the 
commentary composed there on the Abhidharma-vibha sa. Ghosaka 
returned to Tukharistan after the Council. This theologian was 
accordingly a follower of the Vaibhasika school, later divided into 
branch schools, one of which, called the Western Vaibhasika school, 
was connected with “the country of Balhika” or Balkh. The tradi- 
tions of this school may even be traceable to Ghosaka.’ 

4. rgyas-ldan. Obermiller in Bu-ston ii. 110 translates as Vistaravati, cf 

Ch, 13. Extensive Propagation of Mahayana 


for five years one hundred arya- s and arhat-s and ten thousand 
other monks. 

There lived a brahmana called *Viduh in Kusumapura in the 
east. He prepared many copies of the Tri-pitaka and donated 
these to the monks. Each of the three pi taka- s contains a 
hundred thousand *sloka- s. He prepared a thousand copies of 
each of these. He also provided lavishly each monk with 
materials for worship. 

In the city of *Pataliputra there lived an arhat called arya 
*Asvagupta, 5 who was an a-samaya-vimukta 6 arhat and who 
devoted himself to the asta-vimoksa-samadhiJ As a result of his 
preaching the Doctrine, arya Nandamitra 8 and some others 
attained arhat-hood and many were led to realise the Truth. 

There was a king called *Laksasva in the west. He also 
extensively worked for the Law of the Buddha. 

In *Saurastra in the south-west, there lived a brahmana 
called Kulika. 9 [ Fol 33A ] There lived then a maha-sthavira 
arhat called *Nanda, who was born in *Anga and was well- 
versed in Mahayana. On hearing about him, he (Kulika) 
invited him to learn from him the Mahayana. 

Watters i. 214 Puskaravatl, the ancient capital of Gandhara. Accor- 
ding to Yuan-chuang, it was here that Vasumitra and Dharmatrata 
composed the treatises on Abhidharma. 

5. cf prophecy quoted by Bu-ston ii. 109 ‘In the city of Pataliputra, in 
the Margarama, there will be a monk called Asvagupta.’ 

6. (lus-mi-sbyor. D 634 — one of the twenty stages a monk of the 
Sravaka school reaches, (delivered at a wrong time). V ‘whose salva- 
tion does not depend upon time’ and adds in note 'the highest stage 
of arhat -hood.' 

7. mam-par-thar-pa-brgyad. Bu-ston ii. 91 — eight degrees of liberation 
(from materiality), But see note 5 of Ch. 5 

8. dga'-ba' i-bses-gnem Tg (mDo xc. 19) contains a work called Arya- 
nandamitra-avadana, author not known, cf Bu-ston ii. 105, where this 
work is quoted. 

9. rigs-ldan. Mentioned in the Manjusri-mula-tantra — see Bu-ston 
ii. 116. 




At that time there appeared all at once innumerable kalyana- 
mitra- s in different places capable of preaching the Mahayana. 
All of them attained the dharma-srota-anugata-nama-samadhi 10 
as a result of listening to the Doctrine separately from drya 
Avalokitesvara, Guhyapati 11 , Mahjusri 12 , Maitreya 13 and 
others . 14 

There were about five hundred preachers of the Doctrine 
like mahabhattdraka *Avitarka, *Vigataragadvaja, *Divyakara- 
gupta, *Rahulamitra, *Jnanatala, mahd-updsaka *Sangatala 
and others. From the lands of the gods, Nagas, Gandharvas, 
Raksasas etc — but particularly from the land of the Nagas 15 — , 
were obtained most of the sutra- s like Arya-ratnakuta-dhanna- 
paryaya-sata-sahasrika 18 , Sannipdta-sahasrikd 17 , Arya-avatcim- 
saka-dharmaparyaya-sata-sahasrika 18 containing one thousand 
chapters, Arya-lankavatdra-pancavimsati-sahasrikd , 19 Ghcma- 
vyuha-dvadasa-sahasrika * 0 , Dharma-sancaya-(gatha)-dvadasa- 
sahasrika , 21 etc. 

Most of these acarya- s were invited by the brdhmana 
(Kulika). When king *Laksasva heard about this, he was full 
of great reverence. Desirous of inviting these five hundred 
preachers of the Doctrine, he asked his ministers, ‘What is the 
number of the preachers of the Doctrine ?’ 

10. chos-kyi-rgyun-gyi-txh-he-dsin. cf D 431 & Bu-ston ii. 141. V ‘samcidhi 
of continuation of teaching.’ V n ‘The Mahavyutpatti does not give 
the name of this samadhi. But from the meaning it can be concluded 
that by being immersed in this samadhi, one can listen to the teaching 
of those whom the Buddha himself taught.’ 

1 1 . gsah-ha'i-hdag-po. 

12. ’jam-dpal. 

13. hyams-pa. 

14. cf Bu-ston ii. 10 If on the rehearsal of the Mahayana scriptures. 

15. Bu-ston ii. 124 — Srlman obtains Mahayana texts from the land of the 
naga-s and is henceforth called Nagarjuna. 

16. ’ phags-pa-dkon-mchog-brtsegs-pa-chos-kyi-rnam-grahs-bum . 

17. ’dus-pa-stoh-yod-pa. 

1 8 . ' phags-pa-phal-bo-che-chos-kyi-rnam-grahs- bum . 

19. ’ phags-pa-lahkara-gsegs-pa-ni-khri-lha-stoh-pa . 

20. rgyan-stug-po-stoh-phrag-bcu-gnis-pa. 

21 . chos-yah-dag-par-sdud-pa-stoh-phrag-bcu-gnis. 

Ch. 13. Extensive Propagation of Mahayana 


‘Five hundred’. 

[ Fo! 33 B ] ‘What is the number of the listeners to the 
Doctrine ?’ 

‘Five hundred’. 

So the king thought, though there were many preachers of 
the Doctrine, the listeners to it were few. Thinking thus, he 
built five hundred temples on the top of the mount *Abhu (Abu). 
To each of these he invited one teacher and provided (each) 
with all the necessaries. From among his own attendants he 
selected five hundred intelligent and highly devout persons, got 
them ordained and engaged them to listen to the Mahayana. 

After this, the king felt desirous of having copies of the 

The king asked, ‘How voluminous are the Mahayana 
pitaka - s ?’ 

‘Normally these cannot be measured. However, what we 
now possess run to one hundred lakhs (of sloka- s).’ 

The king said, ‘So this is enormous. Still, let us have more 
copies.’ Saying this, he got all these copied and donated the 
copies to the monks. These works were later brought to Sri 

These three groups of the followers of the Mahayana, con- 
sisting of five hundred each, were profoundly versed in a large 
number of siitra- s, were sharply intelligent and attained the stage 
of forgiveness ( ksanti-prapta ). 22 They possessed fore-knowledge 
(abhijnana) 23 and had the capacity of showing some miraculous 
feats 24 to the people. Thus was spread the fame of. Mahayana 
in all directions. 

Failing to understand its significance, the sravaka-s slandered 
the Mahayana as something different from the sayings of the 

All the Mahayani-s were followers of the path of 

22. bzod-pa-thob-pa. 

23. mhon-par-'ses-pa. D 365 — certain gifts of supernatural perception, of 
which six kinds. are enumerated. 

24. rdsu-phrul. D 1058 — rddhi. 



yogacarya , 25 Because they were all originally ordained in the 
eighteen sects, they lived among the followers thereof. There 
lived ( thus ) only a few Mahayanl-s among thousands of 
sravaka-s. Still the sravaka- s could not dominate them. 

Therejived at that time in *Magadha, two brahmana brothers 
called Udbhta-siddhi-svamin 26 and Samkara-pati 27 . [ Fol 34A ] 
They used to worship Mahadeva as their tutelary deity. Both 
of them were proficient in the philosophy of the tirthika- s as 
well as of the Buddhists. But Udbhata remained doubtful [of 
Buddhism] and even considered Mahadeva as superior, while 
Samkarapati had reverence only for the Buddha. Inspired by 
the words of their mother and having acquired the miraculous 
power of moving swiftly, 28 they went to *Kailasa, the king 
among the mountains. In this mountain resided Mahadeva. 
They saw his white riding bull and also *Uma-devi plucking 
the flowers. At last they saw Mahadeva himself, sitting on his 
throne and preaching religion. Ganesa 29 led the two [brothers] 
by both hands to Mahadeva. 

When five hundred arhat- s came flying from the Manasa- 
sarovara, 30 Mahadeva bowed down to them, washed their feet, 
offered them food and listened to the Doctrine from them. So 
he [Udbhata] realised that the Buddha was superior. Still he 
made enquiries and was told by Mahadeva, ‘Only the path of 
the Buddha leads to salvation, which is not to be found any- 
where else.’ 

The two felt fully satisfied and returned to their own place. 
They renounced the dress of the brahmana and took the vow of 

25. rnal-byor-spyod-pa-sems-tsam-pa. sems-tsam-pa usually means the 
Yogacara doctrine, which cannot be referred to in the present context. 

26. mtho-btsun-grub-rje. Tg contains the Visesa-stava (bsTod 1) and 
the Sarvajna-mahesvara-stotra (bsTod 3) by accirya Udbhata-siddhi- 
svamin, alias Mudgaragomin. 

27. bde-byed-bdag-po . Tg contains the Devatisaya-stotra (bsTod 4 — lit. 
repro. raDo xxxiii. 100) by acarya Samkarapati. 

28. rkaii-m b yogs-bsgrubs. dumtvagami-siddhi — D 359-60. 

29. tshogs-kyi-bdag-po. 

30. yid-kyi-mtsho . 

Ch. 13. Extensive Propagation of Mahayana 


the upasaka bhattaraka. They studied the scriptures of all the 
vehicles ( yana-s ) and became great scholars. Udbhata composed 
the Visesa-stava and Samkara the DevatVsaya-stoira with a view 
to show the excellence of the Buddhists and the inferiority of 
the tirthika- s. ' Beginning from the market-place up to the king’s 
palace, these were extensively propagated. Most of the people 
of the country recited these as songs. 

[Fol 34 B] Udbhata and his brother provided five hundred 
sravaka monks with livelihood in Vajrasana and entertained 
five hundred followers of the Mahayana at *Nalendra. 

*Nalendra, the birth-place of Sariputra, was also the place 
where Sariputra, along with eighty thousand arhat- s, later 
attained nirvana. 

In the meanwhile, the brahmana settlement there fell into 

/ ■ . 

riiins. Only the caitya of Sariputra remained. King Asoka ela- 
borately worshipped it and built a large temple of the Buddha 
there. The first five hundred acarya- s of the Mahayana dis- 
cussed among themselves and came to know that if the Maha- 
yana was preached at the place of Sariputra, it was going to 
be extensively spread. However, if it was preached at the place 
of Maudgalyayana, [the Buddhists] were going to be very 
powerful without greatly spreading the Doctrine. 

So the two acarya- s — the brahmana brothers — built 31 eight 
temples [at Nalanda] and placed there all the scriptures of the 
Mahayana. Thus Asoka was the founder 1 of the first vihara at 
*Nalendra. The five hundred acarya- s along with Udbhata and 
his brother enlarged the centre. Rahulabhadra spread the 
Doctrine [of Mahayana] still further and Nagarjuna made it 
most extensive. 

The thirteenth chapter containing the account of the period 

of the beginning of the extensive spread of the Mahayana. 

31. Bu-ston ii. 107 'the teachers Udbhatasiddhisvamin and Samkara- 
svamin became possessed of the intention of making an image of the 
Mahabodhi at Magadha, when the latter arose from a pile of sandal- 
wood instead.’ 





Now, *Candana-pala was ruling the kingdom of Aparan- 
taka. This king lived up to the age of one hundred and fifty 
and it is said that he ruled the kingdom for one hundred and 
twenty years. Except for the account of his grand worship of 
the temples and the samgha- s, [ FoS 35 A ] nothing much is 
known about his activities for the Law of the Buddha. 

At that time, the brahmana *Indra-dhruva, a friend of 
the king, propitiated Indra and succeeded in attaining his 
desired object. He thus received the knowledge of the ‘science 
of words’ (grammar). When he took down in writing all that 
he (Indra) had said, the work became known as the *Indra- 
vyakarana, 1 This contains twentyfive thousand *sloka-s. It is 
also called ‘The Grammar Revealed by the Deity.’ 2 

About the time the king ascended the throne, the great 
acarya brahmana Rahulabhadra 3 * S. came to *Nalendra. He was 
ordained by bhattaraka Krsna and listened to the pitaka- s of 
the sravaka- s. In some of the sources it is said that he received 
ordination under bhattaraka Rahulaprabha with Krsna acting 
as the upadhyaya. But this Krsna is not the same as (Krsna) 
belonging to the line of the hierarchs. 

He (Rahulabhadra) listened to the Doctrine from acarya 
*Avitarka and other acarya- s of Mahayana. However, he learned 
the sutra- s and tantra- s mainly from the tutelary deities like 
Guhyapati and others and he spread the system of the Madhya- 
mikas. Contemporary of this acarya were the eight maha-bhatta- 

1. cfBu-stonii. 166ff. 

2 . lhas-bstan-pa' i-brda-sprod-pa . 

3. alias Rahula or Saraha, usually considered as the preceptor under 

whom Fagarjuna received ordination. See S. Pathak in IHQ xxx. 93. 

S. K. De in HB i. 348 argues that by Rahula or Saraha a number of 
different persons are referred to. 

Ch. 14. Period of Brahmana Rahula 


raka- s of the Madhyamika system like bhattaraka *Kamala- 
garbha, *Ghanasa 4 and others. 

Bhattaraka *Prakasadharmamani received the vision of arya 
Sarvanivarana'-viskambhi 5 and thus attained the stage of anut- 
pattikadharma-ksanti. He brought from the nether world (the 
Mahayana work) Arya-mahasannipata-dharmaparyaya-sata-saha- 
srikd , 6 containing one thousand chapters. 

Moreover, the first five hundred acarya- s (of Mahayana), 
along with their numerous disciples, brought many siitra-s 
[ Fol 3SB ] and tantra- s that were not known before. Since 
then there appeared three forms of the tantra- s, namely kriya, 
carya and yoga, and also a few works on the anuttara-tantra 
like the Guhyasamaja , 7 Buddhasamayoga 8 and Mayajala 9 etc. 

About this time, there lived in the city of Saketa 10 a monk 
called Mahavirya, 11 in the city of *VaranasI the Vaibhasika 
maha-bhattaraka Buddhadeva 12 and in Kashmir the Sautrantika 
mahd-acarya bhattaraka Srilabha 13 . Bhattaraka Dharmatrata, 14 
Ghosaka, 15 Vasumitra and Buddhadeva, — these four were famed 
as the four great Vaibhasika acarya- s and, it is said, each of 
them had about a lakh of disciples. These great acarya- s propa- 
gated the principal works of the Vaibhasikas as the Traya - 
misrana-mala 16 and Sata-upadesaP 

4. S-ed Ghanasa, P-ed Ghanasala. The former reading followed. 

5. ’ phags-pa-sgrib-pa-rnam-sel. 

6. ’ phags-pa-' dus-pa-chen-po-chos-kyi-rnam-grahs-bum. V 'the book on 
Mahasamaja containing a hundred thousand sections and 1000 

7. gsah-ba-'dus-pa. 

8. sahs-rgyas-mliam-sbyor . 

9. sgyu-'phrul-dvra-ba. 

10. gnas-bcas, V Saketana. 

11. brtson-grus-chen-po. 

12. sahs-rgyas-lhci. 

13. dpal-len. 

14. chos-skyob. 

15. dbyahs-sgrog. 

16. luh-ni-spel-ma-gsum-gyi-phreh-bci. V ‘the garland of three mixtures’. 

17. gdams-nag-brgya-pa. V ‘hundred upadesa- s’. 



' This Dharmatrata is not to be taken as the other Dharma- 
trata who compiled the Udanavarga. 18 This Vasumitra should 
not be confused with two others of the same name viz. one 
Vasumitra who composed the prakarana-sastra 19 and the other 
Vasumitra who was the author of the Samaya-bheda-paracana- 
cakra. 20 

In the account of the arya- s of the Guhyasamaja, *Visu- 
kalpa, the king of *Odivisa, is to be taken as a contemporary of 
king *Candana-pala. There lived then a brahmana called Dhar- 
mika 21 in *Kuru. He built one hundred and eight temples of 
the Buddha around this region and made these the centres for 
all the Mahayana teachers of the time. 

[ Fol 36A ] There lived a very prosperous brahmana called 
VIrya 22 in the city of *Hastinapuri. He also built one hundred 
and eight temples and made these the centres for one hundred 
and eight teachers of the Vinaya. 

At that time, king *Haricandra, the first king of the *Candra 

dynasty, was ruling *Bhangala (Bengal) in the east. He attained 

siddhi by following the Mantrayana. His entire palace was built 

of five kinds of gems. On the outer walls of the palace were 

reflected the three worlds. In prosperity he was comparable to 

the gods. Along with a thousand attendants, he attained the 

vidyadhara-sthana 23 Sri *Saraha, 24 alias the great brahmana 

18. TgmDolxxi. 1. 

19. See-Note 20, Chapter 12. 

20. gshuh-lugs-kyi-bye-brag-bkod-pa'i-khor-lo. Tg (mDo xc. 11). 

21. chos-ldan. cf Bu-ston ii. 116. 

22. brtson-ldan. V Yogins. Obermiller (in Bu-ston ii. 116) Mahavirya. 
Vn'S remarks that both the names Dharmika and Yogin are found 
in the Mdhjusri-mula-tantra Fol 343 and that they can be taken as 
simple epithets.’ 

23. rig-pa- dsin-pcC i-gnas . D 1179 rig-dsin or vidyadhara, a kind of 
spirit to whom a high degree of wisdom is attributed by the Tantras ; 
all these spirits are alleged to reside in the magical forest and to spend 
their time in perfect enjoyment with women who are equally 

24. For works in Tg attributed to Saraha alias Rahula, see Supplemen- 
tary Note 8. 

Cb. 14. Period of Brahmana Rahula 


Rahula, was at that time still following the practices of the 
brahmana- s 25 . The five hundred dcdrya- s of yoga-carya (pre- 
viously mentioned) also lived at this time. Excepting the 
Prajna-paramtia-sata-sahasrika , almost all the Mahay ana siitra-s 
were obtained during his lifetime. 

The fourteenth chapter containing the 
account of the period of brahmana Rahula. 

25. bram-ze'i-spyod-pa. 






After that, acarya Nagarjuna 1 nourished the Law and spread 
extensively the Madhyamika system . 2 He greatly helped also 
the srdvalca- s, particularly by expelling from the monastery 
those bhiksu- s and hramanera- s who had violated their discipline 
and yet became much influential within the samgha- s. It is 
said that they numbered about eight 3 thousand. 

He was accepted as the leader of all the sects. 

About this time, the three Yogacarls 4 — namely bhattaraka 
Nanda, bhattaraka Paramasena 5 and bhattaraka Samyaksatya , 6 7 
— adhering to the standpoint of Yogacara, wrote some treatises. 
In the ‘'exposition of the alaya-vijndna” 1 [Fol 36 B] these three 
bhattaraka -s are mentioned as the early Yogacarls. Therefore, 
the ‘Asanga brothers’ are to be considered as the later Yoga- 
carls. Thus it is clearly said that they [Asanga and his brother] 
were not their followers. 

With the help of the art of alchemy, he [Nagarjuna] main- 
tained for many years five hundred teachers of the Mahayana 
doctrine at Sri *Nalendra. Then he brought under control 
devi *Candika. 

The goddess once proposed to take him to heaven through 
the sky. He said, ‘I have no intention to go to the heavenly 

1. klu-sgrub. See Supplementary Note 9. 

2. dbu-ma'i-tshul-lugs. 

3. S ‘five thousand’. But the text has stoh-phrag-brgyad, i.e. 'eight 

4. rnal-byor-spyod-pa-ba. 

5. dam-pc’i-sde. 

6. yah-dag-bden-pa. 

7. mhon-par-kun-gshV i-b'sad-pa . 

Ch. 15. Period of Arya Nagarjuna 


sphere. I have invoked you for maintaining the samgha - s 
of the Mahayana as long as the Law exists.’ 

Thus told, she settled in the western vicinity of *Nalendra 
in the guise of a noble vaisya lady. On the high stone wall 
of the temple of Manjusri, the acarya nailed a peg of khadira 
wood as big as could be carried by one man. He gave her the 
order, ‘You must provide the samgha - s with livelihood as long 
as this peg is not reduced to dust.’ 

She maintained the samgha - s for twelve years with all the 
needful. At last a wicked sramanera, then acting as a steward, 8 
made passes at her and proposed to her repeatedly. She made 
no response. However, she once said, ‘We shall be united 
when the khadira peg is reduced to dust.’ The wicked sramanera 
set fire to the khadira peg and, when it was reduced to ashes, 
the goddess also vanished. 

The acarya established one hundred and eight centres of 
Mahayana in the hundred and eight temples. In each of these, 
he placed the image of Mahakala 9 [Fol 37 A] and instead of her 
(i.e. Candika) asked Mahakala to maintain (the followers of ) the 
Law. Moreover, when the Bodhi Tree of Vajrasana was being 
damaged by elephants, he built two lofty stone-pillars behind 
it and for many years there was no more damage. As, 
however, there was damage again, he established on the top 
of each pillar the image of Mahakala riding a lion and 
holding a club in his hand. This proved effective for many years; 
but the damage started again. So he built a stone wall 
surrounding it and also one hundred and eight caitya - s with 
images outside [the wall]. 

He also built the boundary wall of the Sri Dhanyakataka 10 
caitya and, within this boundary wall, built one hundred and 
eight temples. 

When the eastern side of Vajrasana was severely damaged 
by the river, he placed seven huge blocks of stone in the form 
of a dam on which were sculptured the images of the Buddha 

8. shal-ta-bci. see D 1089. 

9. nag-po-chen-po. 

10. dpal-ldan-'bras-spuhs. See N. Dutt AMB 22f & 42 ; Watters ii. 216ff. 



with their faces turned back. This stopped the damage caused 
by water. (The images) were called the Seven Sages of the 
Dam. The word chu-lon simply means a dam ( chu-rags ). 
It is, therefore, extremely foolish to say that these constituted 
the ‘reflection’ (’ dra-len ), because the images were reflected 
on the water. It also goes flatly against the Vinaya-agama 
to say that this took place at the time of the conversion of 
king *Uttrayana. On these two points one [presumably some 
historian referred to] shows one’s own nature [i.e. ignorance]. 11 

During this time, king *Munja 12 of *Odivisa, along with 
his thousand attendants, attained the Vidyadhara-kaya. In 
the west, king*Bhojadeva, 13 along with his thousand atten- 
dants, vanished in *Dodhahari 14 in a region of *Malava. And 
so on. Thus, there was none who did not attain siddhi after 
entering the Mantrayana. 

Now, when the Prajna-paramitd-sata-sahasrika and many 
dharani- s were brought by the acarya (Nagarjuna), [Fol 37B] 
the sravaka- s said that these were composed by Nagarjuna him- 
self. After this no more sutra work on the Mahayana appeared. 

He composed five fundamental treatises 15 to silence the 
contesting sravaka-s . who believed in the external reality. 
According to the Tibetan account, the Nyayalamkara-nama- 
sastra 16 written by bhiksu Samkara in refutation of the Maha- 
yana contains twelve lakhs of *sloka- s. But this is a verbal error. 
Three Indian historical works agree in asserting that it contains 
twelve thousand * si oka- s. 

11. V tr ‘These two presumptions clearly show the foolishness of the 

12. Evidently not the famous royal author Munja of the 10th century — 
Keith 53n. 

13. Evidently not the royal author Bhojadeva (of Malava), the nephew 
of Munja and belonging to the 11th century. 

14. S-ed Todahari. 

15. For the large number of works in Tg attributed to Nagarjuna, see 
Supplementary Note 10. Bu-ston i. ,50-1, however, speaks of six 
fundamental works of Nagarjuna : Sunyata-saptati, Prajna-miila, 
Yukti-srstika, - Vigraha-vyavartani, Vaidalya-sutra and Vyavahara- 

16. rig-pa' i-rgyan-shes-bya-ba'i-bstan-bcos. cf Bu-ston ii. 124 ‘At that 

Ch. 15. Period of Arya Nagarjuna 


He built many temples in the eastern countries like *Pata- 

vesa or *Pukhan, *Odivisa, *Bhangala, *Radha, etc. At that 

time, *Suvisnu, 17 a brahmana of *Magadha, built one hundred 
* / 

and eight temples at Sri *Nalendra. He made these the centres 
for the matrka-dhara- s 18 so that the Abhidharma of both Maha- 
yana and HInayana were not lost. 

In the latter part of his life, arya Nagarjuna went to the 
south. After converting king Udayana, 19 he nourished the Law 
for many years. In *Dravali of the south, there lived two 
brahmana- s possessing enormous wealth. They were called 
*Madhu and *Supramadhu. 20 A debate took place between the 
acarya and these two brahmana- s. Their knowledge even of 
the Brahmanical scriptures — such as the four Vedas and ‘the 
eighteen branches ' of knowledge— could not be equal to a 
hundredth part of that of the acarya. 

Then the two brahmana-s asked, ‘Why should you, the son 
of a brahmana and versed in the three Vedas and a great scholar 
of all sdstra- s, be still a sramanera of *Sak.ya ?’ 21 Thus asked, he 
praised the Doctrine and not the Vedas. So the brahmana-s 
became full of great reverence and worshipped the Mahayana. 
[ Fol 38A ] The acarya gave them the magic spell. The one 
attained siddhi of goddess Sarasvati 22 and the other of goddess 
Vasudhara. 23 Each of them maintained two hundred and 
fifty preachers of the Mahayana. The first of them could copy 


time, a monk named Samkara, having composed a treatise called 
Nyayalamkara, consisting of 1,200,000 si oka-s, refuted everyone. In 
order to subdue (this monk, Nagarjuna) expounded the Doctrine at 

17. cf Bu-ston ii. 1 16. 

18. ma-mo-' dsin-pa. D 949 matrkadhara, holder of the matrka or the 
mystic diagram. 

19. V n 'In the text bde-byed, Samkara. But S reads it- as bde-spyod .’ 
See note 22 of Introduction. 

20. Bu-ston ii. 116 Madhu and Madhubhadra. 

21. V tr ‘Why have you become a Buddhist ?’ 

22. dbyahs-can-ma. 

23. nor-rgyun-ma, 



the Prajna-paramita-sata-sahasrika in one, two, three or a few 
days. In this way he donated many copies of the scriptures to 
the monks. The second of them worshipped the monks with 
all the necessaries. 

Thus, this acarya nourished the True Doctrine in every 
way, i.e. by listening, expounding, meditating, building temples, 
providing the samgha- s with livelihood, causing welfare even 
to the living beings other than men, silencing the challenge 
of the tlrthika-s etc. His contribution to the Mahayana is, 
therefore, incomparable. 

In the ‘History of Seven Versions of the Words of the 

Buddha which is Comparable to the Mine of Jewels’, 24 1 have 

already given the full biography of arya Nagarjuna and of the 

great brahmana 25 . These can be known from there. 

King Udayana lived for one hundred and fifty years. 

According to one calculation, this acarya lived for seventy 

one years less than six hundred years ; according to another, 

twentynine years less than that [i.e. less than six hundred years]. 

On the basis of the first calculation, he should have lived 

for two hundred years in the madhya-desa, 2e , two hundred years 


in the south and one hundred and twenty-nine years in Sri 
Parvata. 27 This appears to be a rough account. But my 
*pandita teachers say that in this a half year was counted as a 
full year. On the basis of the second [ calculation ], he lived 
in Sri Parvata for one hundred and seventy one years, the other 
periods being the same [ as in the first calculation ]. 

From the time he became a rasayana-siddha , 28 [Fol 38BJ 
his complexion looked like that of a gem. As the result of 
his meditation in the Sri Parvata, he attained the first bhumi 29 

24. Briefly referred to as the bKa'-babs-bdun-ldan. 

25. i.e. Rahulabhadra or Saraha — see Fol 36A. 

26. V Magadha. The text has yul-dbus. 

27. dpal-gyi-ri . See Watters ii. 208. 

28. bcud-len-grub-pa. See D 359 on dhos-grub ; rasayana-siddhi is the 
fifth form of siddhi. 

29. i.e. the first of the ten bhumi- s called the pramudita or beatitude — 
D 1257. cf Watters ii. 206. V n 'According to others, the eighth 

Ch. 15. Period of Arya Nagarjuna 


and his body was ornamented with thirtytwo auspicious 
signs . 30 

Acarya brahmana Vararuci, a friend of this acarya , was once 
acting as the royal priest of king Udayana. 31 . The youngest 
queen of this king had some knowledge of grammar . 32 But the 
king had no knowledge [ of it ]. While having a water sport 
in the garden, the king splashed water at her . 33 She said : *ma- 
mo-da-ka-sinca, u ( mamodakam sinca ), which, rendered into 
Tibetan, means : ‘Do not throw water at me.’ However, influ- 
enced by the southern dialect, the king understood this to 
mean : ‘Give me a cake of peas fried in * til oil.* When he offered 
this, the queen thought that it was better to die than to live 
with a king as stupid as an ox. And she was about to seek 
death by drowning herself. The king stopped her and then 
started learning grammar. Though he learned a great deal from 
brahmana Vararuci, for what was left for him to learn he 
studied under acarya *Saptavarman . 35 

Now, the account of acarya Vararuci. 

When arya Nagarjuna was the upadhyaya of *Nalendra, he 
had a friend in *Ra-ra 36 [ ? Rada ] in the east of *Magadha, 
who was a brahmana, was extremely devoted to the Law of the 
Buddha and was very diligent in the six-fold duties . 37 He spent 

30. V n 'which are the characteristic marks of the Buddha alone. Accor- 
ding to one legend, Nagarjuna placed himself on the same level as the 
Buddha and probably the reference to the Buddha alone possessing 
the 32 marks dates from this period.’ 

31. Though both S-ed . and P-ed give the name as bde-byed, the correct 
form appears to be bde-spyod, which is found in Bu-ston ii. 167. 
Hence the Indian original could be Udayl or Udayana. 

32. V ‘Sanskrit grammar.’ But the word for Sanskrit does not occur in 
the text. 

33. See Sachau i. 136 for Al-beruni’s version of the story, where the name 
of the king occurs as Samalvahana, ‘i.e. in the classical language 

34. The story occurs in the Katha-sarit-sagara vi. 114. 

35. In Tg, the Kalapa-sutra (mDo cxvi.9) is attributed to Sarvavarman, 
Sarvavarman, Saptavarman, Isvaravarman or dbaii-phyug go-cha. 

36. V & S Chagala, perhaps because ra in Tibetan means the goat. 

37. S-ed drug-la (six), P-ed drug-pa (sixth). The former reading followed. 



twelve years chanting the mantra of arya Avalokitesvara. After 

this, he performed a rite with a fire offering ( homa ) costing 

four lakhs of gold. This made arya Avalokitesvara appear 

before him in person and ask, ‘What do you desire ?’ 

‘I desire to work for the welfare of every living being with 

the eightfold great supernatural powers ( asta-maha-siddhi 38 ). 

Please employ Mahakala to my service. 5 Being thus prayed, he 

[Avalokitesvara] granted [this]. 

[Fol 39A] After this, Vararuci acquired the siddhi- s. For the 

purpose of working for the welfare of the living beings, with 

each of the eight siddhi- s like the gutikd etc, he got initiated a 

thousand siddha- s. All these eight thousand siddha- s accepted 

him as their guru and acquired proficiency in all the branches 

of knowledge without any study. 

He then went to the west and lived in the country of the 

very prosperous king *Santivahana. 39 There also he worked 
for the welfare of every living being with mantra and tantra. 
When he went to *Varanasi, the king then ruling there -was 
*Bhimasukla. Also in his kingdom he worked extensively for 
the welfare of the living beings. To this period belongs the 
account of *Kalidasa. 

After this, he proceeded to the south, where king Udayana 40 
wanted to learn grammar. But no acarya could be found who 
had a complete mastery of the grammar of *Pani (Panini). He 


came to know that the Naga king 41 *Sesa was thoroughly profi- 
cient in *Pani. Brdhmana Vararuci, with his magic power, 


coerced him (Sesa) to come and engaged him to compose a 
work of one lakh *sloka- s as an extensive commentary on the 

38. grub-pa-chen-po-brgyad. See D 359. 

39. S suggests the possibility of this being the same as Satavahana. V n 
‘Lassen thinks that Vararuci was a contemporary of Vikramaditya.’ 
See Watters ii. 207. 

40. bde-byed. 

41. In Tibetan writings, Panini’s commentator Patanjali is referred to as 
the Naga king called Sesa. In Tg (mDo cxxxv. 2 & cxxxvi.l — the 
translation of Patanjali’s Mahabhasya), Patanjali is called naga-raja 
Vasuki-putra Sesa, cf also Bu-ston ii. 167. 

Ch. 15. Period of Arya Nagarjuna 


whole of *Pani. The acarya used to take these [whatever Sesa 
said] down in writing, and in-between the two of them there was 
a partitioning' screen. When twentyfive thousand *sloka- s were 
completed, the acarya felt curious to see how the other looked. 
So he raised the screen and saw there a large snake yawning. 42 
The Naga went away out of shame. After this, the acarya 
himself started to compose the commentary further, but he 
could not write more than twelve thousand verses. These two 
taken together are called the ‘Grammar Taught by the Naga.’ 43 

He next taught many branches of learning like grammar 
[ Fol 39 B ] and it is said that after this Mahakala took him on 
his shoulders to the Parijata grove on top of mount Sumeru. 44 

But king Udayana, dissatisfied with acarya Yararuci’s com- 
mentary, employed brahmana * Saptavarman to invoke ‘the six- 
faced youth 5 [ Sanmukha-kumara, i. e. the deity Kartika ]. 
When he (Saptavarman) attained siddhi, [Kartika] asked, ‘What 
do you desire V T desire to learn the *Indra-vyakarana. 5 
Being thus prayed, he [ Kartika ] said, *si-ddho-va-rna-sa-ma- 
mnd-ya { siddho varna-samamnayah) . 45 And the moment this 
was uttered, he [Saptavarman] acquired the full knowledge of 
the entire science of words. 

According to the older Tibetan tradition, the portion prece- 
ding the fourth chapter of *Kalapa [- vyakarana ] was revealed 
by the Six-faced Youth. The word *kalapa i 6 is used in thij 
sense of a collection. Hence, it refers to the collection of many 

42. S-ed bsgyihs-pa (yawning). P-ed bskyihs-pa, which appears to be a 
corruption. V tr ‘coiled’. 

43. According to this legend, therefore, Patanjali’s Mahabhasya was 
composed partially by Vararuci. According to Bu-ston ii. 168, how- 
ever, Vararuci contributed to the completion of the Kalapa- 

44. ri-rab. 

45. In fact, this is the opening siitra of the Kalapa-vyakarana. cf Bu- 
ston ii. 168. 

46. cf Bu-ston ii. 168. 




colours in the peacock’s tail. In the present context, however, 
it is not used in this sense, because the *Kalapa was composed 
by *Saptavarman himself. Collection here only means the 
compilation of all useful parts in one place. Similarly, it is an 
error to say that the real name of the acarya was Isvara- 
varman . 47 The error results from the verbal corruption *sarva- 
varman. *Saptavarman means dbun-pa i-go-cha (i.e. (One with) 
Seven Armour]. 

Next is the account of *Kalidasa. 

When brahmana Vararuci was living in the royal temple of 
king *Bhimasukla of * Varanasi, the king wanted to offer (in 
marriage] princess Vasanti 48 to the brahmana Vararuci. Vasanti 
arrogantly said, ‘I am a greater scholar than Vararuci and 
therefore cannot serve him.’ So Vararuci thought, ‘I must 
befool her.’ He said, ‘Let me then ask my learned teacher 
who is a hundred times more intelligent than me. The king 
would better offer Vasanti to him.’ 

[ Fol 40A ] Now, there lived a handsome shepherd in 
*Magadha. He [Vararuci] saw him cutting with an axe the 
branch of a tree while sitting on it and so knew him to be a 
big fool. He [Vararuci] took him along and for a few days 
arranged for his bathing, anointing, etc. He was made to wear 
the dress of a brahmana *pandita and the only words he was 
made to memorise were: *om svasti. 

‘When you find the king holding his court, offer flowers to 
him and just say : *om svasti. If anybody else asks any question, 
do not try to answer.’ 

While trying to carry out these instructions, after offering 
flowers to the king he said : *u-sa-ta-ra. The dcarya [Vararuci] 
explained the significance of these four letters as follows : 

*umaya sahito rudrah 
samkara-sahito visnuh 
tahkarah sulapanisca 
raksantu siva sarvada 

47. dbah-phyug-go-cha. 

48. dpyid-ldan-ma. 


Ch. 15. Period of Arya Nagarjuna 

Thus he construed a benedictory verse [out of the letters]. 

Translated into Tibetan it means : Uma along with Rudra, 
/ / 

Samkara along with Visnu and Sulapani with his sound of 

the bow — let Siva protect thee for ever. 

Then Vasanti asked him many questions concerning the 
import of words etc, but he did not reply. Vararuci said, 
‘Why should a profound scholar like my teacher at all answer 
the questions of a woman ?’ Befooling her in this way, 
brahmana Vararuci fled to the south. 

When he [Kalidasa] was taken to the temple, he said 
nothing. At last he was highly delighted to see the picture of 
a cow among those of various animals painted on the outer 
wall of the temple. Thus he revealed his real self as a 

‘Alas ! this is just a cowherd !’ [ Fol 40B ] She cried and 

realised that she had been cheated. [And she thought] ‘How- 
ever, if he has intelligence, I am going to teach him grammar.’ 

By examining him, however, she found him to be an utter 
fool. Vasanti became angry and sent him to collect flowers 

There was in *Magadha an image of goddess Kali 49 made 
by a celestial sculptor. He used to worship her every day 
with profuse flowers and great reverence. Once in the early 
morning he went to collect flowers for the worship to be 
performed by Vasanti. One of her maids wanted to have some 
fun. ' She concealed herself behind the image, chewing a ball 
of areca nut. When the cowherd finished his usual prayers, 
the maid put into his hand the remnants of her chewing. He 
thought that the goddess herself had presented this to him. So 
he swallowed it. Immediately dawned in him unlimited know- 
ledge of logic and grammar and he became a great poet. 

He took a *padma flower in his right hand, an *utpala in 
his left and [thought] : ‘Though the *padma is beautiful, 
its stem is rough. Though the *utpala is small, its stem is 
soft. Which of the two does she prefer ?’ Thinking thus, 
[he addressed Vasanti] 

49. Iha-mo-nag-mo. 

1 16 


'I have in my right hand a *padma and in 
the left an *utpala . 

The stem of one is rough, of the other soft. 

Tell me, oh lotus-eyed one, which one do 
you want ?’ 

When this was said, she realised that he had become 
learned and showed him high respect. From his great rever- 
ence for the goddess Klai he came to be known as *Kalidasa 
or the servant of Kali. From then on he became the crowning 
jewel of all the poets. 

He composed “the eight duta- s ”, 50 like the Meghaduta ? 1 etc 
and also voluminous poetical works like the Kumarasambhava . 52 

[ FoS 41A ] Both he and *Saptavarman were tirthika- s by 
conviction. During their time, arhat Samghavardhana 53 lived 
in Li-yul. Among the Vaibhasika acarya- s of the time were 
acarya Vamana 54 of Thogar, *Kunala of Kashmir, Subhan- 
kara 55 [? Ksemankara] of central Aparantaka, acarya Samgha- 
vardhana of the east etc. Among the Sautrantika acarya- s was 
bhattaraka. Kumaralata 56 in the west. All of them had innu- 
merable followers. 

50. For the imitations of the Meghaduta, see IHQ iii.273ff. 

51. Apart from the Tibetan translation of the Meghaduta (mDo cxvii.8), 
the Tg contains a work called Mahgalastaka (rG lxxxvi.93) attributed 
to kavi-maha Kalidasa of India and two stuti- s to Sarasvati (rG 
lxxi.399 & lxxxii.57) attributed to Kalidasa cjr maha-pandita Kalidasa 
born in south India. 

52. gshon-nu-byuh-ba. 

53. dge-dun-phel. According to ancient belief, two works in the Tg are 
by the oriental Turk Samghavardhana and written in Li-yul. These 
are the A rhat-satpgha vardhana - \ydkarana (mDo xciv.44) and Kamsa- 
desa-vyakarana (mDo xcrv.45). See note. 41 ch 6. 

54. mVu-thuh. Author of the Kd&ikd commentary on Panini's grammar. 

cf I-Tsing (Takakusu) ii, xiii, lvii, 176n. 


55. . dge-byed. Subhahkara ? V & S Ksemahkara. Tg contains two 
works attributed to Subhahkara (rG lxxi.106 & 163). 

56. gshon-nu-len, lit. Kumaralabha, a corruption of Kumaralata-^-see 
note 1 Oh of Introduction, Yuan-chuang (Watters ii.286) refers to 
him as a native of Taksasila. He composed some tens of treatises 
which were widely known and read and he was the founder of the 


Ch. 15. Period of Arya Nagarjuna 

King *Haricandra, 57 along with his attendants, attained the 
rainbow-body. 58 He had no son. His nephew 59 was *Aksa- 
candra, whose son was *Jaya-candra. They used to rule dur- 
ing this period. Though these two had reverence for the 
True Doctrine, I have come across no particular account of 
their contribution to the Law. 

King *Haribhadra of the south attained gutika-siddhi with 
his thousand attendants. 

From the early spread of Mahayana up to this period, every 
hundred in a thousand [Mahayanists] became vidyadhara- 
siddha-s . 60 

About this time, first appeared the religion of the mJeccha- s. 
According to some, this appeared when bhattdraka Srilabha of 
Kashmir passed away. According to some others, he [ ? the 
founder of the mleccha religion] was a disciple of bhattaraka 
*Kunala and was called Kumarasena 61 . In spite of listening to 
many sutra- s 62 and being well-versed in the scriptures, ,he 
had no faith [in the Doctrine]. He was expelled from the 
samgha, because of his violation of the vow. This agitated him 
highly. He resolved to found a religion as a rival of the law 


of the Buddha. 63 So he went to the country called ^Sulika 
beyond Thogar, [Fol 41 B] concealed himself under the name 

Sautrantika school : 'In his time, Asvaghosa in the east, Deva in the 
South, Nagarjuna in the west and Kumaralabha in the north were 
called the Four Shinning Suns.’ 

57. V Haribhadra. j 

58. ja'-lus. . D 454— the body of a saint vanishing in the rainbow or in 
the manner of the colours of the rainbow. . 

59. tsha-bo, nephew or grandson. V takes it here in the sense of nephew. 

60. rig-pa- dsin-pa-grub-po — perhaps refers to the attainment of a high 
degree of wisdom, like that of the dukint-s. 

61. gslwii-nii'i-sde. 

62. V tr ‘a Sautrantika.’ The text has mdo-sde-'dsin-pa, which is more 
likely to mean a sutradhara. 

63. S tr ‘There was a very learned but unbeliever Sautrantika, Kumara- 
sena by name. He had been driven out of the samgha, as he trans- 
gressed the Law. It agitated him highly and he decided to found a 
school in order to refute the Law of the Buddha.’ 



*Ma-ma-thar, changed his robes, composed the mleccha scrip- 
ture preaching violence and kept it concealed in the place of 
*Bi-sli-mi-lil , 64 the great demon among the asura-s. By the grace 
of Mara, he attained many magical powers like that of winning 
wars, etc. 

At that time, a girl born in the brahmana family 65 in *Kho- 
rasana used to collect flowers everyday. A part of these she used 
to offer to the gods and another part she used to sell to others. 
A cat once came out of the heap of flowers' and merged into her 
body. As a consequence, she conceived. At the time (of deli- 
very) she gave birth to a healthy son. On growing up, he used to 
beat all children of his own age and kill all sorts of animals. So 
the ruler of the country banished him to the forest. Even there 
he enslaved anybody that he came across, killed the wild ani- 
mals and offered their flesh, bones and skin to the people. On 
knowing this, the king made enquiries. He replied, ‘I am not 
a brahmana, nor am I a ksatriya, vaisya or sudra. There is none 
to teach me the conduct appropriate for my birth. That is why, 
I am angry and violent. If anybody teaches me the conduct 
appropriate for my birth, I shall act accordingly.’ 

He was asked, ‘Who is going to teach you the conduct appro- 
priate for your birth ?’ He answered, T shall search for him 
myself’. Guided by Mara in his dream, he found the work 
that was previously concealed. He read it, became full of 
reverence for it and thought : ‘But who can teach me according 
to it ?,’ Directed by Mara, he met *Ma-ma-tbar and received 
instructions from him. Immediately he acquired magic powers. 

[Fol 42A] Along with a thousand attendants, he became the 
sage of the mleccha - s under the name *Bai-kham-pa. He went 
to the region in the vicinity of *Makha city. As a consequence 
of his preaching there the false religion to the brahmana-s and 
ksatriya- s, there came into being the royal dynasties of *Sai-da 
and *Tu-ru-ska, 

64, S^ed B: sli-mli. 

65. V omits ‘born in the brahmana family,’ though the text has bram m 

Ch. 15 Period of Arya Nagarjuna 

This teacher came to be known as *Ardho. 
the religion of the mleccha- s. 


Thus originated 

The fifteenth ochapter containing the 
account of the period of the Law under 
the leadership of arya Nagarjuna. 





The two kings *Aksa-candra and *Jaya-candra ruled the 
kingdom of Aparantaka. They were very powerful and had 
reverence for the Three Jewels. That is why, they are counted 
among the seven *Candra kings. 

*Jayacandra’s son was *Nema-candra. His son was *Phani- 
candra. His son was *Bhamsa-candra [ ? Vamsa-candra]. His 
son was *Sala-candra. None of them was very powerful. 
Therefore, they are counted neither among the seven nor among 
the ten *Candras. 

Soon after *Nema-candra ruled the kingdom, brahmana 
*Pusyamitra, the royal priest, revolted against the king and 
assumed power. 

At that time, an old woman related to this brahmana went to 
*Nalendra on some errand. As the *gahdi was rung, she heard 
[the sound] *phat-ta-ya .* coming out of it. [She enquired 
about its significance.] The brahmana experts on sound said 
that it meant : ‘Smash the skull of the wicked tirthika-s into 

The earlier Tibetan account of this is said to have been as 
follows. This [gahdi] is the crown of the Three Jewels wor- 
shipped by the deva-s, Nagas and the sages. When it is struck, 
the brains of the wicked tirthika-s get dried up. 

The [Tibetan] word ’gems, describing the significance of the 
sound of the * gahdi, should properly be ’ gems-pa , i.e. ‘to 
smash into many pieces.’ [Fol 42B] It must be the equivalent 
of an Indian word. It is ridiculous to suggest that it is origi- 
nally the Tibetan word ’ gems 2 ahd further that it is to be taken 
in the sense of drying up. 

1. It seems that Tar has in mind the Bengali word pnatao. 

2. Is Tar referring here to the view of Bu-ston, who in ii. 136 describes 

Ch. 16. First Hostility to the Law 


Then the brahmana king *Pusyamitra, along with other tir- 
thikas, started war and thus burnt down numerous monasteries 
from the madhya-desa to *Jalandhara. They also killed a 
number of vastly learned monks. But most of them fled to 
other countries. As a result, within five years the Doctrine 
was extinct in the north . 3 

As it was predicted, the first five hundred years constituted 
the period of the flourish of the Law of the Teacher and the 
next five hundred years the period of its decay. 

Accordingly, the period preceding Nagarjuna’s leadership of 
the Law in the madhya-desa was the period of flourish according 
to the prophecy , 4 because it was the period of the increasing 
activity like building temples, etc. 

The period of Nagarjuna’s work for the welfare of the living 
beings in the south was the period of the beginning of the 
mleccha religion. It is clear that when he was residing at *SrI 
Parvata these damages were done by the brahmana king *Pusya- 
mitra. So this appears to be the beginning of the decline [of the 

After that, king *Phanicandra was ruling in *Magadha. 
During this time, in *Gauda of *Bhangala in the east, there 
was the king *Gauda-vardhana with great power and wealth. 
He rebuilt the monasteries previously damaged and thus helped 
the centres to increase. 

Sthavira Sambhuti 5 extensively propagated the Sravaka- 
pi taka-s, established sixty centres in *Magadha and thus contri- 
buted greatly to the Law. At that time, there lived in *Mol-ta-na 6 

the sound by the Tibetan word ’gems ? D 44 ’gems : Tit. whose brains 
have been confounded ; to stun, to surprise, to confound, to over- 
throw in argument.’ 

3. V & S tr ‘He (Pusyamitra) himself died in the north after five years.’ 
The text has the word de-nid, meaning both ‘himself’ and ‘the tattva ’. 

4. luh-gi-bstan-pa. D 1215. 

5. bsam-rdsogs. 

6. S Multan, cf Watters ii. 254-5 — Maula-sthana, the older name of 
modern Multan. 




in the west in the city of *Ba-ga-da a follower of the mleccha 
teacher, [Fol 43A] the Persian-Tartar king *Ha-la-lu. 7 He had 
the great might of about a hundred thousand strong cavalry. It 
is said that this was the first arrival of the mleccha-s in India. 

Towards the end of the life of king *Bhamsa-candra 
[ ? Vamsa-candra ] and during the period of *Sala-candra, 
there lived a brahmana called *Kasi-jata 8 in the east. He used 
to worship with reverence all the surviving earlier centres and, 
in particular, he provided sixty-four teachers with livelihood, 
each with ten listeners to the Doctrine in the city of *Sva-na- 
ra-gha-bo 9 of *Bhangala. Thus he worked for the restoration 
of the Law which was damaged. 

All these happened during acarya Nagarjuna’s stay at Sri 
Parvata or shortly after that. 

The sixteenth chapter containing the 
account of the period of the first hostility to 
the Law and of its restoration. 

7. V & S Hallu. 

8. cf Bu-ston ii. 1 16. 

9. Could it be Sonargaon, the old capital of the Dacca district ? cf 
Watters ii. 188. 

Ch. 17. Period of Arya Aryadeva 




Then there lived king *Candragupta, son of king *Sala- 
candra . 1 Being very powerful, he is counted among the ten 
*Candra-s. He used to follow virtue and vice indiscriminately. 
But he is not counted among the seven *Candra-s , 2 because he 
did not take refuge to the Buddha. 

During the reign of this king, acarya * Aryadeva 3 and acarya 
**Na-ga-ha-va 4 (Nagahvaya) elaborately served the Law at Sri 

According to the Tibetan tradition, acarya *Aryadeva was 
miraculously born of a lotus in the pleasure garden of the 
king of the *Simhala island . 5 The king reared him up as a 
son. He eventually became a disciple of acarya Nagarjuna 
and, it is said, that during the lifetime of acarya Nagarjuna, 
he subdued Durdharsakala 6 , the tirthika. It is added by some 
that he was the same as siddha *Karna-ri-pa 7 and he attained 
the rain-bow body during Nagarjuna’s lifetime. 

1. S-ed de-nas-rgyal-po-sa-la-candra'i-bu-candra-gupta-ste . . . P-ed de-nas- 
rgyal-po-sa-la-candra-gupta-ste-zla-ba-sbas-pa. The former reading 
followed. The latter means : ‘Then king Sala-Candra-gupta, i.e. 

2. V n ‘Lassen mentions two Candragupta-s from the Gupta (and not 
Candra) dynasty. One of these reigned after A.D. 171 and the other 
after A.D. 230, and was also called Vikramaditya.’ 

3. For works attributed to Aryadeva (’ phags-pa-lha ) see Supplementary 
Note 11. 

4. see Fol 45B, where he is also called Tathagatabhadra. cf Bu-ston 
ii.ll 3. 

5. For the same account, see Bu-ston ii. 130. 

6. thub-dka’-nag-po, lit. ‘Black, the Unconquerable.’ The reconstruc- 
tion is after V & S. Other possible Indian forms — Ajita-krsna, 
Durdharsa-krsna. The Indian form of Matrceta’s name before his 
conversion is not easily traced. 

7. Perhaps Kaneripada ( alias Aryadeva). 



[ Fol 43B ] In this land of Tibet, a story irrespective of 
being true or untrue, if once circulated among the people, 
nobody will listen to anything else, even though that be a firm 
truth. However, the truth should be stated here, even at the 
risk of incurring displeasure. 

In the commentary called the Catuhsataka-vrtti s , acarya 
Candrakirti also holds that he [Aryadeva] was the son of the 
king of the *Simhala island. The original sources of the 
history of arya-desa concur. 9 To follow these sources : A son 
with auspicious marks was born of *Pancasrnga, the king of 
*Simhala. Though placed on the throne when grown up, he 
felt strongly inclined to accept ordination. From upadhyaya 
*Hemadeva he received pravrajya and upasampada. 

After completing the study of the entire Tri-pitaka, he came 

to *JambudvIpa on pilgrimage to the temples and caitya- s of 

the different regions. He met Nagarjuna shortly before he 

[Nagarjuna] left for Sri Parvata from the country of king 

Udayana. At Sri Parvata, he sat at the feet of the acarya and 
received various magical powers, like r as ay ana, etc. He was 
-X entrusted with substantial responsibility of the Law. 

After acarya Nagarjuna passed away, he. [Aryadeva] worked 
for the welfare of the living beings by way of studying and 
meditating 10 in the adjacent lands [of Sri Parvata] in the 
south. He built twenty-four monasteries with wealth obtained 
from the deities of mountains and trees, etc. He made each of 
these the centres of Mahayana and employed yaksmi Subhaga 11 
to maintain these. 

There lived at that time a brahmana called Durdharsa-kala 12 

8. Tg (mDo xxiv.2) Bodhlsattva-yogacarya-catuhsataka-tlka by maha- 
acarya Candrakirti, a commentary on Aryadeva ’s Catuhsataka-sdstra- 
karika-nama (mDo xviii.l, where Aryadeva is mentioned as born in 
the Simhaia island and as the spiritual son of dry a Nagapada, i.e. 

9. Watters i.320, ii.lOOff & ii.200ff for Yuan-chuang’s account of 
Aryadeva, referred to as Deva Bodhisattva. 

10. S-ed sgom-pa, which is followed here. P-ed slob-ma (disciple). 

11. skal-ba-bzah-mo. 

12. thub-dka' -nag^po . 

Ch. 17. Period of Arya Aryadeva 


in the city of *Khorta in *Nalini 13 in the east. [ Fol 44A ] 
He went around different places and defeated in debate the Law 
of the Buddha. When he arrived at Sri *Nalendra, the 
Buddhists there, unable to face him in debate, wrote a letter of 
invitation to acarya * Aryadeva and made offerings to Maha- 
kala. From the heart of the miraculously created [lit. self- 
created] stone-image of Mahakala, there came out a crow. 
The letter was tied to its neck, it flew to the south and delivered 
the letter to the acarya. The acarya knew that it was time to 
defeat him [Durdharsakala] and arrived there with the enchan- 
ted object for swift transport . 14 

On the way, he met a tirthika woman who needed an eye 
of a learned bhiksu to complete the materials required for her 
siddhi. On being asked for it, he gave her one of his eyes . 15 
He reached *Nalendra within a prahara and there — with the 
help of a shameless ( kakola ) upasaka, a cat (. vidala ) and a. jar 
full of black oil (taila-ghata) — he subdued the sister *pandita 
(bhagini-pand ita) , the parrot (sulca) and the chalk ( khadika ) of 
the tirthika s . 16 He encircled the place with magic charm and 
covered it with tattered rags, etc. Hence Mahesvara could not 
enter his [Durdharsakala’s] heart . 17 Though he went on 
arguing for a long time, the acarya defeated him thrice. Then 

13. S-ed Nalina. P-ed NalinT. 

14. Reference to the duratva-gami-siddhi — see D 359. 

15. -cf Bu-ston ii. 1 30 : ‘On the way there the goddess of a tree begged him 

to grant her an eye, and he accordingly presented her with one of his 
eyes. Thereafter, as he had vanquished the heretic, (the monks said) : 
Who is this one-eyed ? Aryadeva replied — 

The Terrific One (Mahesvara), though he has three eyes, 
Cannot perceive the Absolute Truth ; 

Indra, though endowed with 1000 eyes. 

Is likewise unable to see it. 

But Aryadeva, who has only one eye, 

Has the intuition of the True Essence 
Of all the three Spheres of Existence.’ 

16. V tr ‘He reached Nalendra within a prahara and found that the 
bhagini-pand ita, sulca and khadika of the tlrthikas had been subdued 
by upasaka kakola, vidala and taila-ghata .’ 

17. V tr ‘So that Mahesvara could not enter the place of the contest.’ 



he tried to escape through the sky with the help of his magic 
spell. The acarya arrested him and bound him with magic 
spell. When he was kept imprisoned within a temple, he 
started reading the scriptural works there and came across a 
prediction 18 about himself contained in the sutra- s. He then 
became repentant for his past activities against the Law and 
was full of reverence for the Buddha. He accepted ordination 
[ Fol 44B ] and soon became a master of the Tri-pitaka. 

After this, acarya *Aryadeva stayed at *Nalendra for a 
long time. At last he went again to the south and worked 
extensively for the welfare of all living beings. In *Ranganatha 
near *Kanci, he substantially entrusted Rahulabhadra 19 with 
the responsibility of the Law and passed away. 

During the time of acarya *Aryadeva, the southern acarya 
Nagahvaya, 20 whose real name was *Tathagatabhadra, was 
invited by the Nagas. Seven times he visited the realm of the 
Nagas. A considerable number of the Mahayana sutra - s 
was expounded by him and he clarified some aspects of the 
Vijiiana-madhya. 21 

The Trikaya-stotra , 22 now existing in Tibetan translation, 
was also composed by this very acarya . Specially [important] 

But the text has rgyud, which, it is difficult to take in the sense of 
‘the place of contest’. 

18. For a prophecy quoted from the Mdnjusn-mula-tantva, see Bu-ston 
ii.112-3. See Note 22 of Ch. 18 for another prophecy quoted by 
I-Tsing. But F. W. Thomas in ERE viii.496 argues that the account 
of Aryadeva converting Matrceta involves an anachronism and is 
therefore to be rejected. Bu-ston ii. 1 36 considers Matrceta to have 
been a pupil of Aryadeva. 

1 9. sgra-gcan- \hin-bzah-po . 

20. klu-bos. =, 

21. rnam-rig-gi-dbu-ma. V tr ‘madhyama of Yogacara’. But see Ober- 
miller’s note on the different standpoints of the Madhyamika- 
acarya-s, Bu-ston ii.135 n, quoted in our Supplementary Note 12. 

22. sku-gsum-la-bstod-pa. In Tg, however, the Kciyatraya-stotrci (bsTod 
15) is attributed to Nagarjuna and the author of the Kaycitraya- 
stotra-nama-vivarana (bsTod 16) is not mentioned. See also BA i.l 
& note. 

Ch. 1 7. Period of Arya Aryadeva 


is the sastra called Hrdaya-stotra 23 composed by this acarya. 
At that time in most of the southern cities like * Vi dy an agar a, 
even the children sang the verses of the Tathagata-hrdaya- 
sutra. u 

Thus spreading the Law extensively, he spent a long time 
at *Nalendra as the upadhyaya. This acarya was also a 
disciple of Nagarjuna. 

In *Bhangala in the east, an, old brahmana couple had a 
son. As they were poor, acarya Nagarjuna gave them a lot 
of gold. So they became full of reverence and all the three of 
them became his disciples. The son became an attendant of 
the acarya and a rasayana-siddha. He received ordination 
and became a master of the three pi taka- s. He was none 
else than acarya Nagabodhi. 

He served acarya Nagarjuna as long as he lived. [ FoS 45A ] 
After he [Nagarjuna] passed away, acarya Nagabodhi sat in a 
deep cave on one side of Sri Parvata and, as a result of con- 
centrated meditation for twelve years, attained the mahamudra- 
siddhi « 25 He stayed there and had the life as long as that of 
the sun and moon. He had two different names, **Naga- 
bodhi 26 and **Nagabuddhi. 27 

Now, there lived a siddha called *Sin-khi-pa. 28 [His account 
is as follows]. 

When acarya Nagarjuna was staying on the mountain 
*Usira in the north with a thousand disciples, he had an extreme- 
ly dull-witted disciple, who could not memorise even a single 
verse in the course of many days. (Nagarjuna) jokingly told 

23. snih-po'i-bstod-pa. 

24. de-bshin-gsegs-pa'i-snih-po'i-mdo. 

25. phyag-rgya-chen-po-mchog-gi-diws-grub. 

26. The colophon of Tg rG xlv.34 mentions Nagarjuna as a synonym of 
Nagarjunagarbha and also of Nagabodhi (kl u' i-by ait-chub ) ! 

27. For works attributed to Nagabuddhi (alias Nagamati and Naga- 
bodhi), see Supplementary Note 13. 

28. S n also quoted by V ‘The name is certainly derived from Srhgin, as 
it is testified by the Tibetan translation of it as rwa-can, i.e. the 
horned one,’ 

128 x Taranatha 

him, ‘Meditate on having horn on your own head’. He medita- 
ted accordingly. Because of his intense concentration, there 
soon appeared visible horns on his head, which in no time 
reached the roof of the cave of his dwelling. The acarya came 
to know of his power of concentration and made him sit on the 
meditation of being without horn on his head. And his horns 
disappeared. Giving him some instructions on nispamw- 
krama , 29 he [Nagarjuna] asked him to meditate. So in a short 
time, he attained the mahamudra-siddhi. 

Then the acarya, along with his followers, practised the 
parada-rasayana for six months. After attaining success in this, 
when he distributed the alchemical pills to the disciples, he 
[One With Horns] touched the pill to his head and turned 
away without accepting it. The acarya wanted to know the 
reason for this. [He said] ‘Oh acarya, I am not in need of 
it. If you need it yourself, please get some jars filled with 

Accordingly, a thousand big wine jars were filled with water 
and the whole forest looked as if full of jars. He [One 
With Horns] put a drop of urine [ Fol 45B ] into each of 
the jars and all these became full of alchemical gold. Acarya 
Nagarjuna kept all these concealed into a solitary cave of an 
inaccessible hill with the prayer that these should be of benefit 
for the living beings of the future. 

This dull-witted one, who attained siddhi, came to be called 
*Sin-khi-pa, that is One With Horns. 

Now about acarya *Sakya-mitra, 30 the great. He was also 
surely a disciple of acarya Nagarjuna. However, his account 
is not read or heard of. 

The account of the maha-siddha Sabari-pa 31 is already given 
by me in my ‘Account of the Jewels.’ 32 

29. V n 'the final stage of contemplation.’ 

30. sakya-bses-gnen. For works of Sakyamitra, see Supplementary 
Note 14. 

31. For works of Sabari-pa or ri-khrod, see Supplementary Note 15. 

32. rin-chen-byuh-gnas-lta-bu'i-gtam. 

Ch. 15. Period of Arya Aryadeva 


Though it is said that siddha *MatangI 33 was a disciple of 
acarya Nagarjuna arid his disciple [Aryadeva], he could not 
have lived at that time [i,e. the time of Nagarjuna and 
Aryadeva]. He could have had their vision later . 34 

The seventeenth chapter containing the account 
of the period of arya Aryadeva and others. 

33. In Tg the Kunikulla-sadhana (rG Jxxiv.46) is attributed to Matahgi- 
pada alias Matahga. 

34. phyis-shal-mthoh-ba’o. V tr ‘We shall discuss him later.’ 






Then, Bindusara, son of king *Candragupta, ruled *Gauda 
for thirtyfive years. 

*Canaka, J a brahmana minister, 1 2 propitiated Mahakrodha- 
bhairava 3 and had a direct vision [of the deity]. This greatly 
increased his magical power. When the king fought wars and 
conquered all the lands between the eastern and western oceans, 
he [Canaka] killed the kings and ministers of sixteen big 
janapada -s 4 with abhicara. 5 He killed about three thousand 
persons and magically induced insanity in ten thousand 

He committed a grave sin by injuring a large number of 
persons by beating, torturing, stifling and making them dumb. 
As a result of this sin he had a disease which decomposed his 
body into pieces. Then he died and was reborn in hell. 

| Fol 46A ] During the reign of this king was built the 
monastery called Kusuma-alamkara 6 in Kusumapura. The 
great acarya Matrceta 7 resided there and extensively propaga- 
ted both the Hinayana and Mahayana doctrines. During 

1. Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 119) Canakya. In the Tg Canakya-niti-sastra 
(mDo cxxiii.32) is attributed to Canaka or Canakya. 

2. P-ed slob-dpon, lit. acarya. S-ed blon-po, lit. minister. The latter 
reading followed. 

3. V Yamantaka. 

4. groh-khyer-chen-po-bcu-drug. 

5. mhon-spyod. 

6. me-tog-gis-brgyan-pa, lit. 'decorated with flowers’. Anesaki in ERE 
ii. 1 59 — this Kusumapura : modern Patna, cf Sircar CGAIL 152, But 
see W atters i.341f. 

7. ma-khol. For works attributed to Matrceta and Pitrceta ( pha-khol ), 
see Supplementary Note 16. 

Ch. 18. Period of Acarya Matrceta 


the latter half of acarya Matrceta’s life, *SrIcandra, son of 
the younger brother of Bindusara, ascended the throne. He 
built a temple of arya Avalokitesvara and maintained there 
two thousand Mahayana monks. 

(During this time] Rahulabhadra became the upadhyaya of 
Sri *Nalendra and built there fourteen gandhola- s 8 and made 
these fourteen different centres for the Doctrine. Many years 
after the reign of king *Sri-candra, in *Di-li 9 (Delhi) and 
*Malava in the west, king *Kanika ascended the throne at a 
young age. He became extremely prosperous by discovering 
twentyeight mines of gems. In each of the four directions, 
he built a temple. In these he continuously entertained thirty 
thousand monks of both Hinayana and Mahayana. From 
this one should know that this *Kanika is not 10 the same 
person as king * Kaniska. 

This acarya Matrceta was the same as the brahmana 
Durdharsakala mentioned a little earlier. The same person 
was known under the following different names 11 : 

8. dri-gtsah-khah. D 213 & 653 : the principal chapel in a monastery ; 
the great temple of Buddha at Gaya was called Maha-gandhola- 

9. V Ti-li. S-ed Ti-li : P-ed Di-li. The latter followed. 

10. The text has mi-gcig-pa, which means 'not the same’ as well as 'one 
man’. V & S accept the first meaning and translate the sentence as, 
‘This Kanika is not the same person as king Kaniska. In his Table 
of Contents, Tar clearly mentions Kanika and Kaniska as separate 
kings. However, as evidenced by Matrceta’s letter to Kaniska (see 
note 24 of this chapter), Kanika appears to be but another name of 
Kaniska. Vidyabhusana in JASB 1910. 477fF doubts that Kanika, to 
whom this letter was sent, was identical with the Kushana King 
Kaniska. F. W. Thomas in IA xxxii.345ff & ERE viii.495, Anesaki 
in ERE ii. 159 and Winternitz HIL ii.270n argue against such an 
untenable view, cf Watters ii.104 — Kaniska also referred to as 

11. Though the Tibetan colophon of Matrceta’s Stotra-sata-pancasatka 
(Tg bsTod 38) attributes it to Asvaghosa, the modern scholars’are 
generally inclined to consider the identification of the two as due to 
some confusion : Anesaki in ERE ii. 1 59-60 ; F. W. Thomas in ERE 
viii.495 ; Winternitz HIL ii.270. Their main points are : 1) I-Tsing 



Sura, 12 Asvaghosa, 13 Matrceta, Pitrceta, 14 Durdharsa, Dharmika 
Subhuti, 15 *Maticitra, 18 etc. 

Now, in the city called *Khorta 17 there lived a merchant 
who had ten daughters. All of them established themselves in 
sarana-gamana and pancasiksa and used to worship the Jewels. 
All the daughters were married to nobles of the different parts 
of the country. The youngest of them was married to a very 
wealthy hrahmana called *Samghaguhya. 18 A son was once 
born to her [ Fol 46 B ] and was called Kala. He thoroughly 
studied the Vedas along with all their branches. Because 
of his devotion to the parents he was known as Matrceta 
and Pitrceta. He became thoroughly proficient in mantra , 

clearty knew the two as separate poets, 2) Asvaghosa figured in the 
court of Kaniska while Matrceta, on the ground of his old age, 
declined to go there. For further discussion of the question, see 
Supplementary Note 17. 

12. dpa'-bo. For the works attributed to Arya-sura or Sura, see 
Supplementary Note 18. Winternitz ii.276 argues : 'the poet probably 
belongs to the 4th century A.D.- on the ground.that the frescoes of 
Ajanta (6th cen. AD) quote verses of his Jatakamala and that his 
work was translated into Chinese in A.D. 434. 

13. rta-dbyahs. For the name Asvaghosa, see Watters ii. 103f. For the 
works attributed to him, see Supplementary Note 19. 

14. pha-khol. See Supplementary Note 16. 

15. chos-ldan-rab-byor. V Dharmika Subhuti. cf Anesaki in ERE ii. 1 59, 
‘The Vajrasuci, a refutation of the caste-system bears the name of 
Asvaghosa as its author ; but the same text in the Chinese transla- 
tion (Nanjio No. 1303) is ascribed to Fa-Hien, literally Law-famed. 
This name is usually rendered as Dharmayasas, but may be Dharmika 
Subhuti, literally Lawful Glory’. In Tg the following works are 
attributed to Dharmika Subhuti : Bodhisattva-carya(-samgraha)- 
pradlpa-ratnamala-nama (mDo xxx.31), Saddharma-smrti-upasthana- 
karika (mDo xxxiii.38 & xciv.24), Dasakusala-karma-patha-nirdesa 
(mDo xxxiii.40 & xciv.21). 

16. See note 7 of this chapter, cf F. W. Thomas in ERE viii. 495-6. 

17. F. W. Thomas in ERE viii. 495 : does this refer to Gauda ? 

18. In Tg, the Astahga-hrdaya (mDo cxviii.4) and its auto-commentary 
(mDo cxviii.5 and cxix) are attributed to maha-vaidya Pitrceta (pha- 
khol), anas maha-vaidya Vagbhata, son of vaidya-pati Samghaguhya, 
alias Samghagupta or Simhagupta, 

Gh. 18. Period of Acarya Matrceta 


tantra and debate. He received direct precepts from god 
Mahadeva . 19 

Proud of being proficient in logic, he defeated in debate 
the Buddhists in *Odivisa, *Gauda, *Tirahuti, *Kamarupa 
and other places. He converted some into tirthika- s, deprived 
others of their power and humiliated still others by compelling 
them to bow down before the tirthika- s and in many other 

The mother thought, Tf he goes to *Nalendra, the masters 
of logic and vidyd-mantra would make him feel humble and 
convert him into a follower of the Doctrine . 5 

And she said, Tf the Buddhists of the other places are 
comparable to the hairs growing on the ear of a horse, the 
Buddhists of *Magadha are comparable to the body of the 
horse. Without defeating the Buddhists of *Magadha, none 
can earn fame in debate . 5 

How he went to *Magadha and received ordination is 
already narrated. When he became a sthavira proficient in the 
pitalca-s, dryd [Tara-devi] instructed him in a dream : ‘Compose 
many stotra- s to the Buddha. That will remove the defile- 
ment caused by your past sins against the Doctrine . 5 Thus 
instructed, he composed the stotra called ‘Praise for the 
Praiseworthy ’ 20 to atone for his sins. It is said that besides 

19. I-Tsing (Takakusu) 157 : 'Previously as a follower of another religion, 
when born as man, Matrceta had been an ascetic, and had worshipped 
M-ahesvara-deva. When a worshipper of this deity, he had composed 
hymns in his praise." 

20. Tg bsTod 29 : Varnanarhavamane-bhagavato-buddhasya-stotre'sakya- 
stava-nama by Mitracita (Maticitra orMatrceta). cfl-Tsing (Takakusu) 
157: ‘He composed first a hymn consisting of four hundred sloka-s 
(i.e. the Varncmarha-vartiana) and afterwards another of one hundred 
and fifty (i.e. the Sata-pancasatka ) ... These charming compositions 
are equal in beauty to the heavenly flowers, and high principles which 
they contain rival in dignity the lofty peaks of a mountain. Conse- 
quently in India, all who compose hymns imitate his style, consider-- 
ing him the father of literature. ... Throughout India, everyone who 
becomes a monk is taught Matrceta’s two hymns as soon as he can 
recite the five and ten precepts (slla). This course is adopted by 
both the Mahayana and Hlnayana schools’. 



this, he composed a hundred stotra- s to the Buddha. Best 
among these is the Sata-pancasatka-stotra 21 

When Matrceta became a follower of the Law of the 
Buddha [ Fo8 47 A ], a large number of tirthika-s and 
brahmana- s accepted ordination in the monasteries of four 

Among the brahmana- s, Durdharsakala was the foremost 
and most accomplished. When even he was seen to renounce 
his own views like brushing off the dust from the shoes and to 
accept the Law of the Buddha, [others thought] the Doctrine 
of the Buddha was surely most wonderful. As a result, in Sri 
*Nalendra alone more than a thousand brahmana-s and an 
equal number of tirthika-s took up ordination. 

Being exceedingly virtuous, this acarya used to receive 
everyday a lot of food while going round for alms in the city. 
Thus he relieved five hundred monks from the worry of liveli- 
hood. He led two hundred and fifty of them to devote them- 
selves to meditation and the other two hundred and fifty to 

As the Jina himself predicted 22 the composition of these, 
the stotra- s of this acarya bring the same blessings as the words 
of the Buddha. These stotra- s became very popular and were 
recited even by the singers, dancers and jesters. As a result, 
all the people of the country became naturally devoted to the 
Buddha. Thus through these stotra- s 23 he proved himself 
extremely helpful for the spread of the Law. 

21. bsTod 38 in Tg, where it is attributed to Asvaghosa. But see F. W. 
Thomas in ERE viii.497 : this hymn of Matrceta was translated by 
I-Tsing into Chinese. The originals of both Vamanarha-varnana and 
Sata-pancasatka are found in fragments among the "MS Trouvailles 
from Chinese Turkstan”. 

22. See I-Tsing (Takakusu) 156f : 'A nightingale in the wood, seeing the 
Buddha ... began to utter its melodious notes ... The Buddha, looking 
back to his disciples, said, "The bird, trasnported with joy at sight of 
me, unconsciously utters its melodious notes. On account of this 
good deed, after my nirvana this bird shall be born in human form, 
and named Matrceta, and he shall praise my virtues with true 
appreciation.” ’ 

23. V ‘he (Asvaghosa).’ V seems throughout to accept Taranatha’s 
identification of Matrceta with Asvaghosa. 

Ch. 18, Period of Acarya Matrceta 


Towards the latter part of his life, king ^Kanika sent a 
messenger to this acarya and invited him. He was then too 
old to go to the king. Still he helped the king to remain firm 
in the Doctrine by writing a letter to him 24 and also by sending 
his own disciple Jnanapriya 33 for preaching the Doctrine to the 
king as his acarya. 

He resolved to compose a work in which, instead of depen- 
ding merely on the written works like the sutra - s etc, he 
intended to depend also on the oral tradition of the upadhya- 
ya - s and deary a-s [ Fol 47B ] and narrate each of the ten 
Jataka - s ten times in accordance with the ten paramitd- s. 26 
After completing thirty four of these, he passed away. 

According to another account, he thought : ‘Just as the 
Bodhisattva offered his own body to a tigress, I can also do 
the same. It is not a difficult task.’ Thus, on coming across 
in a similar way a famished tigress followed by her cubs, when 
he was about to offer his own body, he had a little hesitation. 
[Hence he realised the real greatness of the Bodhisattva and] 
he became more profoundly reverent for the Buddha. With 

24. Maharaja-kani ska-lekha (mDo xxxiii.34 & xciv.29) by Matrceta or 
Maticitra. The colophon : ‘letter sent by acarya Maticitra to 
maharaja Kaniska,’ though in the Tibetan form this name occurs as 
Kanika. The corrector of the translation Srikuta says that this 
probably refers to the Kusana king Kaniska. It is translated by 
F. W. Thomas in IA xxxii.345f, who, in ERE xiii.496, comments, 
‘Undoubtedly, the most interesting of Matrceta’s writings is the 
epistle to king Kaniska ... Beginning with excuses for not accepting 
the great king’s invitation and for boldness in offering advice, he 
proceeds to counsel the young sovereign as to his moral policy, the 
concluding 20 out of 85 verses containing a pathetic appeal on behalf 
of the dumb animals and deprecating the chase. The latter topic was 
familiar on Buddhist lips, as we may see from the Edicts of Asoka. 
The whole epistle is full of mildness, gracious courtesy and moral 
worth ; that it is an old man’s writing appears on the surface.’ 

25. ye-ses-snan-pa. 

26. S-ed bcu-phrag-bcu, which is followed here. P-ed phrag-hcu (ten) is 
missing. Tar evidently refers here to the Jatakamala of Aryasura — 
Sura being for him only another name of Matrceta or Asvaghosa. 



his own blood, he wrote the Seventy pranidhana-s . 27 He 
offered a little blood to the tigress, which gave some strength 
to her weak body [and thus enabled her to be strong enough 
to devour him]. Then he offered his body to them. 

According to others, he who did this was actually acdrya 
Parahitaghosa-aranyaka 28 and who was much later than deary a 

He 29 composed many other sastra- s like the Prajnd-pdra- 
mitd-samgraha. ZQ He showed equal compassion for the monks 
of both Mahayana and HInayana and was not partial to the 
Mahayani-s. Hence the Sravakas also had great respect for 
him. He belonged to all the Buddhists and hence had a very 
high reputation. 

Acdrya Rahulabhadra, 31 though a sudra by birth, was all- 
perfect in physical charm and wealth. He received ordination 
at *Nalendra and became a monk proficient in the three 
pitaka- s. Sitting at the feet of acdrya *Aryadeva, he realised 
the truth. When he resided at *Nale.ndra, a huge pot raised 
by him to the sky used to be filled with delicious food. Thus 
he provided many samgha- s with livelihood. At last in *Dhin- 
kota he had the direct vision of Amitabha Buddha. 

[ Fol 48 A ] He passed away facing Sukhavati. I have 
already written about him in my ‘Account of Taradevi.’ 82 

The eighteenth chapter containing the account 
of the period of acdrya Matrceta and others. . 

27. P-ed bdun-cu-pa, (lit. seventy) smon-lam (lit. pranidhana). S 'a prayer 
consisting of seventy sloka- s.’ Tg contains Pranidhana-saptati-nama- 
gatha (mDo xxxiii.53 & cxxxvi.38) by acdrya bhattarakaPatahitaghosa. 

28. gshan-la-phan-pa'i-dbyahs-dgon-pa-ba. V & S Parahita Svarakantara. 
But see note 27. 

29. V ‘he (Asvaghosa) ...’ 

30. ser-phyin-bsdus-pa. Does Tar refer here to the Arya-prajnd-paramita- 
samgraha-karikd-vivarana of Triratnadasa (mDo xiv.3) ? See F. W. 
Thomas in ERE viii. 496 — the tradition identifying Triratnadasa with' 

31. sgra-gcan-dsin-bzah-po. 

32. sgrol-ma’i-lo-rgyus. 

Ch. 19. Renewed Hostility to the Doctrine 




After that, in the east [ruled] *Dharma-candra, son of king 

He also extensively worshipped the Law of the Buddha. He 
had a brahmana minister called *Vasunetra , 1 who had a great 
reverence for the Law of the Buddha and who attained direct 
vision of arya Avalokitesvara. 

He [Vasunetra] obtained from the Nagas various medicines 
and cured all diseases all over the kingdom of Aparantaka. 
Thrice did he establish equality by writing off everybody’s 

At that time there lived in Kashmir a king called *Turuska . 2 
He lived for a hundred years and was highly religious. 

During the reign of *Dharmacandra, there ruled in *Moltan 
and *Lahore king *Ban-de-ro, alias *Khuni-ma-mpta, the 
Persian king. Between this king and king *Dhannacandra, 
there took place repeated wars and treaties of peace. Once, 
during a period of peace, some greedy monks were used as 
messengers to each other by both sides. The Persian king sent 
presents of horses and jewels to the king of madhya-desa. In 
return, the latter sent presents of elephants and fine silk to the 
Persian king. 

*Dharma-candra, king of Aparantaka, once sent to the 
Persian king a present of highly precious and very fine silken 
robe made without any stitch . 3 Unfortunately, because of 

1. cf the prophecy quoted from Manjusri-mula-tantra by Bu-ston ii.l 17f. 

2. Ibid ii.l 19, according to which Turuska lives for 300 years. 

3. srubs-med-pa. 




faulty weaving there appeared something like a foot-print 4 on 
that part of the robe which covered the chest. [ Fol 48B] This 
roused suspicion of black magic. On another occasion, he 
[Dharmacandra] wanted to send some fruits as a present. A 
brahmana wrote charmed circles on pieces of birch-bark and 
left these in the sun [to dry]. [One of these] was carried by 
the wind into the opening of the flower that turned into a 
banana bunch. He [Dharmacandra] sent to the Persian king 
the present of fruits .including this [banana bunch] in a box 
containing melted butter [as the preserver]. When the charmed 
circle was found inside the fruit, [the Persian king] became 
convinced of the use of black magic. 

So he [the Persian king] destroyed *Magadha by the 
*Turuska army, ruined many temples and heavily damaged Sri 
*Nalendra. Even the ordained monks fled away. 

After this, ’"Dharmacandra passed away. He was succeeded 
by one of his nephews, who, however, submitted to the 
*Turuskas and remained powerless. 

Buddhapaksa, 5 son of *Dharmacandra’s maternal uncle, 
was the king of *Varanasi. He sent a number of Sautrantika 
acarya - s to China. 6 In return for this kindness, the Chinese 
king sent to king Buddhapaksa presents of precious articles. 
These were carried by ten thousand persons, of whom one 
hundred carried gold. 

With this wealth, he [Buddhapaksa] pleased the kings, big 
and small, as well as the feudatory lords and chiefs of the 
western and central regions, mobilised them in a war against the 
Persian king and killed many Persian heroes including king 

King Buddhapaksa sent orders to most of the kingdoms of 
Aparantaka and of the west to reconstruct all the damaged 
temples and to invite the monks back. In Sri *Nalendra 

4. V ‘print of a horse-hoof’, cf Sachau ii.l 1 for Al-beruni’s account of 
similar stories. 

5. sahs-rgyas-phyogs. cf Bu-ston ii.l 19. 

6. rgya-nag. 

Ch. 19. Renewed Hostility to the Doctrine 


[ Fol 49A ] eightyfour centres of the Doctrine were established. 
Of these, seventyone were established by the king himself and 
the remaining ones by the queen and the ministers. 

There lived then the later *Maticitra, 7 who had direct vision 
of Manjusri. He became the guru of the king. [The king] 
entertained the monks on top of the royal palace and fed the 
firthika- s outside the gate. Thus he restored the Law that had 
been damaged before. 

The nineteenth chapter containing 
the account of renewed hostility to the 
Doctrine and of its restoration. 

7. maticitra phyi-ma-gcig . V n 'Perhaps the author or even the histo- 
rians before him finding various legends about Matrceta, assume 
several persons instead of one. Apparently, there should not be any 
doubt that this later Matrceta is the same Asvaghosa, who is referred 
to in the ancient Chinese biography. And thus, was the king 
Buddhapaksa same as Vikramaditya, the liberator of India from the 
Indo-Scythians ? But we do not find any reference in the Chinese 
histories that they rendered aid to the Indian kings, though it has 
been mentioned that during the first Han dynasty, the Chinese spent 
much on gifts. The reference to the first introduction of Buddhism 
into China after A.D. 64 is conjectural ; it began to spread there in 
the fourth century.’ But Takakusu(I-Tsing) p. xvii : Buddhism first 
introduced into China in A.D. 67, the date of the arrival of the first 
Indian sramana- s, — Kasyapa, Matanga, etc — who were invited by 
the Chinese Emperor Ming-ti (A.D. 58-75). 





Then, in the country of *Krsnaraja in the south, there lived 
an exponent of the Prajna-paramita called acarya *Malikabuddhi. 
He established in the madhya-desa twentyone big centres of the 
Doctrine, built one thousand caitya- s containing the images of 
deities, extensively propagated the Prajna-paramita for twenty 
years and was at last murdered by the *Turuska robbers. His 
blood flowed in the form of milk, flowers came out from within 
his heart and filled the sky. 

In the same country was born acarya **Muditabhabhadra , 1 
whose words [lit. throat] were ornamented with thousands of 
sutra- s, who acquired the twelve dhuta-guna- s 2 and attained the 
stage of anutpattikadharma-ksanti . He also rebuilt the caitya-s 
previously damaged, surrounded each with ten new caitya -s 
and led all the householders and brdhmana- s to the reverence 
[for the Buddha]. 

At that time there were many ordained monks in the ma- 
dhya-desa who did not properly observe the vows. [ Fol 49B ] 
He helped those who agreed to atone for their violation of the 
vows, while those who refused to do so were expelled by him. 
So [the expelled ones] became hostile to this great monk and 
started slandering him. Thus he felt, worried and prayed to 
drya Samantabhadra 3 and received his direct vision. He prayed, 
‘Please take me to a place where I can work for the welfare of 
all living beings.’ 

1. V & S Muditabhabhadra, which occurs in S-ed. P-ed Muditaba- 

2. sbyahs-bd’i-yon-tan-bcu-gnis. D 939 — talents or qualifications kept 
up, used or practised ; ascetic practices, cf. I-Tsing (Takakusu) 
56-57, 57n. 

3. kun-tu-bzah-po. 

Ch. 20. Third Hostility to the Doctrine 


[Samantabhadra] said, ‘Hold the corner of my robes . 4 5 The 


moment he held it, he reached Li-yul. Working there for the 
welfare of the living beings for many years, he passed away. 

In these ways, the Doctrine was extensively spread for forty 

*Kakutsiddha , 4 a minister of the king , 5 built a temple at 
Sri *Nalendra. During its consecration he arranged for a great 
ceremonial feast for the people. At . that time, two beggars 
with tirthika views came to beg. The young naughty sramanera - s 
threw slops at them, kept them pressed inside door panels 
and set ferocious dogs on them. These two became very angry. 
One of them went on arranging for their livelihood and the 
other engaged himself to the surya-sadhana . 6 7 

For nine years, he sat in a deep pit dug into the earth and 
pursued the sadhana. Yet he failed to attain siddhi. So he 
wanted to come out of the pit. 

His companion asked, ‘Have you attained siddhi in the 
spell ?’ He said, ‘Not yet.’ 

The other said, ‘In spite of famine conditions all around, I 
have obtained livelihood for you with great difficulty. So, if you 
come out without acquiring mantra-siddhi, I shall immediately 
chop off your head . 5 

Saying this he brandished a sharp knife. This made him 
afraid and he continued in the sadhana for three more years. 
Thus he attained siddhi through the endeavour of twelve years. 

He performed a sacrifice (yajnaV and scattered the charmed 
ashes all around. [ Fol 50A ] This immediately resulted in a 
miraculously produced fire. It consumed all the eightyfour 
temples, the centres of the Buddha’s Doctrine. 

The fire started burning the scriptural works that were kept 
in the *Dharmaganja of *SrI *Nalendra, particularly in the 
big temples called *Ratnasagara, *Ratnodadhi and *Ratnaran- 

4. P-ed Kakudasiddha (?). V Kakudasimha. Vidyabhusana HIL 516 
gives the name as Kakudasiddha from Sum-pa. 

5. S ‘a ksatriya minister of the king.’ But V does not mention ksatriya. 

6. ni-ma-sgrub-pa. 

7. sbyin-sreg, 



daka, 8 in which were preserved all the works of Mahayana 
pitaka- s. At that time, from certain works kept in the upper 
floor of the nine-storeyed *Ratnodadhi temple, came out water 
to extinguish the fire. The works to which this water reached 
remained unburnt. 

It is said that these [unburnt] works, on being examined 
later, were found to be works of the five esoteric tantra- s. 9 
According to others, these were works only on the Guhya- 
samaja. In any case, these works belonged to the class of anu- 
t tar a- tantra 10 and there is no difference of opinion on the Guhya- 
samaja being included in these. 

Many temples in other places were also burnt and the two 
tirthika- s, apprehending punishment from the king, escaped to 
*Ha-sa-ma [Assam] in the north. But they were themselves 
burnt by the self-kindled fire produced in their body by their 

The vastly learned monks living in all directions then assem- 
bled and wrote out the scriptural works from what remained 
of these in their memory as well as in the form of written 

The temples damaged by the fire were reconstructed by king 


Buddhapaksa, the brahmana *Sahku, n the brahmana Brhas- 
pati 12 and many householders who were full of reverence. 

Of the fifteen parts of the Mahayana pitaka -s that came to 
the human world, [ Fol 50B ] two parts were destroyed during 
each of the two hostilities to the Doctrine that had taken place 
before this incident [i.e. four parts in all were previously destroy- 
ed], one part of these was lost without any act of hostility, 

8. S-ed Ratnarandaka. S Ratnakarandaka. Vidyabhusana HIL 516, 
depending on Sum-pa, gives the name as Ratnaranjaka. 

9. ? tantra- s of the insiders. The text has nah-rgyud-sde-lha. V tr ‘five 
sections of the tantra- s of the "insiders” (? internal tantra- s).’ 

10. V anuttara-yoga, 

11. Tg contains the Siddha-garuda-sastra (rG lxxi.405) attributed to 
brahmna Sanku. 

12. phur-bu. Tg contains four -works attributed to brahmana Brhaspati — 
rG lxxi.396 ; 397 ; lxxvii-lxxx ; mDo cxxiii.25. 

Ch. 20. Third Hostility to the Doctrine 


nine parts were destroyed by this hostile fire. Only one part of 
these now survives. 

This [surviving part] includes the fortynine chapters of 
Arya-ratnakuta-samaja, xz which originally contained one 
thousand chapters. Similarly survived thirty eight of the one 
thousand chapters of the Avatamsaka, u only nine of the 
thousand chapters of the Maha-samaja 15 and only one small 
chapter viz. the Tathagata-hrdaya 16 of the LahkavataraA 1 These 
are only a few examples. 

The twentieth chapter containing 
the account of the third hostility to the 
Doctrine and of its restoration. 

13. ' phags-pa-dkon-mchog-brtsegs-pa- du$-pa. 

14. phal-bo-che. V Buddha-avatamsaka. 

15. 'dus-pa-chen-po. 

16. de-bshin-gsegs-pa'i-snih-po. V 'heart of Tathagata’. 

17. lahkara-gsegs-pa. 





Now, near the coast of the ocean, on the top of a hill in 
the country of *Odivisa in the east, king Buddhapaksa, in the 
latter part of his life, built a temple called Ratnagiri . 1 He 
prepared three copies of each of the scriptural works of the 
Mahayana and Hinayana and kept these in this temple. He 
established there eight great centres for the Doctrine and main- 
tained 2 five hundred monks. 

A monastery called Devagiri 3 was built on the model of 
Ratnagiri on a hill on the sea coast near *Bhangala . 4 His 
[Buddhapaksa’s] minister built the temple there and the 
brahmana *Sanku arranged for [the copies] of the scriptural 
works. The brahmana Brhaspati provided it with all the articles 
of worship and the queen maintained the monks and the centre 
of the Doctrine. 


Now about the brahmana *Sanku. 

In *Pundravardhana, which was situated between *Magadha 

and *Bhangala, there lived a wealthy brahmana called *Saro 

along with his seven brothers. [ Fol 51A ] He tried to subdue 

the Nagas by acquiring the spells of Mahadeva. But they 

could not be subdued. The entire brahmana family, inclusive 

of the seven brothers, died of the bite of poisonous snake. 


The brahmana had a son named *Sanku. Out of love for 
him, his relatives kept a large number of mongoose on the 
ground floor of the building. Outside the building, they kept 

1. rin-chen-ri-bo. 

2. P-ed ’ tshogs-pa (collected). S-ed ’ tsho-ba (maintained). The latter 

reading followed. 

3. lha’i-ri-bo. 

4. V Bahgala. 

Ch. 21. Period of Buddhapaksa and Karmacandra 


the animals called *sela- s 5 6 that killed the snakes. On the top of 
the building, they kept a number of peacocks and thus ensured 
protection against the snakes. They tried also to master the 
spell as well as to obtain other articles to subdue the snakes. 

After this, the Nagas once appeared and made the loud 

sound : *phut. G This scared the peacocks which flew away. The 

*sela animals were driven into their holes by a terrible storm. 

A very lean snake scaled up the building by one of its corners, 


entered the room and bit *Sanku to death. 

His wife 7 took out the dead body, put it into a small raft 
and floated on the *Ganga for three days, saying : ‘Who can 
bring him back to life !’ 

During these three days, the shepherds [on the bank] jeered 
at her. Then appeared a woman, who uttered spell on some 
water, washed his body with it and brought him back to life. 

Returning to his place, he enquired about what had been 
going on. He was told that the brahmana *Sanku had died 
seven days back and that all his household articles were being 
offered to the brahmana- s. He entered the house and, failing 
to believe what was happening, wondered if it was real or only 
a magic show. Thus he was afraid. 

At last he realised what had happened and felt happy. Then 
[Fol 51B] he searched for spells to subdue the Nagas. He once 
witnessed [the following] : A v/oman came to work in the field 
and uttered a spell. Suddenly there appeared a snake from 
where nobody knew and touched with its mouth the foot of her 
little son, who immediately died as it were. But when her 

5. S saila. S n : ‘In the text, there is sela, which is evidently derived from 

the Sanskrit saila. Yet I cannot ascertain which animal of the hill is 
here referred to.’ But could it be a corrupt form of the Bengali word 
seyala (c*tst^0 or syala ? 

6. phutkaral See Monier-Williams 718. 

7. cf the folklore of Behula ( Manasamahgala ), where also the name 
Sahku or Samkara-garudi occurs as an expert in the spell against 




work in the field was over, a snake appeared and the moment 
it bit the foot of the child, the child came back to life. 8 

Realising that she was a dakini, [Sanku] fell at her feet 
and said, ‘Teach me, please, the spell.’ 

‘You are not fit to receive the spell and it is difficult to 
obtain the articles for the rite.’ Though she refused thus, as he 
remained clinging to the earth and went on urging her, she 

The article required for the rite was eight palmful of thick- 
ened milk ( kslra ) of perfectly black bitch. After obtaining 

this, he asked for the spell. She chanted the charm a number 

of times and asked *Sanku to drink it. 

Six handfuls of this filled his stomach and he could not 

drink any more. Then she said, ‘If you fail to take this 

[remaining milk], the snake will kill you first and after that 
will kill many others.’ 

With this threat, she forced him to drink more. He 
swallowed another handful, but, with his best efforts, could 
not swallow the remaining handful. So the dakini said, ‘Did 
I not tell you at the very beginning that you were unfit for it ? 
You can now subdue and bring under your control the seven 
classes of Nagas. But you will not be able to do this with 

the Vasuki-s. 9 So you are going to die in the future of the 

bite of Vasuki-naga.’ 

Wielding great magic power, the brahmana then became 
very strong. He commanded the Nagas to do whatever he 
liked, both good and evil. [ Fol 52A ] Everyday he arranged 
for the recital of the scriptures by the brahmana- s, offered them 
gihs and performed other pious acts. Every night, he used to 
go to the pleasure garden and satisfy the five-fold lust in the 
company of the female Nagas. He built with *asta-dhatu 
a temple near *Pundravardhana of bhaitarika drya Tara-devi 
and elaborately worshipped there the Three Jewels. 

There was among the female Nagas an attendant of the 

8. cf the washer-woman Neta in the folklore of Behula ( Manasamahgala ). 

9. nor-rgyas . 

Ch. 21. Period of Buddhapaksa and Karmacandra 


Naga king Vasuki. The brahmana did not know of her iden- 
tity and remained careless. She bit him on his forehead and 

Then [the brahmana] told his servant, ‘Go and fetch “white 
cuttle-fish bone.” 10 While returning with it, you must not look 
back, must not listen to others and must not speak.’ With these 
instructions, he sent the servant with the enchanted material 
for swift transport. f 

As he [the servant] was coming back, somebody called him 
from behind. He did not respond at first. 

‘I am a physician. I can cure the diseases and also cases 
of poisoning 5 , — being thus told, he looked back and saw a 
brahmana carrying a medicine chest, who said, ‘Show me the 
medicine you are carrying. 5 

He [the servant] showed him the white cuttle-fish bone. 

Immediately the brahmana threw it on the ground and vanished. 

/ / 

After meeting * Sanku, he [the servant] reported this. [Sanku] 

said, ‘Bring it along with the earth on which it has fallen.’ 

But he failed to collect it, because when he reached the 

place it was already flooded by the sea caused by the magic 


power of the Nagas. Thus died *Sanku. 

Such a 11 brahmana * Sanku built a stone pillar called the 
Garuda-stambha 12 in Khagendra in the south. Cases of 
poisoning were cured immediately after offering worship to it. 
[ Fol S2B ] Drinking or bathing in the water with which this 
pillar was washed, effected cure of leprosy. 13 
Now about brahmana Brhaspati. 

As he was an adept in the *Kurukulla 14 spell, the king 
asked him ‘Show me *Taksaka, the king of the Nagas.’ He 
threw a stone into the sea after chanting the *Kurukulla spell. 
Then the sea started boiling and at its centre emerged the dome 

10. rgya-mtsho'i-lbu-ba. lit. sea-foam. See Monier-Williams 718 : ‘supposed 
to be indurated foam of the sea.’ 


1 1 . de-lta-bu (similar). V tr 'such a brahmana Sanku.’ 

1 2 . nam-mkha '-hli h -gi-mchod-sdo h . 

13. klu-nad, lit. naga-roga. D 45. 

14. V Kurukulli. 



of the palace of the Nagas. The king along with his atten- 
dants saw this. But the Naga could not be shown. [By the mere 
sight of the dome] many men and cattle died of the Naga 
poisoning, and everything disappeared again into the sea. 

This brdhmana Brhaspati built many temples of the Buddha 
in the city of *Kataka in *Odivisa and he arranged for the 
entertainment of a large number of samgha-s. 

King Buddhapaksa. After him *Karmacandra, the nephew 
of *Dharmacandra. During their time came acarya Rama- 
priya , 15 acarya Asvaghosa the junior , 16 Rahulamitra 17 the 
disciple of Rahulabhadra and his [Rahulamitra’s] disciple 
Nagamitra . 18 They spread the Mahayana. However, from 
the commentary on Stotra-sata-pancasatka 19 now current in 
Tibet, it is clear that the commentator acarya Ramapriya 20 
came after Dignaga and others. Therefore, [the acarya] of 
this period had similarity only in name with [the acarya] of 
that period. 

The twentyfirst chapter containing the account of 
the period of the final activities of king Buddha- 
paksa and of the period of king Karmacandra. 

15. dga'-byed-snan-pa. V Nandapriya. 

16. rta-dbyahs-chuh-ba. 

17. sgra-gcan-dsin-bses-gnen. Tg contains a work attributed to siddha 
mahacarya Rahulasrlmitra— rG xxxiii.22. 

18. klu'i-bses-gnen. Tg contains Kayatrayavatarctmukha-nama (mDo 
xxix l) attributed to Nagamitra. Another work (mDo xxxiii.83 & 
lxi.8) is a commentary by acarya Jnanacandra on a work by Naga- 
mitra, which, however, is not traced in Tg. 

19. Satapancasatka-nama-stotra-tika (bsTod ,39) by bhiksu Ramapriya. 

20. V Nandapriya. 

Ch. 22 Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 





After this, about the time of king *Karmacandra. 
Gambhirapaksa , 1 son of king Buddhapaksa, established his 
capital in Pancala . 2 He ruled for a period of about forty years. 

[ FoS 53A ] In Kashmir, *Turuska Mahasammata, son of 
king *Turuska , 3 lived for one hundred and fifty years. He had 
a vision of Krodha-amrta-kundali . 4 He also ruled for about 
one hundred years. He brought under his rule Kashmir, 
Thogar, *Gajni, etc. He used to worship the Jewels. Specially 
in *Gajni, he built a great caitya containing the tooth [relic] 
of the Buddha . 5 He employed bhiksu- s and bhiksunhs, upasaka-s 
and upasika- s — a thousand each— for maintaining the religious 
services of the caitya. He built an immensely large number of 
various types of images. 

Bhiksu *Jivakara and upasaka Dharmavardhana , 6 along with 

1. zab-mo'i-phyogs. cf Bu-ston ii. 119. 

2. lha-len. 

3. cf Bu-ston ii.l 19. V & S ‘Mahasammata, son of king Turuska,’ 

4. khro-bo-bdud-rtsi- khyil-ba. S Krodhamrtavarta. V n ‘Kg vol. sha 
fol 220 has Amrta-kundali-agama' 

5. sahs-rgyas-kyi-tshems. cf prophecy quoted by Bu-ston ii.l 10 : ‘In the 
northern border-land, in the village Hihgala, the teeth of the Buddha 
will be greatly worshipped and many monks endowed with the highest 
morality will appear." 

6. chos-phel. cf prophecy quoted by Bu-ston ii. 1 1 0 : 'In the north, in the 
place called Vistaravatl many brahmana- s and householders devoted 
to the Doctrine are to appear ... And in that place, a devotee of the 
laity called Dharmavardhana ( chos-phel ) possessed of miraculous 
powers will likewise appear. In the north, moreover, a Mahayanist 
monk called Jlvaka (’ tsho-byed ) will arise. He will restore the 
monuments of the Buddha, that will have undergone destruction and 
richly decorate them with gold and the like.’ 



five thousand bhiksu-s and five thousand upasaka - s meditated 
on the significance of the Prajna-paramita and enjoyed the 
bliss of Tathagata-sadhana. [Among them] hundreds of 
bhiksu-s and upasaka - s attained rddhi. The practice of the 
ten virtues also became extensive. 

After twelve years of king Gambhirapalcsa’s reign, king 
*Karmacandra passed away. His son *Vrksacandra ascended 
the throne. Since he was not very powerful, *Jaleruha, king 
of *Odisa [Odivisa] conquered most of the eastern region. 

The period of the rule of these kings synchronised with the 
period of the second half of the life of maha-bhiksu *Arhat , 7 
with the period of drya Asanga’s 8 activities for the welfare of 
the living beings and with the period of the earlier career of 
dcdrya Vasubandhu , 9 Buddhadasa 10 and Samghadasa . 11 

7. cf prophecy quoted by Bu-ston ii. 1 12 — 

‘At the time which is to come 
A monk called Arhat is to appear. 

He is to know the meaning of the secret charms. 

Become versed in the tantra - s and greatly learned. 

By uttering the charm of the Yaksa-s 
He will secure a precious vessel.’ 

8. thogs-med. 

9. dbyig-gnen. Bu-ston ii. 145 gives the following meaning of the name : 
he ‘was possessed of the wealth ( vasu ) of the Highest Wisdom and, 
having propagated the Doctrine out of mercy, had become the friend 
(bandhu) of the living beings.’ 

10, sahs-rgyas-bahs. Watters i.353f : Yuan-chuang mentions one 
Buddhadasa as the author of the Mahavibhasa ; but Watters 
comments— -‘as this work was a book of the Sarvastivadin school of 
the Hinayana, its author cannot have been the Buddhadasa, who was 
a contemporary of Vasubandhu and a disciple of his brother Asahga. 
Very little seems to be known about any sastra writer with the name 
Buddhadasa and there is no author with this name in the catalogues 
of Buddhist books known in China and Japan.’ Neither any work 
is attributed to him in Tg. 

11. dge- dun- bans. Tg does not contain any work by Samghadasa, but 
contains two works by his disciples vajrayanacarya Guhyadatta (rG 
lxxxi.27) and srl drya Visakhadeva or Sagadeva (mDo lxxxix.l : 
V'maya-karika or Puspamdla). 

Ch. 22 Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


[ Fol 53B ] A car y a Nagamitra lived for a long time. His dis- 
ciple was Samgharaksita. 12 

Not that the esoteric Yoga and Anuttara Tantras were not 
prevalent among the fortunate people before their time. Shortly 
after the spread of the Mahayana doctrine, there were a hundred 
thousand vidyadharas. Most of them, like those of *Urgyana 
who attained the stage of the vidyadhara , attained it by the 
help of the anuttara-marga. However [during this earlier period] 
mantra-yana was preached to groups of hundred or thousand 
fortunate people by Guhyapati 13 and others who suddenly 
appeared before them. They attained the rainbow-bodies and 
left nothing in the form of preaching. 

People of the earlier generations had the capacity of tena- 
ciously keeping the secret. Therefore, nobody could know 
them as practising the Guhya-mantra so long as they did not 
attain the vidyadhara-siddhi. All those who attained maha - 
rddhi 14 used to vanish into the sky. Only after this, others 
wondered : ‘Ah, so they were practising the mantras !’ That is 
why, there was nothing in the form of teachings imparted in 
the preceptor-disciple tradition. 

Beginning with the period of the spread of Mahayana, the 
study of the rituals and spells of the kriyd and carya Tantra 
was quite considerable. However, because these were being 
studied under extreme secrecy, outside the guhya-mantracarls 
themselves, nobody knew who was practising what. Therefore, 
they could perform the rites and attain siddhi without any 

[ Fol 54A ] Therefore, it is clearly well-known that the 
tradition of teachings coming down in preceptor-disciple suc- 
cession began from the time of *Saraha and Nagarjuna ‘the 
father and son’ 15 [i.e. Nagarjuna and Aryadeva] up to siddha 
*Sabari-pa. 16 Before this, no deary a is known to have entered 

12. dge-'dim-sruh-ba. 

13. gsah-ba'i-bdag-po. 

14. V maha-mciya. 

15. V tr ‘Saraha, the teacher of Nagarjuna with his, pupils.’ 

16. See Supplementary Note 15. 



the tradition of transmitting anuttara guhya-mantra , 17 Though 
in the Carya-samgraha-pradipa 18 are mentioned *Padmavajra 19 
and *Kambala-pa 20 as the original authorities [of the mantia- 
ydna ), the former did not obviously work for the welfare of the 
living beings in arya-desa and I have not come across any 
account of the latter . 21 Hence it is said that there exists practi- 
cally nothing in the form of the commentary on the anuttara- 
tantra 22 before what was written on the anuttara- sdstr a- s by the 
Great Brahmana , 23 Nagarjuna ‘the father and son 5 and others. 
Besides, even these treatises are not as well-known as the collec- 
tion of the Madhyamika sdstra- s . 24 These were entrusted only 
to Nagabodhi, who attained the vidyadhara-sthana and these 
were made extensively available later on during the period of 

17. V anuttara-yoga. 

18. spyod-bsdus-sgron-me — Tg mDo xxxi.23 & mDo xxxiii.2 by Dlparp- 

19. On the view ofPadmavajra being one of the earliest teachers of tantra, 
see BA i.356ff— a view sought to be vigorously refuted by Tar in Fol 
136Af. Tg contains a number of Tantrika works attributed to 
acarya mahapandita sri Padmavajra (rG xxiv.5), siddhacarya Padma- 
vajra (rG xi), mahacarya Padmavajra (rG xlviii.115); in certain 
other works in Tg, the author Padmavajra is only a synonym of 
Saroruhavajra (rG xxi. 1 ; xxi.2 ; etc). In the list of the 84 siddha- 
carya- s, we come across one Pahkaja-pa— a disciple of Nagarjuna ; 
another siddhacarya called Saraha-pa belonged to the period of king 
Dharmapala — seeR. Sankrityayana Puratattva-nivandhavall 1471T. 

20. The usual Tibetan form of the name is Lva-va-pa (see BA i.362). 
Lva-va means blanket, kambala. He was thus called because he 
‘used to wear only one piece of blanket as his raiment’ — D 1203. In 
Fol 96B, Tar relates how Lva-va-pa and Saroruhavajra brought the 
Hevajra Tantra. In the account of the 84 siddhacarya- s, Kambala- 
pa is mentioned as belonging to Odivisa, as being a disciple of 
Vajraghanta and as being preceptor of the siddha king Indrabhuti — 
see R. Sankrityayana op. cit. 162. 

21. Assuming the identity of- Lva-va-pa and Kambala-pa, this state- 
ment of Tar is strange, because in Fol 96Bf he gives an account of 
Lva-va-pa. Does Tar think the two to have been different ? 

22. V anuttara yoga. 

23. i.e. Saraha or Rahula. 

24. V madhyama-vidyagana. 

Ch. 22. Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


king *Deva-pala and his son. Hence the absence of any remote 
succession accounts for the purity of the Arya and Buddhaka- 
pala 25 [ Tanlras ], as in Tibet there is no corruption of the works 
in circulation [because these are copies from] the sealed texts. 26 

From then on, for two hundred years the Tantras of kriya 
and carya were extensively propagated and openly practised. 
However, before the attainment of siddhi , nobody openly 
practised the yoga and anuttara-yoga Tantras. Still, these 
were more extensively spread and various commentaries 
[ Fol 54B ] were composed on these, compared to the earlier 
period. Some great and famous siddha- s appeared at this 
time. At this time also lived acdrya Paramasva, 27 maha- 
acarya *Lui-pa, 28 siddha *Ca-rba-bi-pa 29 and others. Their 
account is clearly given in other works. 

25. In Tg several works on the Buddhakapala-tantra are attributed to 
Saraha alias Rahulabhadra : rG xxiv.4 ; 7 ; 9. 

26. V tr ‘Here is the reason why the (account of) succession of Anuttara- 
yoga known under the name of Sacred Sections — of Buddhakapala 
and others — appeared separately and not at a very early period. It 
does not matter, for example/ as to what (happened) in Tibet, to the 
pure ( yah-dag-snah-gi-chos ) teaching and the uncorrupted books 
found out in treasures.’ 

27. In Tg Sn-paramasvarupa-mahasukhapada-vajra-nama-samadhi (rG 
lxxiv.27) is attributed to acarya Paramasva. 

28. S n ‘His name is written as Lu-yi-pa, but more often as Lui-pa and 
he has the surname na-lto-ba, fish-belly, perhaps equal to matsyodara. 
This may recall to one the names Matsyendra, Matsyanatha, 
Mlnanatha — on which names I refer to the St. Petersburg Dictionary. 
The last name is mentioned there besides Carpati, many works by 
whom are preserved in Tg.’ V quotes this note and adds : ‘In the 
account of the 84 siddha- s included in Thob-yig, Lui-pa is the first. He 
attained the maha-mudra siddhi by studying the Cakrasamvara sys- 
tem. On the bank of the Gahga in Bangala, he lived by eating the 
intestine of fishes left by the fishermen. This is how the name Lui-pa 
has been derived.’ For works attributed to Lui-pa, see Supplemen- 
tary Note 21. 

29. V & S Carpatipada, In Tg the Lokesvara-stotra (rG lxviii.29). 




Now, about acarya *Arhat. During the period of king 
*Karmacandra he practised asceticism and became a master 
of the three pitaka- s. Engaging himself in the maha-kosa- 
lcalasa-sadhana , 30 he gradually attained success. In *Varanasi, 
he discovered from under the earth a jar one yojana deep and 
full of gems. With this he used to provide tens of thousands of 

He once forgot to keep the jar protected and, during the 
night, the yaksa- s stole [the gems] away. In the morning, 
opening it for the provision of the monks, he found it empty. 
This monk, with his spells and great miraculous power, sum- 
moned the great gods like Brahma and others and started 
coercing them to force the yaksa- s to appear and thus got the 
treasure jar refilled. People knew of the coming of the gods 
from signs like the shaking of the earth, shower of flowers and 
the fragrance continuing for seven days. 

He entertained the monks for about forty years. He alone 
could see the treasure jar, while others saw him only digging 
the ground . 31 

Now, the account of ‘Brothers arya Asanga.’ 

In the past, during the time of king *Gaudavardhana, 
there lived a monk with a mastery of the three pitaka- s. He 
followed arya Avalokitesvara as his tutelary deity. He once 
had a difference with another monk, deeply wounded his 
sentiments and started arguing with him. [Fol 55A] He arro- 
gantly abused the other and said, ‘You are a person with a female 

Arya-avalokitesvarasya-carpati-racita-stotra (rG lxviii.3 1 ) and Sarva- 
siddhilcara-nama (rG lxxxvi.8) are atributed to him, where his name 
occurs as Ca-ra-pa-tri, Car-pa-ti’i-pada and Carya-di-pa. Vn 'he is 
not mentioned among the 84 siddha- s’. But this is not correct. In 
the list of the 84 siddha- s, Carpati occurs as the 59th one : he is also 
called Pacari and is described as the resident of Campa, a Kahar by 
caste and the preceptor of Mina-pa — see R. Sankrityayana op. cit. 
152 & 200. 

30. gter-gyi-bum-pa-chen-po . D 525 gter, the wishing pot, which yields 
whatever precious object is sought, cf the prophecy quoted in Note 7 
of this chapter. 

31. Vn’S remarks that this legend has been taken from the Mula-tantra.' 

Ch. 22 Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


brain.’ Arya Avalokitesvara then told him, ‘As the result of 
this act of yours, XQU are going to have repeated births as a 
woman. However, I shall continue to be your kalyana-mitra, 
so long as you do not attain enlightenment.’ 

When reborn as a woman during the time of king Buddha- 
paksa, she was brahmani **Prakasasila . 32 Possessing as she 
did the memory of the past life, she used to understand from 
her very early age the collection of the sutra - s and the abhi- 
dharma-s by mere reading or listening. She always worshipped 
arya Avalokitesvara, was instinctively placed in the path of the 
ten-fold virtue and had the inner capacity of a bodhisattva. 

However, it will be a mistake to believe that she was a 
nun . 33 On growing up she united with a ksatriya and gave 
birth to a son with auspicious marks. She performed the 
rites for making the son keenly intelligent . 34 

As the son grew up, he received from his mother sound 
instructions in eighteen branches of learning like writing, 
arithmetic, the eight-fold examination , 35 grammar, debate, 
medicine, fine arts, etc, and he became, highly proficient in all 

When he enquired about the profession appropriate for his 
birth, [his mother told him], ‘You are not born, my son, 
to follow the profession of your birth. You are born for 
spreading the Doctrine. Therefore, take up ordination and 
devote yourself to learning and meditation.’ 

32. Bu-ston ii. 1 37 gives the name as gsal-ba'i-tshul-khrims, reconstructed 
by Obermiller as Prasannastla. Tar does not mention Asahga’s 
place of birth. According to Yuan-chuang, the two brothers were 

• natives of Gandhara — Watters i.357. 

33. V & S tr ‘However, her wish to become a nun was not fulfilled.’ This 
is perhaps because of taking the word 'dod in the sense of wish, 
though the word also means 'to believe’. Besides, ’khrul-pa in the 
text clearly means mistake. 

34. blo-rno-ba'i-cho-ga. cf Bu-ston ii. 137 ‘The mother drew on their 
tongues the letter a and performed all the other rites in order to secure 
for them an acute intellectual faculty.’ 

35. brtag-pa-brgyad. J 225. 

156 ' 


Accordingly, he went in for ordination and spent a year 
serving the upadhyaya, dcarya and the samgha. 

| fol 55 b ] He spent five years in studying [the scriptures] 
after receiving the upasampadd. Every year, he memorised a 
hundred thousand *slolca- s and grasped their significance. 
Thus, it was not difficult for him to have a general under- 
standing of the three pitaka- s and most of the Mahdyana 
sutra-s. However, finding it difficult to understand the Prajna- 
paramitd-sutra without being confused by its verbal repeti- 
tions, 36 he concentrated on having a vision of the tutelary 
deity. For this purpose, he received abhiseka from dcarya 
‘“Arhat, 37 about whom we have discussed before. The flower 
offered at this time reached jina Ajita [Maitreyanatha]. How- 
ever, the nature of the Tantra and the mandala of the abhiseka 
are not clear, though the latter appears to have been the mayd- 
jala-mandala, because this dcarya practised the maitreya- 
sadhana 38 with the mayajala-tantra . 39 . This is said by [my] 
pandita teacher. 40 

Then in a cave of the *Gur-pa-parvata, 41 which is men- 
tioned in the scriptures as the *Kukkutapada-parvata, 42 he 
spent three years propitiating drya Maitreya. But he felt 
disheartened by the absence of any sign [of success] and came 
out [of the cave]. 43 He noticed that in the course of a long 
time the stones were worn out by birds’ wings, though these 
wings touched the stones only when in the morning the birds, 
which had their nests on the rocks, went out in search of food 

36. brjod-bya-ma-zlos. 

37. According to Yuan-chuang, Asanga began as a Mahlsasaka and 
afterwards became a Mahayani — Watters i.357. 

38. see Tg Arya-maitreya-sadhana (rG lxxi.345) by ary a Asanga. 

39. Tg contains a considerable number of works on Mayajala-tantra — see 
Lalou 39. 

40. bla-ma pandita. Tar apparently refers to some of his Indian teacher, 
without mentioning his name. 

41. S n ‘According to Yuan-chuang, the mountain was called Gurupada, 
because Kasyapa lived there.’ See note 9, ch. 2. 

42. cf Bu-ston ii.137. 

43. Z6.ii.137f. 

Ch. 22. Period of Brothers Arya Asanga 


and once when in the evening they returned to their nests. ‘So, 
I have lost assiduity’ — thinking thus, he continued the propitia- 
tion for three more years. 

Similarly, he came out again. Noticing the stones eroded 
by drops of water, he propitiated for another three years and 
again came out. This time, he saw an old man rubbing a 
piece of iron with soft cotton and saying, ‘I am going to 
prepare fine needles out of this. I have already prepared so 
many needles by rubbing iron with cotton.’ And he showed a 
box full of needles. 

[ Fol 56A ] So he propitiated for three more years. In this 
way, twelve years passed by ; but he saw no sign of success. 
Disappointed, he came out and went away. 

In a city he came across a bitch, infested with worms on 
the lower half of her body, furiously scratching her wound. 44 
The sight made him full of compassion. He thought : ‘If these 
worms are not removed, the bitch is going to die. But if 
removed, the worms are going to die. So I am going to place 
the worms on a piece of flesh cut off from my own body. 5 

He brought a shaving razor from the city called *Acintya, 45 
placed his begging bowl and staff on a sitting. mat, slashed the 
thigh of his own body and, with his eyes shut, stretched his 
hands to catch the worms. Failing to reach the worms, he 
opened his eyes and saw there neither the worms nor the bitch. 
He saw instead bhnttaraka Maitreya with the halo of laksana - s 
and vyanjana-s. To him he said with tears flowing from 
his eyes : 

‘Oh my father, my unique refuge, 

I have exerted myself in a hundred different ways, 

But nevertheless no result was to be seen. 

Wherefore have the rain-clouds and the might of 
the ocean, 

44. The text has mi (man). S tr 'biting men’ and V tr ‘licking the people’. 
But this word may be a corruption of rma (wound), which seems to 
give a better sense, cf Bu-ston ii.138 ‘As he was about to go away, he 
saw a dog ; the lower part of its body was eaten by worms, but the 
upper part (was still free) and it was barking and biting.’ 

45. Bu-ston ii.138 also mentions the city as Acintya. 



Come only now, when, tormented by violent pain 
I am no longer thirsting ?’ 46 

[Maitreya] answered, 

‘Though the king of the gods sends down rain, 

A bad seed is unable to grow 

Though the Buddhas may appear [in this world] 

He who is unworthy cannot partake of the bliss.’ 47 

‘I have been throughout present near you’, [continued 
Maitreya] ‘but remaining under obscurations as you did by 
your own karma , you have failed to see me. The obscuration 
of your sin is now removed by the accumulated power of your 
previous repetition of the charm along with your present great 
compassion as expressed in the rigorous form of cutting off the 
flesh of your own body. That is why, you can now see me. 
Now, take me up on your shoulder and carry me to the city to 
show me to the people there.’ 

When he was being thus shown, others saw nothing. 
[ Fol S6B ] Only a woman wine-seller saw him carry a pup. As 
a result, she later became enormously rich. A poor porter saw 
only the toes. As a result, he reached the stage of samadhi and 
attained sadharana-siddhi. The acarya immediately attained 
the srotah-anugata-nama-samadhid 8 

[Maitreya asked,] ‘What do you desire ?’ 

‘I have the desire to spread the Mahayana.’ 

‘Then catch hold of the corner of my robe’. 

The moment he [the acarya] caught it, he reached the 
Tusita. In the older marginal note on the Bhiimi- s 49 it is said 

46. This translation of the passage is taken from Obermiller, Bu-ston 
ii. 138. 

47. Abhisamaya-alamkara viii.10. Tr Obermiller — Bu-ston ii. 138. 

48. chos-rgyun-gyi-tih-he-'dsin. See D 431. V 'samadhi of stream of 

49. sa-sde, an abbreviated form ojf referring to Asanga’s work on the 
Yogacarya-bhumi in five divisions, viz. Bahubhumika-vastu, Nirnaya- 
samg/aha, Vastu-samgraha, Paryaya-samgraha and Vivarana-sam- 
graha— see Bu-ston i.54ff. For works of Asahga, see Supplementary 
Note 21.. 

Gh. 22. Period of Brothers Arya Asanga 


that he spent six months in Tusita. According to some others, 
he spent fifteen human years in Tusita. Different views like 
these are current. However, according to the popular belief 
prevalent in India and Tibet, he spent fifty human years [in 
Tusita]. This calculation of fifty years appears to be based on 
counting every half year as one year, for the Indians say 
that he actually spent twentyfive years there . 50 

In Tusita, he listened to the Mahayana doctrine in its en- 
tirety from Ajitanatha [Maitreyanatha] and learnt the real signi- 
ficance of the whole collection of sutra- s. Then he listened to 
the ‘Five Works of Maitreya ’. 51 While doing this he attained 
samadhi on each aspect of these Five-fold Teachings separately 
at the very moment he listened to it. 

After this, when he returned to the earth 52 and worked for 
the welfare of all living beings, he was already in possession 
of paracitta-abhijnana 53 and he could, along with his attendants, 
cover in a day — or even in one prahara — the distance which 
ordinarily took one month or half a month to cover . 54 

Though over ninety years old , 65 he remained at the same 
youthful stage when he first received the vision of Maitreya. 
He had thirty-two auspicious marks on his body [ Fol S7A ] 
and he clearly acquired the quality of reaching the stage of 
‘the daryq. who attained the bhumi ,’ 56 ‘He had no selfish idea 
even in dreams and he practised meditation in all forms. He 

50. V tr ‘The Indians affirmThat considering a year as half year, he spent 
25 years’. 

51. byams-pa' i-chos-lha. Bu-ston i.53f : these five works are the Sutralam- 
kara, Madhyanta-vibhahga, pharma-dharmata-vibhahgci, Uttaratantra 
and Abhisamaya-alamkara. 13-ee also Supplementary Note 22. 

52. For Yuan-chuang’s account, see Watters i.355ff. 

53. mhon-ses D 365. 

54. ref. to duratva-gami-siddhi. 

55. V n ‘According to the Mula-tantra, he was born 900 years after the 
death of Buddha and lived for 150 years. But if a year is taken to be. 
a half, it will come to be less.’ 

56. sa-thob-pa'i-phags-pa. Though the text has yon-tan-miion-gyur (lit. 
the sixth bhumi called abhimukti — D 1257), the passage is translated 
differently, because Tar shortly says that Asanga reached the third 



was very tender, humble and, at the same time, extremely firm. 
He had a sharp intellect for defeating those who followed the 
wrong doctrines or the wrong practices. He is to be considered 
as one who reached the third bhumi, hl because he followed the 
principles in their purity like ‘Having no satiation in listening 
[to the Doctrine] and preaching the Doctrine without considera- 
tion of material benefit ’. 58 

This acarya built a vihara in the forest called *Veluvana 59 
in *Magadha. Residing in it, he used to preach the profound 
significance of the Mahayana doctrine to eight disciples who 
observed the moral vows and were vastly learned. AH of them 
attained ksanti, m acquired the miraculous power of attracting 
the public veneration and were vastly learned in the siitra-s. 
Hence, the place became famous as the Dharmankura -vihara . 61 

In this place, he put in written form the Five Works of 
Maitreya. Here he also wrote most of his treatises 62 like the 
Abhidharma-samuccaya , 63 the Mahay ana- samgr aha, 64 the Five 

57. sa-gsum-pa, i.e. the third bhumi called 'od-byed-pa or prabhakarl — 
D 1257. cf Bu-ston ii,140f. V n ‘Buddhism divides Bodhisattvas (just 
like arhat- s) into learners and non-learners, the former pass through 
ten stages called bhumi-s. The third stage referred to is prabhakarl .’ 

58. thos-pas-mi-homs-nid-dah-ni / 
zah-zi h-med-par-chos-sbyi n-dah 1 1 

59. V & S Piluvana, which occurs in S-ed. P-ed Veluvana. cf Watters 

60. bzod-pa — D11I2. 

61. chos-kyi-myu-gu'i-dgon-pa. Sn Dharmahkura-aranya. But dgon-pa 
means both monastery and wilderness — D 275. V n ‘Dharmankura- 
aranya. According to Yuan-chuang, it was located in the east of 
Ayodhya, in Prayaga, in an amra- forest.’ 

62. See Supplementary Note 21. 

63. V n 'chos-mhon-pa-kun-las-btus-pa (Tg mDo lvi.2). It is also called 
higher one, as distinguished from the Abhidharma of Vasubandhu or 
the lower one ( mhon-pa-goh-og ). Here ary a Asanga wanted to 
employ the Hinayana teaching for the Mahayana. That is why the 
eight treatises are presented with their titles changed. The contents 
constitute an abridgement of the first two sections of the Yogacarya- 

64. theg-pa-chen-po-bsdus-pa. Tg mDo lvi.1. Vn 'Abridgement of 
Mahayana based on the Sandhinirmocana. It explains the ten 
qualities of the words of Buddha.’ cf Bu-ston i.56. 

Ch. 22 Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


Bhumi- s , 65 the exposition of the Abhisamaya-alamkara , 66 

After this, under the patronage of king Gambhirapaksa 67 
the monks of the four directions assembled in the monastery 
of *U-sma-pu-ri 68 [Usmapurx] in the city of *Sa-ga-ri 69 in the 
near-west . 70 In this assembly, arya Asanga delivered many 
sermons according to the understanding of each. He expounded 
the three pit aka- s of the sravaka- s and the collection of about 
five hundred Mahay ana-sutr a-s. [ Fo! 57B ] For leading every- 
body to the ultimate truth, he introduced to them the Mahayana 
views. The number of those whose knowledge was enriched 
by the understanding of the sutra- s reached beyond a thousand. 

Though the Mahayana had extensively spread in the early 
period, with the passage of time the capacity to understand it 
became feeble. It [also] suffered by the three hostilities 71 to it. 
At the time of the appearance of this acarya, though there 
were many monks following the Mahayana, there was none to 
understand the Mahayana fully. Many of them could recite a 
few sutra- s, though without understanding their real signifi- 
cance. As the result of the preaching of the Doctrine there 
by the acarya himself and his eight foremost disciples , 72 the 

65. V ‘Yogacarya-bhumi in five sections.’ V n ‘In all 45,000 sloka- s in 
150 chapters. The five sections are: 1) Yogacarya-bhumi itself, 

2) Systematic exposition explaining the essence of existence, 3) a 
survey of the fundamentals of the Sutra-s and Vinaya, 4) Termino- 
logies and 5) Explanations.’ 

66. No commentary on Abhisamaya-alamkara by Asanga is traced in Tg. 
Haribhadra, in his introductory verse of the Abhisamayalamkaraloka 
(mDo vi. 1) refers to Asanga’s commentary on Abhisamayalamkara 
called the Tattvaviniscaya, but Tson-kha-pa does not accept this as 
Asanga’s work — see Obermiller Bu-ston ii.140 n. 

67. zab-mo-phyogs. 

68. V Usmapura. 

69. V '? Sagar, Saugar ?’ 

70. V ‘not far from the west (of India).’ 

71. V 'three-fold enmities (to the Doctrine).’ cf Bu-ston ii. 136-7. 

72. Yuan-chuang mentions Buddhasirnha as 'a great scholar, who was a 
friend and disciple of Asanga’— Watters i.358. 




Mahayana, which once declined, was again spread in all direc- 
tions and acquired fame. 73 

King Gambhirapaksa used then to recite the Prajnd-para- 
mita-sutra everyday. 74 He thought : This acarya is famed as 
an drya and as capable of reading others’ thoughts. If this is 
true, I shall also praise his qualities. If, however, this is false, 
people are being deceived and hence I should make him humble 
by challenging him publicly. — Thinking thus, he consulted about 
five hundred of his trusted men, inclusive of his ministers and 
the brahmana-s . 75 

In the courtyard of his palace, he invited this acarya and his 
disciples to a public gathering and offered them food and robes 
lavishly. He kept concealed within a room a black buffalo 
with a whitewash on it. He filled with filth a golden jar, put 
honey on its top, covered it up with a piece of cloth and took 
it up on his hands. 

He asked, ‘What is there in that room ? What am I hold- 
ing in my hands ?’ 

[ Fol 58A ] [The acarya] said what these actually were. 

‘Even persons of petty wisdom are found to have the little 
power of knowing what is kept concealed. But can he read 
the thoughts of others V — Thinking thus, the king [mentally] 
deviseff six questions in all. Three of these were related to the 
words and three to the significance of the Prajna-paramita-sutra. 
He mentally questioned the acarya about these. The acarya 
offered correct replies and in accordance with these composed 
small works like the Tri-svabhava-nirdesa . 76 

The three questions related to the words were : 

1. ‘Since, to the question, “What is referred toby the word 
bodhisattva ?” it is replied, “The bodhisattva is not something 

73. V tr ‘The news spread everywhere that the Mahayana, which once 
declined, was again spread in all directions.* 

74. S tr ‘used to listen to the recital of ( Prajna-pammita-sutra ).’ The text 
has kha-ton-du-byed-do, 'to read with devotion’ — D 694. 

75. V tr ‘He consulted (his) ministers, brahmana-s and five hundred 
trusted men.’ 

76. In Tg, Tri-svabhava-nirdesa (mDo lviii.4) is attributed to Vasubandhu. 

Ch. 22 Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


visible”— is this not useless as a definition ?’ 77 

2. ‘To what is applied the analogy of a huge bird— as 
huge as covering five hundred yojana- s ?’ 

3. ‘What is meant by “the boundary with an unseen 
destination”— when, without seeing the sign of the hill or the 
forest, it is said that the sea is very near ?’ 

To these three [the answers were] : 

The first is indicative of the adhyatma-sunyata [which, being 
internal, is invisible like the bodhisattva ]. 

The second is indicative of the great power of pious acts. 

The third is indicative of the mahd-dharma-uttama [i.e. the 
unseen limit which, when crossed, the prthak-jana becomes an 
dry a]. 

The three questions related to significance were : 

1. Does the alaya-xijnana 78 objectively exist ? 79 

2. When it is said that everything is nature-less {a-svabhdva), 
does it not imply that even nature-lessness is without its 
own nature ( svabhava ) ? 

3. When it is said that emptiness ( sunyqta ) itself does not 
. make everything empty, what is meant by the emptiness 

which does not make everything empty and by the cause 
of not making empty ? 

[His answers were]: 

First, it [i.e. the alaya-vijnana ] has relative [pragmatic] reality 
(samvrti satya) but no absolute reality ( pdramdrthika satya). 80 

Secondly, the nature-less is conceived in three ways. There- 
fore, what is nature-less is again divided into two, namely as 
having its own nature and as having no such nature. 

Thirdly, [ Fol 58B ] by the emptiness of that which cannot 
make everything empty is simply meant the concept of empti- 
ness itself. By the cause of [making everything empty] is meant 
the negation of any rule according to which that which was 

77. V tr ‘is it not one of the undefined theories ?’ 

78. S-ed kun-ses-rnam-par-ses-pa. S suggests that it should have been 
kun-gshi-rnam-par-ses-pa, which actually occurs in P-ed. 

79. V tr ‘Does the universal cause ( alaya ) exist as an object oraot ?’ 

80. V tr ‘Relatively, this is the thing ; but absolutely this does not consti- 
tute the concept (idea) in the cognitions of the mind.’ 



previously existing ceases later to have its existence. Thus is 
refuted the view that something previously existing ceases later 
to have existence. 81 

In these ways, he answered [the three] questions relating to 

This amazed the king and the assembled people. Thus 
making the king feel humble, the acarya led him to establish 
twentyfive centres of the Mahayana doctrine. One hundred 
bhiksu-s and a large number of upasaka- s were accommodated 
in each of these. During his stay in this place, he also converted 
his younger brother Vasubandhu. But the account of this will 
be given later. 

There lived then a brahmana called *Basunaga in *Krsna- 
raja in the south. He heard that an drya called Asanga, having 
received instructions from Jina Ajita, was spreading the Maha- 
yana over again. Along with his five hundred attendants, the 
brahmana himself came to madhya-desa. He worshipped the 
caitya- s of the eight holy places 82 and requested the acarya to 
come to the south and lead the brahmana-s and householders to 
the virtuous path. 

Along with the brahmana and his attendants, the acarya was 
about to proceed [to the south] accompanied by twentyfive of 
his own followers, when a messenger came with the news that 
the brahmana’ s mother was ill. The brahmana became anxious 
to proceed quickly and the acarya said, Tf the brahmana wants 
it, we can reach very quickly.’ [The brahmana] said, ‘Please do 
it.’ Then they entered the path and the acarya, along with the 
brahmana and the attendants, [miraculously] reached *Krsna- 
raja by the same afternoon. *Krsnaraja was situated in *Tri- 
linga and was at a distance of three months. It was reached 
only in two prahara- s. 

[ Fol S9A ] Also, when invited by the merchant *Dhana- 
raksita of *Urgyana in the west, the acarya , accompanied by the 

81. V tr ‘The emptiness, which makes emptiness, has the sense of taking 
the form of emptiness — and in reducing it (to causes) are refuted 
(the concepts) that (there is something which) previously existed.’ 

82. V ‘eight great places’. 

Ch. 22 Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


merchant and the attendants, covered the entire distance 
between *Magadha and *Urgyana in the course of a single day. 
He stayed and preached the Doctrine for a long time in both 
*Krsnaraja and . *Urgyana and propagated the Mahayana 
among a large number of persons. In both these places, he 
built a hundred caitya - s and twentyfive temples and established 
in each of these a centre of the Mahayana doctrine. Similarly, 
were built [by him] a hundred caitya - s and twentyfive centres of 
the Doctrine also in ‘‘'Magadha. 

He was once preaching the Doctrine to a feudatory prince 
in a non-Buddhist 83 city of India near *Ayodhya. There was 
then a settlement of the Garlogs 84 nearby. At the time the 
acarya was preaching, the Garlog army attacked them. He 
advised those who were listening to the Doctrine to remain 
patient. So they sat in meditation. All the arrows thrown by 
them [i.e. the Garlogs] turned into dust. Even .when the chief of 
the Garlogs hit the acarya with a sword, no harm was done to 
him and the sword broke into a hundred pieces. In spite of all 
the insults, they remained unmoved. So they [the Garlogs] 
bowed down in great reverence and went away. 

/ Because this acarya could know the minds of others, he ex- 
plained while preaching all the points about which the pupils 
were ignorant or doubtful. Therefore, there was none who lis- 
tened to the Doctrine from tho acarya and yet did not become 

[ Fol 59B ] There was practically no Mahayani of that time 
who did not listen to at least one sutra from him. 

This acarya established one hundred centres of the Doctrine 
from his personal resources and maintained at least two hundred 
students in each of these. Speaking in general, the number of 

83. mtha'-'khob, meaning either ‘border country’ or ‘barbarous (i.e. non- 
Buddhist) country’. S & V accept the former sense. 

84. D217&J68. Roerich SW 516n ‘Gar-log or Qarluq, name of a 
Central Asian Turkish tribe. This is the usual Tibetan translation 
of the Sanskrit Turuska. About the Gar-log in Tibetan literature, see 
H. Hoffmann, Die-Qarluq in cer. Tibetaischen-Literatur, ORIENS 
iii,2, 1950, pp 190-208.’ 



disciples who listened to the Doctrine from him could not be 
counted. All of them followed his views with great reverence. 
Thousands of them attained the bhiimi and the yoga-marga. 
He taught in every way without showing any bias for any siitra 
or siddhanta. That is why, even the sravaka-s of the time res- 
pected him highly. Many sravaka-s learnt their own sutra- s 
and abhidharma [from him .] 85 

Having acquired proficiency in the *Gandhari mantra** he 
used to visit the Tusita and, in a moment’s time, could reach 
distant places. Because of his proficiency in the Kalpa-vidya- 
mantra , 87 he could read others’ thoughts. 

‘He was of strong moral conduct and vastly learned. It is 
a great wonder that he was still an adept in the Vidya-mantra !’ 
— the others [Hinayanis] used to say — ‘His only fault was that 
of entering the Mahayana.’ 

Before him, even during the time of the most extensive 
spread of the Mahayana, the number of the Mahayana monks 
did not reach ten thousand'. Even in the days of Nagarjuna, 
most of the monks were sravaka-s. During the time of this 
acarya, the number of Mahayana monks reached tens of 
thousands. Because of these reasons, it is said that he became 
the foremost [preacher] of the Mahayana Law. Still, the 
number of the disciples who were constantly attached to this 
acarya did not exceed twentyfive . 88 All of them were of strong 
moral conduct [ Fol 60A], vastly learned in the Pitaka-s and 
their tutelary deities removed all their doubts. All of them 
attained ksanti , 89 

85. V n ‘From this it can be inferred that even arya Asaiiga did not 
separate out Mahayana from the general teaching of Buddhism. Even 
Vasubandhu was more a Sravaka than a Mahayanist.’ 

86. D 213 — a Buddhist mantra or charm, which has the power of enabling 
one to move in space. Vn'S has traced in Tg (Vol du of Tantras) 
two works bearing the title Vajra-gandhari-sadhana.’ 

87. rtog-byed-kyi-rig-shags . 

88. V n 'probably this was then the real circle of Mahayanists.’ 

89. V 'freedom from rebirth.’ 

Ch. 22 Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


He spent twelve years in Sri *Nalendra 90 during the latter 
part of his life, when, in the winter , 91 the tirthika - s came 
everyday to challenge him in debate. He refuted their views 
and thus humbled them. Then he preached the Doctrine to 
them. He conferred ordination on about a thousand [converted] 
tirthika- s. He reformed according to the Doctrine all the 
monks of all the monasteries who had fallen from the right 
view, right, conduct {slid), right practices ( carya ) and right 
observances (viilhi) and made them extremely pure. 

At last he passed away in the city of Rajagrha , 92 where his 
disciples built a caitya with his relics. 

Now, about the younger brother Vasubandhu. 

According to some in Tibet, he was a twin brother of arya 
Asanga. I find others calling him ‘a brother by faith’. But 
the Indian scholars do not say so. 

His father was a brahmana versed in the three Vedas. He 
was born the year after acarya arya Asanga’s ordination. The 
two acarya - s were real brothers, because they were born of the 
same mother . 93 From the performance of the rite for making 
him keenly intelligent to the stage of being vastly learned and of 
being established in meditation, his account is the same as that 
of his elder brother Asanga. 

He was ordained in Sri *Nalendra and thoroughly studied 
the three Srav aka-pi taka-s. Moreover, he went to Kashmir 
and studied mainly under acarya *Samghabhadra 94 for a deep 

90. V n ‘According to Yuan-chuang, arya Asahga appears only in 
Gandhara and Ayodhya. But later on, the legends about Nalanda 
connected all the Buddhist celebrities, including arya Asahga, to this 

91. dgun-gyi-dus. 

92. rgyal-po'i-khab. Bu-ston does not mention the place where Asahga 
died. From other sources it appears to have been Purusapura — 
Watters i.358. 

93. cf Bu-ston ii. 137 : ‘From her union with a ksatriya, (a son named) 
Asahga, and (later on) from another union with a brahmana (a second 
son named) Vasubandhu were born.’ 

94. Bu-ston ii. 142-3 : ‘Vasubandhu received his education in the school of 
Samghabhadra in Kashmir ... After that he resolved to go back to 
India ... and came to Nalanda’. In Tg the Abhidharmako sa-sastra- 



understanding of the Abhidharma and for learning the views 
of the eighteen schools and all the branches of knowledge. 
After learning the Vibhasa, the scriptural works of the eighteen 
schools — particularly where the Vinaya- s and Sutra-s of the 
different schools differed— [ Pol 60B j and all the works of the 
six systems of tirthika philosophy and the technique of debate 
in its entirety, he became a great scholar. 

He explained there [in Kashmir] for a number of years the 
Sravaka-pitaka- s and distinguished between what was right and 
wrong in these. 

When he was returning to the madhya-desa , the robbers and 
yaksas on the way could not stop him. 95 Thus he reached 
*Magadha. Here also he lived for a number of years 
preaching in a highly learned manner the scriptural works 
to many sravaka monks. 

At that time he read the Five Bhumis, [the Yogacaryabhumi 
in five sections], the work of arya Asanga, but failed to under- 
stand the Mahayana. He did not believe that [arya Asanga] 
received these from his tutelary deity. And it is said that he 
remarked : 

‘Alas ! Though Asanga meditated for twelve years in 
the forest, instead of attaining success in his meditation he 
has composed a work [useless in sense but heavy enough] 
to be an elephant’s load.’ 96 

In any case, Vasubandhu said something sarcastic about 
Asanga. Hearing this, his elder brother arya [ Asanga ] 
thought : ‘It is time to convert 97 him.’ He made a monk to 

karika-bhasya (mDo lxiv.2) is attributed to acarya Samghabhadra 
alias Samgamasribhadra of Kashmir, a student of acarya Vinita- 
bhadra. Another work, the Arya-mula-sarvastivadi-sramanera- 
karika (mDo xc.l) is attributed to acarya Nagarjuna and equally to 
Samghabhadra of Kashmir ! In Fol 63B, the name is given as 

95. cf Bu-stom ii. 143 for the story in more details. 

96. Bu-ston ii. 143 — Obermiller translates the verse more freely. 

97. This story of Vasubandhu’s conversion is practically the same as given 
by Button ii. 143. But see Watters i, 358 : ‘In other works, Asanga 
uses the pretext of fatal sickness to bring his brother from Ayodhya 

Ch. 22. Period of Brothers Arya Asanga 


memorise the Aksayamati-nirdesa-sutra 98 and another the Dasa- 
bhumi-sutra He sent them to the younger brother with the 
instruction: ‘While reciting, recite first the Aksayamati and 
then the Dasabhumi-siitra’. 

The two [went to Vasubandhu] and in the evening [one of 
them] recited the Aksayamati. [Vasubandhu] thought : ‘The 
Mahayana appears to be logically well-founded. However, 
will it not lead to indolence ?’ 100 When, in the morning, 
[the other monk] recited the Dasabhumi-sutra, [Vasubandhu] 
realised that [the Mahayana] was sound both in theory and 
practice. [He thought ] ‘So I have committed a great sin 
by showing disrespect to the Mahayana 5 , and he wanted to get a 
razor to cut off the tongue 101 that had uttered these disparaging 

[ Fol 61A ] The two monks said, ‘Why should you cut off 
the tongue for this ? Your brother knows how to absolve 
you of the sin. You better go to the arya and pray to him. 5 
So he went to arya Asanga. 

The account of his conversion as current in Tibet 102 today 
is as follows : 

After [Vasubandhu] studied all the Mahayana scriptures, 
when the two brothers discussed the Doctrine, the younger one 
showed signs of keener intelligence. The elder one, though 
without such a quick grasp, could evolve better answers. On 
being asked about it, [he said] ‘I am answering after learning 
these from my tutelary deity. 5 The younger brother also 
prayed to have a vision of him. [Asanga said] ‘You are not 

to visit him at Purusapura and there reasons with him and converts 
him to Mahayana.’ 

98. blo-gros-mi-zad-pas-bstan-pa'i-mdo. Kg mDo Vol ma xvi. 4. 

99. sa-bcu-pa'i-mdo. Kg Vol ji xxxvii.l. Commentary on it by Vasu- 
bandhu — Tg mDo xxxiv.14, Arya-dasabhumi-vyakhyana. 

100. V 'confusion’. But the text has gyel-lam, ‘slumbering, indolence’- D 

101. cf Watters i. 358. 

102. cf Bu-ston ii.143-4. 




yet fortunate enough for it.’ After this, he preached to him 
the way of atoning for the sin. Thus it is said. 

In the Indian account, however, I have not come across all 
these. Nor do these appear to be coherent. [Vasubandhu] 
listened to the Mahay ana-sutra-s from arya Asanga. It was 
not proper for decent people in the good old days to argue 
with one’s own preceptor, nor to show one’s greater skill after 
learning a treatise by oneself, i.e. without any systematic ins- 
truction from the preceptor. Therefore, assuming that in 
decent society one could not argue with one’s own preceptor, 
how can it be said that he [Vasubandhu] had argued with 
arya Asanga ? [Further] it was known to all that Asanga 
received the scriptures from Maitreya. Therefore, it does not 
appear to be coherent to say that Vasubandhu was ignorant of 
it, asked about it and that arya Asanga concealed it from his 
younger brother with the remark, ‘I am answering after consult- 
ing a tutelary deity.’ 

Accordingly, the Indian version is as follows : 

To continue the previous account — When [Vasubandhu] 
asked about the means of atoning for the sin, the arya consulted 
Jina Ajita [ Fol 61 B ] and said [to Vasubandhu], ‘Preach the 
Mahayana doctrine extensively. Prepare commentaries on 
many sutra- s. Recite for a hundred thousand times the 
Usnisa-vijaya-dharani ,’ 103 

Thus instructed, he learnt all the Mahay ana-sutra-s after 
listening to these only once from his elder brother. He received 
instructions on mantra from a mantra-acarya and chanted five 
hundred dharam-sutra- s. 104 He attained siddhi by chanting the 
Guhyapati-dharani 105 and realised the ultimate truth. He excelled 
in meditation and memorised all the teachings of the Buddha 
that survived then in the human realm. 

It is said that after the nirvana of the Teacher, there was 

103. gtsug-tor-rnam-par-rgyal-ma'i-rig-shags. V n ‘In Kg Vol pha there 
are ten works relating to this dharattf. Tg also contains two works 
related to Ustiisa-vijaya — rG lxxxvi 51 & 52. 

104. gzuhs-mdo. 

105. gsah-ba'i-bdag-pod-rig-siiags. 

Ch. 22. Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


none as profoundly learned in the scriptures as acarya Vasu- 
bandhu. To mention these separately : [he learned] each of 
the five hundred sutra- s of the Sravaka Tripitaka containing 
three lakhs of sloka-s, the collection of fortynine Arya-ratnakuta- 
samaja, the Avatamsaka and the Samdja-ratna , 106 Besides these 
he learned the five hundred big or small Mahayana-sutra-s like 
the Prajna-paramita-sata-sdhasrika and also five hundred 
dharanl- s. He learned all these word for word and also their 
significance. Normally it took a whole year to read all 
these. 107 However, placing himself in a tub of *til- oil, he 
could read all these uninterruptedly in fifteen days and nights. 
He used to read everyday in an hour 108 or two the whole 
of the Prajna-paramita-asta-sahasrikd . 109 

When this acarya entered the Mahayana, about five hun- 

dred scholars of the Sravaka Pitakas also entered .the 

[ Fol 62A ] After the passing away of arya Asanga, he 
/ o 

became the upadhyaya of Sri *Nalendra. Everyday, he used 
to recite various religious works, confer the pravrajya and 
upasampada on others according to their different requirements, 
himself acted as the upadhyaya and the acarya in the pravrajya 
and bhiksu-diksa [of others], [helped others to] rectify their 
faults by voluntary confession, himself continuously observed 
the ten-fold duties of the monk and helped thousands of others 
to observe their ten-fold duties fully. On special occasions he 
explained for twenty continuous prahara- s 110 the incomparable 
religious significance of the Mahayana-sutra- s. In the evening 
he dispelled differences of opinion by discussing the scriptures 
and by summing up the essence of the Doctrine. He listened 

106. 'dus-pa-rin-po-che — D 687. S n ‘It is certainly the Maha-samaya- 
sutra ’ . 

107. V tr ‘He read these once every year’. 

108. chu-tshod — D 419 datida, lit. the measure of time by a water-clock, 
the Indian hour. 

109. V tr ‘The S,00Q-prajha-paramita repeated by him every month could 
ordinarily be read (by him) in one or two quarters of an hour’. 

110. thun — D 580 yama, prahara , period of three hours, etc. 



to the Doctrine from the tutelary deity even in the short sleep 111 
of one prahara at midnight and sat in deep meditation at dawn. 
In the intervals of all these activities, he composed treatises 
and defeated the firthika- s in debate. He wrote 112 fifty com- 
mentaries expounding the short and long Mahayana and 
Hinayana sutra- s, like the Prajnd-paramitd-pancavimsati-sdha- 
srika , the Aksayamati-nirdesa, Dahabhumaka , Buddha-anu- 
smrti , 113 Pancamudra-sutra, lu Pratitya-samutpada-sutra, Sutra- 
lamkara, Vibhangadvaya 115 etc. He also wrote eight original 
^prakarana- s. 116 

He recited the Usmsa-vijaya-[-dharani] for a hundred 
thousand times and acquired mastery of this charm. After 
that he had a direct vision of Guhyapati and attained the stage 
of perfect meditation. 

Three commentaries composed by this acdrya like the 
Pratitya-samutpada-sutra-tlka [ Fol 62 B ] are counted in this 
country [Tibet] as included in the eight *prakarana- s. 117 How- 
ever, a commentary is not a prakarana and it is difficult to 
characterise the Vyakhya-yukti as a prakarana. By prakarana 
is meant a short treatise discussing a specific and important 
topic. When a large work like the Sutralamkara cannot be 
called [a prakarana ], how can its commentary [which is bigger 
in volume] be called one ? Nor can it be said that, among the 

111. P-ed mnal-ba’i-hah-la, ‘while asleep’. S-ed mnal-ba' i-dad-las . which, 
as S says in note, appears to him as inexplicable. 

112 dbyig-gnen. For works attributed to Vasubandhu, see Supplemen- 
tary Note 23. 

113. dkon-mchog-rjes-dran, lit Ratna-anusmrti. Does Tar refer to Vasu- 
bandhu’s Buddha-anusmrti-tlka (mDo xxxiv. 7 of Tg) ? 

114. phyag-rgya-lha'i-mdo. 

115. V ‘the two Vibhanga-s’. Y n — see Supplementary Note 24. 

116. rah-rkah, lit. 'on his own feet’, hence translated as ‘original’. Bu-ston 
i. 56f mentions the eight treatises of Vasubandhu, of which the last 
three are commentaries. These eight are : Trimsaka-karika-praka- 
rana, Vimsaka-karika-prakaratia, Pancaskandha-prakarana, Vyakhya- 
yukti, Karma-siddhi-prakarana, and the commentaries on Sutralam- 
kara, Pratityasamutpada-sutra and Madhyanta-vibhahga. 

117. Does this refer to the view of Bu-ston ? see note 1 16. 

Ch. 22. Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


eight prakarana- s, some contain the word prakarana in the title 
while others do not. 

This acarya did not visit any non-Buddhist 118 part of 
the country nor any distant land. He stayed mostly in 
*Magadha. He filled the whole of *Magadha with centres of 
the Doctrine by way of reconstructing those that were pre- 
viously damaged and building one hundred and eight new 
centres of the Mahayana doctrine. 

He once visited *Gauda in the east. When he preached 
many siitra- s to a congregation of numerous citizens there, 
the gods showered golden flowers. Even the beggars collected 
golden flowers one maha-drona in quantity. Here also he 
established one hundred and eight centres of the Doctrine. 

A brahmana called *Maksika of *Odivisa invited him. He 
entertained there twelve thousand Mahayana monks for three 
months. In the house of this brahmana were revealed five 
mines of gems. He [Vasubandhu] made the brahmana-s , 
householders and kings of the place full of reverence and 
established one hundred and eight centres of the Doctrine. 
Moreover, the number of the centres of the Doctrine built 
under the instruction of this acarya in the south and other 
places [Fol 63A] equals 119 to those already mentioned. It is said 
that altogether these made a total of six hundred and fifty 

The number of monks during this time was greater than 
that of acarya arya Asanga. It is said that the total number 
of monks all over the country came to about sixty thousand. 
The number of monks who stayed with this acarya and 
accompanied him in his travels was about a thousand. All of 
them observed the moral discipline and were vastly learned. 

Wherever the acarya stayed, he used to receive articles of 
worship [even] from non-human beings [i.e. Nagas, Yaksas, 
etc] and the miraculous phenomena like the finding of mines of 
gems used to take place. By virtue of his supernatural 

118. mtha'-khob. V borderland. 

119. V n ‘i.e. 324 centres established in Magadha, Gauda and Odivisa.’ 



fore-knowledge, he rightly answered all questions [concerning] 
both good and evil. 

When the fire broke out in the city of Rajagrha, he extin- 
guished it by his solemn prayer. With his solemn prayer, again, 
he brought under control the epidemic that broke out in the 
city of Jananta. 120 By virtue of his vidya-mantra, he controlled 
his own longevity. There is no end to the miraculous anecdotes 
like these. 

He defeated about five hundred tirthika rivals in all [i.e. 
before and after entering the Mahayana]. In all he brought five 
thousand brdhmana- s and tirthika- s to the Law of the Buddha. 

At last, he went to Nepal 121 accompanied by a thousand 
acarya- s. There also he established the centres of the Doctrine 
and vastly increased the number of the monks. 

Finding a bhattarak w with religious robes living in his house 
and ploughing his field, he felt shocked and said, ‘The Law of 
the Teacher is degenerated.’ So he preached the Doctrine 
among the monks, [ Fol 63B ] thrice chanted the Usmsa-vijayd- 
dharam in the reverse order 122 and died there. 123 This was des- 
cribed as the setting of the sun of the Doctrine for the time 
being. His disciples built a caitya there. 

According to the account current in Tibet, when he com- 
posed the Abhidharmakosa and sent it to Samghabhadra 124 in 
Kashmir, he [Samghabhadra] was pleased. But when the com- 
mentary was shown to him, he felt displeased and came to 
*Magadha to argue with him [Vasubandhu]. By that time, 
acarya Vasubandhu had left for Nepal. 

Such an account of pleasing and displeasing Samghabhadra 
with the Abhidharmakosa and its commentary may be correct. 
But in India it is not clearly said that Samghabhadra actually 

120. mthar-skyes. V Janantapura. V n ‘3 assumes that the name Yanan- 
tapura is derived from Jayantapura’. 

121. bal-yul. 

122. cfBu-stonii. 145. 

123. But see Watters i. 359 — according to the Chinese biography of Vasu- 
bandhu, he died at Ayodhya at the age of 80. 

124. \ius-bzah: 

Ch, 22. Period of Brothers Arya Asahga 


came to *Magadha. Even assuming that he came there, it is 
clear that this must have taken place earlier. It is also clear 
that by the time of Vasubandhu’s departure for Nepal, many 
years had elapsed after the passing away of Samghabhadra. 125 

After receiving the ordination, acarya Asahga worked for 
the Doctrine for seventyfive years. In the prediction, ‘He will 
live for one hundred and fifty years’ — each year is to be counted 
as a half-year. This agrees with his religious career. 

It is certain that he [? Vasubandhu] worked for the welfare 
of the living beings for over thirty years. In the opinion of some 
of the Indians this was over forty years. Acarya Vasubandhu 
lived up to the age of nearly one hundred years. He worked 
for the welfare of the living beings for many years during the 
life-time of arya Asahga and for about twentyfive years after 
the arya. 

It is said that this great acarya [Vasubandhu] was a contem- 
porary of the Tibetan king Lha-tho-tho-ri-gnan-btsan. 126 This 
seems to be correct. [ Fol 64A ] 

The twentysecond chapter containing the 
account of the period of Brothers arya Asahga. 

125. But see Watters i. 324f for a totally different account of Samghabhadra 
and his relation \yith Vasubandhu. 

126. On Lha-tho-tho-ri, see A. Chattopadhyaya AT 179. Vn ‘Lha-tho- 
tho— ri was the fifth of the earlier successive kings before Sron-btsan- 
sgam-po. Therefore, he would have lived not earlier than A.D. 450. 
For understanding how the later Buddhists exaggerate the stories 
about their celebrities and distort their biographies, it will be worth- 
while to compare the biography of Vasubandhu given by me in the 
first part of my work on Buddhism with the account of Yuan-chuang. 
According to my own account, he lived during the reign of Vikram- 
aditya and his successor Praditya and established three centres in all. 
He died at the age of 80. According to his (Yuan-chuang’s) account 
of the biography, not Simhabhadra (probably Samghabhadra) but 
Vasubandhu was older. But the two accounts agree in this that he 
(Vasubandhu) died in Ayodhya, and hence Nalanda — and even 
Nepal, Gauda. Odivisa — linked themselves to him later on,’ 





During the latter half of the life of the great acarya 

Vasubandhu and after the death of king Gambhirapaksa, there 


lived an extremely powerful king called *Sriharsa. He was 
born in *Maru in the west. He conquered all the kingdoms 
of the western region. Later, he became respectful to the Law 
of the Buddha and accepted acarya Gunaprabha 1 as his 

Roughly in the same period, there ruled in the east king 
*Vigamacandra, a descendant of king *Vrksacandra, and his 
[i.e. Vigamacandra’s] son *Ramacandra. Both these kings 
had great power and wealth. They delighted in making gifts 
and ruled the kingdom righteously. But they did not take 
refuge to the Three Jewels. They showed respect to both the 

1. yon-tan- od. The commentary on the Bodhisattva-bhumi attributed to 
Gunaprabha in Tg (mDo liv.5 &6) mentions him as the preceptor of 
king Harsavardhana Siladitya of Thanesvara. The Vinaya-sutra- 
vrtti-abhidhanasya-vyakliya (Tg mDo lxxxiii-lxxxiv) mentions the 
author as Gunaprabha of Mathura, who belonged to the Mula- 
sarvastivada sect and who composed this commentary in the maha- 
vihara Sri-Sina (Sri Sinja ?) during the earlier period of the reign of 
Harsavardhana Siladitya of Thanesvara. The Tg also contains the 
Vinaya-siitra (mDo lxxxii.l) and its auto-commentary (mDo lxxxviii) 
by Gunaprabha. Bu-ston ii.160 refers to him as a brahmana and as a 
great authority in the Vinaya of the Mula-sarvastivadi-s, but rejects 
as an anachronism the view that he was a disciple of Upagupta or 
Sudarsana. The Ekottara-karmasataka attributed to him in Tg 
(mDo lxxxii.2) is, according to some, the work of Vinltadeva (Bu- 
ston ii.160). Tg (mDo lxxxv-lxxxvi) contains a commentary on his 
Vinaya-sutra by his disciple Dharmamitra of Tukharistan, the great 
expert in Vinaya and belonging to the Mula-sarvastivada sect. For 
Gunaprabha, see also I-Tsing (Takakusu) Iviii-lix & 181 ; Watters i. 

Ch. 23 Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


insiders and outsiders and had special reverence for the 

It is said that at this time, Kashmir was ruled by Maha- 
sammata. 2 

This was the period when, in the east, acarya Sthiramati 3 
and Dignaga 4 worked for the welfare of the living beings and, 
in the west, Buddhadasa, 5 the disciple of arya Asanga, worked 
for the welfare of the living beings in the latter part of his 
life. This was also the zenith of Gunaprabha’s career, and 
the time when in Kashmir bhattaraka Samghadasa 6 also exten- 
sively worked for the welfare of the living beings, when acarya 
Dharmadasa 7 used to visit the different countries to preach 
the Doctrine and acarya Buddhapalita 8 went to the south. This 
was the period of the earlier career of Bhavya 9 and Vimukta- 
sena. 10 

[ FoS 64B ] In *Odivisa, during this period also lived 
*Nagesa, son of king *Jaleruha and his brahmana minister 
*Nagakesa. While ruling for seven years, he became extremely 
powerful. As a result, even *Vigamacandra submitted to him. 

2. mah-pos-bkur-ba, 

3. blo-gros-brtan-pa, cf Bu-ston ii.l47fF, one of the four outstanding 
disciples ofVasubandhu who surpassed even Vasubandhu. Yuan- 
chuang mentions him as one of his own contemporaries — see Watters 
ii. 109, 1 68f ; cf I-Tsing (Takakusu) lviii, 181 & 225. 

4. phyogs-kyi-glah-po . lit dik-hastin. see Watters ii.211f on the name. 

5. sahs-rgyas-' baits, said to have been an uncle of Vimuktasena (Tg 
mDo i.2). cf Watters i.353 & 359. 

6. dge- dun- bans, Tg mentions vajrayancicarya Guhyadatta (rG lxxxi.27) 
and Visakhadeva (mDo lxxxix.l) as his disciples, but contains no 
work by him. 

7. chos-bahs. 

8. sahs-rgyas-bskyahs. 

9. legs-ldan. Bhavya or Bhavayiveka, alias Niraloka (snah-bral)- — 
colophon of mDo xviii.9 of Tg. 

10. rnam-grol-sde. 




Acdrya *Lo-yi-pa 11 converted 12 them and led them to 
renounce the kingdom. After they attained siddhi, the king was 
called *Darika-pa 13 and his minister *Dingi-pa . 14 

Acarya Triratnadasa 15 was a contemporary of acarya 

Bhavya. Also in *Odivisa a brahmana called *Bhadrapalita 

worked extensively for the Law. 


Among them, king *Sriharsa was incomparable as a king. 
He wanted to wreck the religion of the mleccha- s. In a small 
place near *Maul-tan , 16 he built a *masita, that is a big 
monastery of the mleccha- s. The whole of it was made only 
of wood. He invited all the mleccha teachers there, lavishly 
offered gifts to them for several months and made them collect 
all their scriptural works there. Then he set fire to it, and, as 
a result, twelve thousand experts of the doctrine of the 
mleccha- s perished. 

At that time, there lived in *Khorosan only a weaver 
well-versed in the mleccha religion. From him the mleccha -s 
of the later period gradually grew in number. As a result of 
this wreck [of the mleccha religion] by this king, there remained 
Tor about one hundred years only a few to follow the religion 
of the Persians and Turuskas . 17 

11. In Tg the name occurs variously as Lo-yi-pa, Lu-yi-pa, Lu-hi-pada, 
Lu-i-pa, Lu-yi-shabs ; also as na'i-rgyu-ma-za-ba (lit. ‘one who eats 
the intestines of fishes’ ; hence Matsyantrada ; na-lto-pa or Matsyo- 
dara ; Mina. See Supplementary Note 20. 

12. P-ed btuliio subdue or convert), S-ed bskul (to inspire). 

13. Mentioned also as Dari-pada and Darika-pada. See Supplemen- 
tary Note 25. 

14. As reviser of Ltii-pa’s Buddhodaya-natna (Tg rG lxxiii.62) is mentioned 
Deki-pa, Dhehki, Dhanakutti, Dhaki, Dihka-pa, Dengi-pa, Dinga- 
pa, ldingi-pa, Tenki-pa, Tehgi-pa, Sri Tanki-pada. 

15. dkon-mchog-gsum-gyi- baits. The following are attributed in Tgto 
Triratnadasa or Ratnadasa : Bhagavat-sakyamuni-stotra (bsTod 43), 
Guriaparyanta-stotra (bsTod 44 & mDo xxxiii.96) and Arya-prajna- 
p a't-iimi ta-sa mgraha-karika- v i van a na (mDo xiv.3). cf Watters ii.213. 

16. S Maulasthana. Watters ii. 254 modern Multan. It is of interest to 
note that Tg contains a work called Nagananda-nama-nataka (mDo 
xcii.3). the author of which is probably Harsadeva of Kanauj. 

17. S Sakeras, V Sakas. V n ’ sog-po , this is how the Mongolians are now 
called by the Tibetans’. 

Ch. 23, Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


After this, to atone for his sin he built a big monastery at 
each of the places, like *Maru, *Malava, *Mewar, *Pituva and 
*Citavara. In each of these, he maintained a thousand monks. 
As a result, the Doctrine was widely spread. 

[ Fol 65A ] Now, about maha-acarya Gunaprabha. 

He was born in a brahmana family of Mathura. After 
thoroughly studying the Vedas and all the saslra- s, he received 
in a monastery there the pravrajya and upasampada ordination. 
Under maha-acarya Vasubandhu, he studied the Sravaka Tripi- 
taka and many Mahayana-sutra- s and became a scholar in the 
Vinayas and all the scriptures of the different sects. He used 
continuously to recite from his memory the ‘collection of a 
hundred thousand Vinayas ’. 18 

He resided in a monastery called *Agrapuri in Mathura. 
Along with him there lived five thousand monks. They imme- 
diately rectified even the slightest transgressions of the vow, and 
thus purified their conduct, as' it was done in the good old days 
when the arhat- s were looking after the Law. Among them 
many were vastly learned in the sutra- s and Abhidharmas and 
about five hundred of them regularly recited [lit knew by 
heart] the ‘collection of a hundred thousand Vinayas .’ 19 

As a royal punishment, the eyes of a minister of king *Sri- 
harsa, called *Matangaraja, were once plucked off. By the 
power of the resolute prayer of the acarya, resulting from his 
pure moral conduct, he got back the eyes. Being the preceptor 
of the king, he used to receive everyday immeasurable wealth 
and he immediately converted these into virtue [i.e. spent on 
virtuous purposes]. He never allowed himself to fall from the 
ascetic practices (dhiita-guna-s). 

Now about acarya Sthiramati . 20 

When acarya Vasubandhu recited the sastra viz. ‘The 
Collection of a Hundred Thousand Sloka-s in Ninetynine Sec- 
tions’, [ Fol 65B ] an intelligent dove that lived in the edge of 

18. ' dul-ba- bum-sde. 

19. S ‘hundred thousand Hinayana sections’. But the text has 'dul-ba- 

’ bum-sde . 

20. For works of Sthiramati, see Supplementary Note 26. 



the beams listened to it with great reverence. After its death, it 
was reborn as the son of a merchant in *Dandakaranya in the 
south . 21 

Immediately after birth, he asked ‘Where is the acarya ?’ 
When asked, ‘Which acarya ?’ he replied, ‘Vasubandhu of 
®Magadha.’ On enquiries being made to the merchants of that 
place, they said ‘Yes [that an acarya like that was there ]’. 22 

So, at the age of seven he was sent, to acarya Vasubandhu. 
He studied the branches of learning and, without difficulty, 
became wise. 

He had a handful of beans, wanted to eat these in the temple 
of Tara and thought that it was not proper to eat without offer- 
ing to the arya. He offered a few beans, which rolled back. 
He thought : ‘It will not be proper for me to eat so long as the 
arya does not accept it’. He went on offering till the beans 
were exhausted. Being a child afterall, he broke into tears. 
The arya directly appeared before him and said, ‘Do not weep. 
You have my blessings.’ Immediately, his intelligence became 
limitless. The image also came to be known as *Masa-Tara (i.e. 
Tara with Beans ). 23 

He eventually became a sthavira with a mastery of the three 
pitaka- s. He became a scholar specially of the abhidharma 
of both Mahayana and Hinayana. He used regularly to 
recite the Arya Ratnakuta. In all his actions, he used to be 
led by the predictions of arya Tara. He wrote commentaries 
on the Ratnakuta-samaja-unapancasaka and the Mula-madhya- 

Shortly after the passing away of acarya Vasubandhu, he 
defeated many tirthika challengers like *Vista-pala 24 and others 

21. Bu-ston ii. 147 gives practically the same account, though adding that 
at that time Vasubandhu resided at the Bhaga-vihara and differing 
from Tar in maintaining that Sthiramati was born as the son of a 

22. V tr : When asked, ‘Which acarya ?’, he replied, ‘Vasubandhu’ and 
was told that he (Vasubandhu) resided in Magadha. cf Bu-ston ii. 1 47. 

23. cf Bu-ston ii. 147-8. 

24. S Vesta-pala. 

Ch. 23. Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


and became famous as the master of debate. He wrote glosses 
on most of the commentaries composed by acarya Vasubandhu 
[ Fol 66A ] and composed many commentaries on his original 
works. It is said that he also wrote a commentary on the 
Abhidharmakosa. But I am not sure whether it was done by 
this acarya. 25 

It is said that during his time as most of the centres of the 
Doctrine established by the previous acarya- s had become de- 
funct, this acarya established a hundred centres of the Doctrine. 

Now about acarya Dignaga. 

He was born in a brahmana family in the city of *Singa- 

vakta 26 near *Kanci in the south. There lived at that time an 

upadhyaya belonging to the Vatsiputriya 27 sect called **Naga- 

datta, who was profoundly learned in all the doctrines of the 

tirthika- s. [Dignaga] received pravrajya under him and became 

a scholar of the Sravaka Tripitakas. He prayed to this upadhyaya 
for upadesa. He [the upadhyaya ] instructed him to seek the 
‘indescribable self’. 28 In spite of searching for it with an 
intense critical effort, he could not find anything like that. 
So he used to throw open all the windows during the day 
and used to light lamps all around during the night and, denud- 
ing himself, he repeatedly examined himself from all sides, 
both in and out. 29 

One of his friends found him doing so and reported it to the 
upadhyaya. Questioned by the upadhyaya, he said, ‘Oh upadhyaya , 
because of my weak intellect and little insight, I fail to see what 

25. However, Tg contains Abhidharmakosa-bhasya-tlka Tattvartha-nama 
(mDo cxxix-cxxx) by Sthiramati, a commentary on Vasubandhu’s 
commentary on the Abhidharmakosa. 

26. S Simha-vaktra and adds in note that the text has Simha-vakta. 

27. gnas-ma-bu. cf Stcherbafsky BL i.32 ‘This sect admitted the existence 
of a real personality as something different from the elements of 
which it is composed.’ cf also Stcherbatsky Central Conception ... 31. 

28. brjod-du-med-pa'i-bdag. cf Bu-ston ii. 149 'the principle of the Ego, 
which was said to be inexpressible as being neither identical with the 
groups of elements nor differing from them.’ 

29. cf Bu-ston ii.l49f. 



you instruct me to seek. Therefote, suspecting that it is covered 
by some obscuration, I am searching for it in this way.’ 

It was an indirect refutation of him [the upadhyaya], So the 
upadhyaya became angry and said, ‘You are trying to find fault 
with my doctrine. Therefore, you leave this place . 5 

[ Fol 66B ] Thus he [upadhyaya] drove away somebody 
whom it was not right to drive away. He [Dignaga] could 
defeat him with arguments ; but since this was not proper, he 
bowed down before him and went away. 

Eventually, he went to acarya Vasubandhu and listened to 
all the Pitakas of the Mahayana and Hinayana and thus 
became proficient in five hundred sutra- s, — those of the Maha- 
yana, Hinayana — and even the dharani- s. It is said that he 
specially received vidya-mantra from a mantra-deary a, attained 
siddhi and had the direct vision of dry a Manjusri. He listened 
to the Doctrine [from Manjusri] to his heart’s content. 

In a very solitary place of a forest in *Odivisa, he sat in the 
cave of a hill called *Bhota-sela 30 and attained samddhi with 
intense concentration. 


After some years there took place at Sri *Nalendra a big 
debate with the tirthika-s. Among them there was a brahmana 
called *Sudurjaya, who had the vision of the deity he pro- 
pitiated. He learnt the technique of debate extremely well and it 
was most difficult to defeat him. Failing to compete in debate, 
the Buddhists invited acarya Dignaga from the east. He thrice 
defeated that tirthika and converted all the assembled tirthika-s 
to the Law of the Buddha after defeating them individually. He 
explained many sutra- s to the monks there, propagated the 
Abhidharma more extensively, wrote many works on Vijhana- 
vada and on logic . 31 It is said that he wrote one hundred works 
in all. 

After this, he returned again to *Odivisa [ Fol 67A ] and 
devoted himself to meditation. 

There he resolved to compose the logical treatise called 

30. S-eC Bhora-saila. 

31. For works of Dignaga, see Supplementary Note 27. 

Ch. 23. Period of Acarya Dignaga aud Others 


Pramana-samuccaya, in which he wanted to unite his previous 
scattered products of extraordinary keen intellect and he wrote 
the opening verse embodying his resolution : 

‘I salute him who is the personified Logic, 

Who pursues the weal of the living beings, 

The Teacher, the Blessed One, the Protector, 

And, in order to demonstrate the means of Logical Proof, 

I shall unite here under one head 

The different fragments from all my other treatises .’ 32 

When he had written this with a piece of chalk 33 [on the 
rock], the earth shook, a light blazed forth and a thunderous 
sound was heard. 

A brahmana called Krsna 34 realised the significance of these 
signs. When the acarya had gone out for alms, he [Krsna] 
came and wiped the words off. 

Similarly, he wiped off for the second time. 

He [Dignaga] wrote it for the third time, and added : ‘Know 
this to be extremely important. Therefore, you must not wipe 
it, if you are wiping just for the fun of it. If, however, you 
think it to be wrong and want to have a debate, appear in 

After this, when he went out for alms, [the brahmana ] came 
to wipe it. But noticing the note, he kept on waiting. The 
acarya returned and, staking their respective creeds, entered into 
a deb'ate. The tirthika was repeatelly defeated. He [Dignaga] 
said, ‘You have now to accept the Law of the Buddha.’ At 
this, he [Krsna] threw enchanted dust, which burnt the belon- 
gings of the acarya and even the acarya himself narrowly 
escaped the fire. 

The tirthika fled. 

The acarya thought : ‘How can I be fit to work for the 

32. Tr Obermiller Bu-ston ii. 1 50. 

33. Bu-ston ii. 1 50 'Accordingly in the cavern known by his name, he 
wrote on the side of a rock’... 

34. nag-po. cf Bu-ston ii. 1 50 ‘a heretical teacher called Krsna-muni-raja.’ 



welfare of others when I fail to bring welfare even to a single 
person like this !’ Thinking thus, when he was about to 
renounce his citta-utpadana, [ F©1 67 B ] arya Manjusri app- 
eared before him and said, ‘Oh son, do not do it- Do not do 
it. Wrong ideas result from evil company. Know it for 
certain that the tirthika - s can do no harm to your treatise. I 
shall remain your kalyana-mitra, as long as you do not attain 
Buddhahood. In the future [your treatise] will be the only eye 
of all the sastra- s. 5 

Then the acarya said, ‘I cannot bear this unbearable 
distress. My mind is revelling in wrong conduct. It is so 
difficult to encounter a venerable soul, —but how does it help 
me if you are not giving me your blessings in spite of already 
appearing before me ?’ 

When he said this, [Manjusri answered] ‘Oh son, do not 
be depressed. I shall protect you from all dangers. 5 Saying 
this, he disappeared. 

Then he [Dignaga] composed the sastra excellently. 

He was once slightly indisposed. After his [daily round of ] 
alms in the city he entered a forest which he saw, felt sleepy 
and fell asleep. In his dreams, he had visions of many Buddhas 
and he attained many samadhi-s. The gods showered flowers 
around him, all the flowers of the forest bowed at his feet and 
the elephants provided him with cool shadow. 

The king of the country, along with his attendants, while 
roaming there for pleasure, witnessed this scene. He felt 
amazed, woke him up with the sound of musical instruments 
and asked, ‘Are you Dignaga ? 5 

‘So am I called. 5 

Then the king fell at his feet. 

After this, he [Dignaga] went to the south. [ Fo8 68 A ] He 
defeated the tirthika rivals of different places and reconstructed 
most of the damaged centres of the Doctrine established by the 
earlier acarya- s. 

Now, the king of*Odivisa had a minister called *Bhadra- 
palita, wno acted as the royal treasurer. [Dignaga] made him 
a follower of the Law of the Buddha. That brahmana 

Ch. 23. Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


[Bhadrapalita] built sixteen big monasteries, each accommoda- 
ting a large number of monks. In each of these monasteries 
were established various centres for the Doctrine. 

As a mark of his pure moral conduct, this brahmana had a 
haritaka 35 tree in his garden. It was called the *Musti-haritaka 
and it cured all diseases and thus benefitted a large number 
of people. The tree was once drying up. So the acarya offered 
prayers for saving it and it was revived in seven days. 

By defeating most of the tirthika rivals in debate, he 
acquired the fame of being the leading logician. 36 The devout 
followers of his creed filled the four directions. But he had 
not even a novice as his attendant. He had little desire of his 
own, was always self-content and, after devoting his whole life 
to twelve ascetic practices, 37 he passed away in a solitary forest 
of *Odivisa. 

Now about bhattaraka Samghadasa. 

He was a disciple of acarya Vasubandhu. By caste a 
brahmana, he was born in the south and belonged [originally] 
to the Sarvastivadi sect. He spent a long time in Vajrasana 
and established there twentyfour centres of Vinaya and Abhi- 
dharma. [ Fol 68B ] He went to Kashmir in response to the 
invitation from king *Turuska *Mahasammata. He built the 
vihara called Ratnagupta 38 and *Kumbhakundali. 39 After 
extensively propagating the Mahayana doctrine, he passed 
away in that country. Formerly, the Law of the Mahayana 
was not much in vogue in Kashmir. During the time of the 
brothers Asanga [i.e. Asahga and his brother] it was spread 
there, though in a limited form. From the time of this acarya, 
it began gradually to spread more and more. 

35. a-ru-ra. 

36. rtsod-pa' i-khyu-mchog . V n ‘lit. the bull of debate’. 

37. sbyahs-pa'i-yon-tan-bcu-gnis, lit. dvadasa-dhutaguna — D 939. But V 

tr ‘twelve subjects of learning.’ 

38. rin-chen-sbas-pa. 

39. V & S Kumbhakundala. 




Now about acarya Dharmadasa. 

Born in *Bhangala in the east, he was a disciple of Asanga 
and his brother. He went round the countries all around and 
built in each direction a temple of arya Manjusri. He is said 
to have prepared a commentary on the entire Yogacarya-bhumi. 

Now about acarya Buddhapalita. 

Born in a place called Hamsakrida 40 in *Tambala in the 
south, he received there the pravrajya and became vastly 
learned in the scriptures. Under acarya Samgharaksita, 41 a 
disciple of arya Nagamitra, 42 , he learnt the original works of 
acarya Nagarjuna. He attained the highest knowledge through 
intense meditation. He had a direct vision of arya Manjusrl 
and he delivered many sermons on the Doctrine while residing 
in the *Dantapuri 43 monastery in the south. He expounded 44 
many scriptural works composed by the ‘arya- s father and son’ 
[i.e. Nagarjuna and Aryadeva], acarya Sura etc. 

At last he practised Gutika-siddhi and attained success. 

Now about acarya Bhavya. 45 

Born in a noble Ksatriya family in *Malya-ra of the south 
[ Fol 69 A ] he received pravrajya there and became a scholar 
of the Tripitakas. He came to the madhya-desa and learnt 
under acarya Samgharaksita many sutra- s of the Mahayana 
and the teachings of Nagarjuna. He went back to the south 
and received the vision of Vajrapani. He attained visista- 
,samadhi, is became the head of about fifty monasteries in the 
south and delivered many lessons on the Doctrine. He studied 
the works of acarya Buddhapalita after the latter had passed 
away. Taking his stand on the views of Nagarjuna, he resolved 
to compose a commentary refuting the views of the earlier 

40. hah-pas-rtse-ba. 

41. dge-dun-sruh'ba. 

42. klu'i-bses-gnen. 

43. S-ed Dantapurl. P-ed Dantapurl. 

44. Tg contains only Buddhapalita-mulamadhyamaka-vrtti (mDo xvii.20) 
by Buddhapalita. 

45. See Supplementary Note 28 for the works of Bhavya or Bhavaviveka. 

46. tih-he-dsin-khyab-par-can. 

Ch. 23. Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


acarya- s as expressed in their expositions of the Madhyamaka - 
mula. Thus he wrote commentaries on some sutra- s. At last 
he also practised Gutika-siddhi and attained success. 

Both these acarya- s [Bhavya and Buddhapalita], after 
leaving their mortal bodies, went to the Vidyadhara-sthana. 47 

Now, these two acarya- s composed the basic texts on the 
Madhyamika doctrine of nature-lessness ( svabhava-hina-vada ). 
The number of disciples of Buddhapalita was not very large, 
while acarya Bhavya had a large number of disciples and, 
because he had thousands of monks as his followers, his views 
were more extensively spread. 

Before the appearance of these two acarya-s, all the Maha- 
yani-s were under the same Law. But these two acarya-s 
[thought], ‘The doctrines of arya Nagarjuna and of arya 
Asanga are fundamentally different. The doctrine of Asanga 
is not indicative of the path of the Madhyamika. It is merely 
the doctrine of vijnana. [ Fol 69 B ] What we uphold is the 
real view of arya Nagarjuna.’ 

Saying this, they refuted the position of the others. As a 
result after the passing away of Bhavya, the Mahayani-s were 
split into two groups and started having controversies among 

In this [controversy], acarya Sthiramati wrote the work 
explaining the Madhyamaka-mula from the standpoint of 
vijnana. iS When copies of this work reached, the south, the disci- 
ples of Bhavya objected to it. So they came to *Nalendra and 
had a debate with the disciples of Sthiramati. The followers of 
the doctrine of nature-lessness claim that in this debate the 
disciples of Bhavya were victorious. But this debate should be 
viewed as similar to that between *Candragomi and Candrakirti. 

Many Tibetans say that Buddhafpalita was a disciple of arya 
Nagarjuna during the first half of his [Nagarjuna’s] life, while 

47. V n ‘i.e. changed their usual human bodies into celestial bodies’, cf 
Watters ii.223f. 

48. dbu-ma-rtsa-bd’i-dgohs-pa-rnam-rig-tu-grel-'pcii-rnam-bsad. See Sup- 
plementary Note 12. 



Bhavya was his disciple during the second half of his life, that 
they entered into a controversy and that Buddhapalita was 
reborn as Candrakirti. All these are, however, irrational and 
groundless. Others reject all these and try to resolve the 
difficulty with the claim : ‘These [acarya- s] were direct disciples 
of acarya Nagarjuna. Nagarjuna acted as the upadhyaya at 
the upasampada of Bhavya. Candrakirti was the direct disciple 
of Aryadeva.’ But how could the doctrines of these two differ 
even during the lifetime of Aryadeva, on whom both equally 
depended ? How can a person with a critical faculty believe all 
these ? 

Now about arya Vimuktasena. 49 

Born near Jvala-guha 50 situated between the madhya-desa 
and the south, he was the nephew of acarya Buddhadasa. 51 
[ Fol 70A ] The arya received ordination of the *Kaurukullaka 
sect. 52 Being a scholar of the doctrine of this sect, he had 
reverence for the Mahayana and so he went to acarya Vasu- 
bandhu. After listening to the Prajna-paramita, he fully 
memorised the entire Prajna-paramita-sutra. However, failing to 
listen to his instructions, he became the last disciple of acarya 
Samgharaksita and received from him the instructions on 
the Prajna-paramita. 

According to the account current in Tibet, this acarya was a 
disciple of acarya Vasubandhu 53 and surpassed him as a scholar 
in Prajna-paramita. According to some Indians, he was a 

49. cf Bu-ston ii. 155 f : ‘He was the principal of many great monasteries, 
belonged (at first) to the sect of the Kaurukullakas and was the 
nephew of the teacher Buddhadasa. He attained the stage of joy 
(, mb-tu-dga'-ba=^pramudita ).’ Practically the same is said in the 
colophons of his Arya-pancavimsati-sdhasrika-prajnaparamitopadesa- 
sdstra-abhisamaya-alamkara-karika-vartika (mDo ii.l) and vrtti 
(mDo i.2). Obermiller Bu-ston ii. 1 56n — Tson-kha-pa in his gSer- 
phreh expresses doubt as regards the authorship of Abhisamaya- 

50. ’ bar-ba'i-phug . 

51. V wrongly translates the name here as Buddhapalita. 

52. see note 49 above. 

53. V n ‘i.e. he was not his contemporary, which is probable.’ 

Ch. 23. Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


disciple of Dignaga and could not have touched the feet of 
Vasubandhu ; he listened to the Prajna-paramita-abhisamaya 
from acarya Dharmadasa, though he received instructions on it 
from Bhavya. However, from the account most widely spread 
in the arya-desa, it appears that he was the last disciple of 
Vasubandhu. Among the followers of this acarya the following 
account is current. 

Feeling tired of too many scriptural works, he wanted to 
remove his weariness in the meditation on the Prajna-paramita. 
As a result of this meditation, he had a special form of bliss. 
He had no doubt about the significance [of the Prajna-para- 
mita]. Still he felt disturbed by certain discrepancies between 
the wordings of a sutra and those of certain parts of the Abhisa- 
maya-alamkara. At that time, arya Maitreya instructed him in 
dream : ‘Go to the monastery of Varanasi, where you will attain 
great success.’ [ Fol 70B ] As he went there in the morning, he 
met updsaka Santivarman, 54 who was renowned for his gift of 
the gab 55 and who brought the text of the [Panca-]vimsati-saha- 
srika-asta-adhyaya 56 from *Potala in the south. He found [on 
the basis of this] the wordings of the sutra to agree with those 
of [Abhisamaya-]alamkara and felt relieved. He composed a 
work explaining the Sutra-asta-adhyaya and Abhisamaya-alam- 
kara from the Madhyamika standpoint of nature-lessness. In 
this he synthesised all the sutra - s and alamkara- s. Such [a work] 
did not exist before this acarya, because the [Panca-]vimsati- 
sahasrika-aloka hl says, ‘This was not realised before by others.’ 

Later on, he became the preceptor of a feudatory ruler in 
the east and, as the head of twentyfour monasteries, he 
assiduously read and taught the Prajna-paramita. Among the 
listeners to the Prajna-paramita-sutra, the number of only 
the bhiksu - s exceeded thousands within a short period. About 

54. shi-ba'i-go-cha. - 

55. P-ed Icags-kyi-by in-pa-can. S-ed Ijags-kyi-byin-pa. (lcags= armour, 
ljags= gab). The latter reading followed. 

56. V ‘Twenty thousand paramita-s in eight sections.’ But in the note, 
he says Panca-vhnsati-sahasrika. 

57. ni-khri-snah-ba- 



thirty years passed like this. Both in India and Tibet, this 
acarya is famed as one who reached the first stage of saintly 
perfection [prathama-bhumi). 5s 

According to some, he was not really an arya, for he was 
still in the yoga-marga. Still he was called an arya because he 
reached a stage very near it. According to some others, he was 
really a prthak-jana and the word arya is only a part of his 
name Arya-vimuktasena : just as the word Buddha in the 
name of king Buddha-paksa is not taken by any for the Buddha 
himself. According to still others, he was a bodhisattva, who 
had previously traversed the path of the Hina[-yana]. 

There are many anecdotes like these. But I have come 
across no difference of opinion in the matter of viewing him 
as a great and wonderful person. How could one know 
whether internally he was a prthak-jana or an arya in spiritual 
perfection ? His conduct and teachings were obviously those 
of a pious prthak-jana. 

Now about acarya Triratnadasa. 

[ Fol 71 A ] He listened to the Abhidharma-pitaka from 
acarya Vasubandhu, studied under many pitaka-dhara scholars 
of different places and was a close friend of Dignaga. He also 
became a disciple of Dignaga, because he studied the Prajna- 
paramita under him. It is said that in wisdom he was equal to 
Dignaga. He composed 59 the commentary on the Asta-saha- 
srikd [- prajna-paramita -] samgraha. Dignaga also prepared a 
work 60 on the precise meaning of the Gunaparyanta-stotra 
written by him. 

According to some historians of the Doctrine, acarya 


Triratnadasa was but another name of acarya Sura , 61 and 
further Sura and Dignaga were mutual preceptors and disciples, 
inasmuch as he [Dignaga] appended the Misraka-stotra to 

58. Bu-ston ii. 155 also refers to the stage of pramudita (the first stage), 
though the colophon of mDo ii.l refers to his attainment of the sixth 
bhumi, called adhimukti. 

59. See note 15 of this chapter. 

60. Tg bsTod 46=mDo xxxiii.97 Guhaparyanta-stotra-tlka by Dignaga. 

61. V Sura (Asvaghosa). 

Ch. 23. Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


[Sura’s] Stotra-sata-pancasatka . 62 Such a statement must be 
due either to listening to a wrong history or to the wrong 
recording of what was rightly told. In any case, the statement 
is fanciful. Besides, in the Misraka-stotra of Dignaga are 
either analysed the compounds of the Stotra-sata-pancasatka 
or are merely clarified its significance . 63 Therefore, it simply 
formed a commentary. The works of these two acarya- s are to 
be understood as different. 

Later on, this acarya [Triratnadasa] went to the south and, 
as the head of several monasteries, preached the Doctrine to 
many people. He went ' to *Drabala , 64 established fifty new 
and large centres for the Doctrine and for a long time added 
lustre to the Law. He eventually brought a yaksini under 
control and went to the great mountain called The Hundred 
Flowers . 65 [ Fol 71B ] During the same period, upasaka 
Santivarman also went to-*Potala . 66 

62. V n 'Matrceta (i.e. Asvaghosa himself).’ Evidently, Tar also has 
here in mind the same idea of identification of Matrceta, Asvaghosa 
and Sura. In Tg, Misraka-stotra (bsTod 41) is attributed to Dignaga 
and Matrceta, while Satapancasatka-stotra (bsTod 38) to Asva- 
ghosa. cf F. W. Thomas in ERE viii.496, who quotes I-Tsing in this 

63. In Tg, the commentary (bsTod 39) on Satapancasatka-stotra is 
attributed to Ramapriya. cf I-Tsing (Takakusu) 151, who 
attributes the stotra to Matrceta, and comments, ‘There are many 
who have written commentaries on them, nor are the imitations of 
them few. Bodhisattva Jina (Dignaga) himself composed such an 
imitation. He added one verse before each of the one hundred and 
fifty verses, so that they became altogether three hundred verses, 
called the Mixed Hymns. A celebrated priest of the Deer Park, 
Sakyadeva by name, again added one verse to each of Jina’s, and 
consequently they amounted to four hundred and fifty verses, called 
the Doubly Mixed Hymns.’ 

.64. S-ed Dvravali. 


65. me-tog-brgya-pa. V Satapuspa. V n ‘which, S remarks, can be the 
same as Satrunjaya.’ see Sircar CGEIL 104 

66. D 785 — Potala or Potalaka, the residence of Avalokitesvara and arya 
Tara on a hill situated in a harbour somewhere in the Indian Ocean, 
cf Watters ii.229ff. 



This upasaka attained most of the marks of siddhi by pro- 
pitiating ary a Avalokitesvara in a forest of *Pundravardhana. 
A king called *Subhasara saw in his dream as if drya Avalo- 
kitesvara was invited and brought to his country and imme- 
diately Jambudvipa was rid of famine and epidemic and 
prosperity was restored there. [And it was predicted that] 
for this purpose, the same upasaka dwelling in the forest had 
to be sent to the *Potala mountain. 

The king summoned the upasaka and gave him a pearl 
necklace, the letter of invitation and pana - s ( money ) for 
travelling expenses. The upasaka thought : ‘The journey being 
long and full of hazards is likely to involve the risk of life. 
Since, however, he is requesting me to go to the abode of the 
tutelary deity, it will not be proper to disobey him.’ Thinking 

thus, he started with the road-guide 67 on his way to *Potala. 

He reached the Sri Dhanyakataka 68 caitya in the island of 
*Dhanasri. While moving from there to *Potala, he had to 
go through a subterranean way a little and then by a route 
over the earth, which, though existing at that time, is now 
under the sea. That is why people these days cannot use this 

Then he failed to cross a great river on the way. Following 
the road-guide, he prayed to Tara and an old woman appeared 
with a boat and took him across. Further on, failing to cross 
another sea, when he prayed to Bhrkuti, a girl with a raft 
appeared and took him across. Then he reached the fringe 
of a forest and could not pass through it because of a forest 
fire. When he prayed to Hayagriva [ Fol 72 A ] it rained and 
the fire was extinguished. Lightning showed him the way. 
Again, he could not proceed because the path was cut olf by a 
ravine many yojana - s deep. When he prayed to Eka-jati, a 
huge serpent appeared and served as a bridge, enabling him to 

67. lam-yig — D 1210. Interestingly, Tg contains a work, attributed to 
srxmat Potalaka Bhattaraka (Avalokitesvara), with the title Potalaka- 
gamana-marga-patrika (rG lxxii.51). 

68. ’bras-spuhs. Roerich in BA ii.754 — Amaravati in the Sattenapalle 
Talluka of Guntur District, Madras, cf Watters ii,214ff. 

Ch. 23 Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 193 

cross it. Then his path was obstructed by many apes, as big 
as elephants. When he prayed to Amoghapasa, these huge 
apes gave him the way and brought delicious food for him. 

From there he reached the foot of *Potala but could not 
climb up the rocky hill. When he prayed to arya Avalokite- 
svara, there came down a ladder made of canes. With this he 
climbed up. Because of dense fog he failed to see the way. 
When he prayed for a long time, the fog cleared up. He saw 
the image of Tara at the third stage of the hill and on its 
middle the image of Bhrkuti. Reaching the top of the hill [he 
saw] nothing but some flowers remaining scattered in an empty 
place. He sat in a corner there and prayed for a month. Then 
appeared a woman who said, ‘Arya has arrived. Come along. 5 
Saying this, she took him along and opened one thousand doors 
of the palace one after the other. With the opening of each 
door, he attained a stage of samadhi. Then he saw arya Panca- 
deva. 69 He offered flowers to him and placed before him the 
king’s letter and offerings. When he prayed to him to visit 
the Jambudvipa, he [arya] accepted it, gave the upasaka a large 
sum of *pana - s as his travelling expenses and said, ‘On your 
way back, spend these for your maintenance. I shall come 
when these *pana - s [ Fol 72B ] are exhausted.’ Thus saying he 
directed him the route back. He had direct vision of the 
goddesses whose images were there in the middle and on the 
third stages of the hill. Of the fifteen days of his journey back, 
when the fourteenth day arrived, he felt delighted to see the 
hills of *Pundravardhana and spent the remaining *pana - s in 
purchasing food and drink in excess, which he consumed. 

Before reaching the city of the king, when he reached the 
place of his own meditation [i.e. the forest], all his *pana - s werb 
spent out. He sat there and expected the arya at day-break. 
But he [Avalokitesvara] did not appear. As he fell asleep at 
midnight, he woke up by the sound of musical instruments. 

69. lha-lha. V & S ‘five deities’. V n 'probably the deities meant here are 
those of body, word, heart, merit and fate.’ 




Noticing the gods worshipping in the sky, he asked ‘Whom 
are you worshipping ?’ [J/he gods said] ‘Oh thou foolish son 
df Jambudvipa, the arya lias arrived along with his attendants 
on the tree on which you are leaning back.’ Then he saw the 
Pancadeva himself 70 sitting on the tree. He bowed down to 
him and prayed, ‘Please come to the country of the king.’ 

‘That would have happened, had all your *pana- s been not 
exhausted. I shall now remain here in this way.’ 

As this message was sent to the king, the king felt dis- 
pleased and it is said that he did not offer any reward to the 
upasaka. A temple was built in that forest and it came to be 
known as that of *Khasarpana. 

It is said that [the name] *Khasarpana was derived from 
the fact that he ‘came through the sky’ or because he ‘came 
when the *pana- s were exhausted.’ 71 But it is better to use 
it in the sense of coming through the sky. In the alternative 
interpretation, *Kharsa is an equivalent for ‘the price of food’ 
and *pana means gold and silver coins, 72 which is now called 
* tanka. Thus the name means, ‘Coin as the price for food.’ 

[ Fol 73 A ] Thus it is commonly known 'in India. 

According to the account of the [ Panca]-vimsati-sahasrikd - 
asta-adhyaya, there is no mention of [the upasaka ] being sent 
by the king. Thrice he went to *Potala by himself. His first 
visit was in the form of a personal pilgrimage. On the second 
occasion, he was sent by the monks of *Varanasi for solving 
the problem of the discrepancy [in wordings] between Abhi- 
samaya-alamkara and the sutra. However, instead of raising 
this topic, he invited arya *Khasarpana himself. [After he 
came to Varanasi] *Khasarpana, on being prayed [to solve 

70. V & S 'five deities themselves’. 

71. S tr ‘It is said that the name is Khasarpana, or "moving through the 
sky”, because Avalokitesvara came through the sky. Others maintain 
that it means "the exhausting of the pana-s”, as he (Avalokitesvara) 
arrived after the patia-s were exhausted.’ 

72. The derivation suggested : khasarpana=karsas & pana=kar sapana 
or karsapana. karsa, a weight of gold and silver, about 280 gr. 

Ch. 23. Period of Acarya Dignaga and Others 


the problem] said, ‘I am only an incarnation [of Avalokitesvara 
and not Avalokitesvara himself]. So I do not know it.’ When 
he [the upasaka] went to *Potala for the third time with the 
purpose of solving the problem, he brought back with him 
the Asta-adhyaya. 

It is said that arya * Khasarpana Pahcadeva 73 personally 
appeared before him and directly received the offerings made 
by him. When the robbers, greedy for the wealth of this 
upasaka , were about to kill him, he thought that this was but 
the inevitable result of his past actions and said, ‘Place my 
head on the hand of [the image of the] arya.’ The robbers 
did accordingly. Tears came out of the eyes [of the image] 
of the arya and entered into the hole of his [upasaka? s] skull 74 
and it turned into a relic. From then on, he [arya] does not 
accept any direct offering. Thus it is said. 

The twentythird chapter containing the account 

of the period of acarya Dignaga and others. 

73. S ‘the five arya Khasarpana gods’. V ‘the live deities Khasarpana.’ 

74. S-ed klad-khu-sa-ru. V & S tr 'and as the forehead fell on the earth, it 
became a relic’. P-ed klad-khuh-du : 'entered into the hole of his 




/ / 

After king *Sriharsa, his son Sila 1 became the king. 

He was previously (i.e. in his previous birth) a monk well- 
versed in the three pitaka- s. He went to beg at the palace of a 
certain king where a grand festival was going on. But he 
received no alms and was turned out by the gate-keepers. He 
fasted and, while dying of hunger, prayed, ‘May I become a 
king, worship the Three Jewels and [ FoS 73 B J satisfy the 
ordained monks with food.’ 

As a result, he became a very prosperous king and offered 
good food to the monks of the four directions. 

He built a palace in the city called *La-ta and lived for one 
hundred and forty years. He ruled for about a hundred years. 
He ascended the throne towards the end of Gunaprabha’s life. 

In the east there was a very powerful king called Simha, 2 
belonging to the *Licchavi line. During his time was born 
acarya *Candragomi. 

King *Bharsa [ ? Varsa ], son of king Simha, also ruled for 
a long time. 

In the *Candra dynasty, king *Siddhacandra ascended the 
throne. Because of his limited power, he had to obey the orders 
of kings Simha and *Bharsa. 

This was the period of the second half of the lives of Bhavya 
and arya Vimuktasena and the period of the latter half of 
acarya Suryagupta, 3 of Paramasena, 4 a disciple of Vimuktasena, 

1. haii-tshul, 

2. seh-ge. 

3. ni-ma-sbas. Evidently not the logician Ravigupta who belonged to 
a much later period (Stcherbatsky BL i.43f) and who is mentioned in 
Tibetan as ni-ma-bsruh-bn (author mDo civ.l & cviii.3). We have in 

Tg a number of works on Tarasadhana (rG xxvi.3 ; 4 ; 5 : 6 ; 7 ; 8 ; 
lxxii.47 ; lxxxii.51) by one Suryagupta of Kashmir, whose name 
in Tibetan is given as ni-ma-sbas. Tar in Fol 74A mentions him as 
Tara-siddha. Hence, the reconstruction of the name here as Ravigupta 
by V appears to be unacceptable. 4. mchog-sde. V & S Varasena. 


Ch. 24. Period of King Slla 

and of *Kamalabuddhi, a disciple of Buddhapalita. 

Arya Candramani , 5 a disciple of Gunaprabha, and 
Jayadeva , 6 the upadhyaya of *Nalendra, were contemporaries. 
In the south also lived acdrya Candrakirti . 7 This was about the 
period of the first part of the lives of acarya Dharmapala , 8 
acdrya Santideva 9 and of siddha *Viru-pa. Evidently, drya 
*Saga-deva 10 -also lived during this period, because in the 
Puspamdla-tantra, 11 translated by lo-tsa-ba Prajnakirti 12 of 
shel-tsor, is said : ‘It [Pus pa mala] was composed by drya *Saga- 
deva, a disciple of drya Sahghadasa.’ Hence it is necessary to 
determine whether he was a Sravaka arhat or not. 

[ F©1 74A ] Of these [acarya- s] belonging to this period, I 
have not heard the account of Paramasena and *Kamala- 
buddhi. I have not come across any detailed account of 
Candramani beyond that he was the preceptor of king Slla. 

Now about Suryagupta. 

He held that the views of acarya Nagarjuna were the same as 
those of Asanga. In both Kashmir and *Magadha he built 
twelve big centres for the Doctrine. He employed the yaksa-s 
to collect the materials required for these. He protected 
all the ‘insiders’ from the eightfold dangers . 13 He was also- a 

5. zla-ba'i-nor-bu. 

6. rgyal-ba'i-Iha. Tg contains a commentary by Dipamkara-srI-jnana 
(rG xlviii. 145) on Jayadeva’s Mulapatti, which however is not 
traced in Tg. 

7. zla-ba-grags-pa, 

8. chos-skyoii. see Fol 80B. ’ 

9. shi-ba-lha. 

10. sa-ga-lha. V & S Visakhadeva, which is another name by which he 
was known. See next note. 

11. Tg mDo lxxxix. 1 Arya-mula-sarvastivada-vinaya-karika Puspa-mola- 
nama by saga-lha (Sagadeva or Visakhadeva), a disciple of matxa- 
vinayadhara drya Samghadasa. cf BA i.82. 

12. ses-rab-grags. 

13. viz. dangers from lion, elephant, fire, snake, robber, chains (prison), 
water and flesh-eater ( sa-za ). Tg contains several works on Asta- 
bhaya-trana 1 (rG lxviii.46 by Laksmlhkara ; rG lxxi.38 by Atisa ; 



bhiksu proficient in magic spells and was Tara-siddha. His 
account is to be known from other sources. 

Also Jayadeva, a scholar of many sastra- s, lived for a long 
time in *Nalendra as a mahd-acarya. I have not come across 
any detailed account of him. 

At that time the tooth 14 relic of the Buddha reached *Ha-sa- 

ma [Assam] in the north. The poet Guhyadatta , 15 a disciple 

of acarya Sanghadasa, and *Ratnamati , 16 a disciple of Dharma- 

dasa , 17 along with hundreds of thousands of others belonging 

to ‘the four classes of followers’ who acted according to the 

Doctrine, began to worship the tooth-relic. The tradition of 

this (worship) still continues in *Pu-khan . 18 

Now about Sri Candrakirti. 

He was born in *Samanta 19 in the south. He mastered all 
the branches of knowledge at an early age, was ordained in 
the same place in the south and became a scholar of all the 
pitaka-s. He learnt all the sastra- s and upadesa- s of Nagarjuna 
[ Fol 74B ] from many disciples 20 of Bhavya and from 
*Kamalabuddhi, a disciple of Buddhapalita . 21 He became 
the master-scholar among scholars and the upadhyaya of Sri 

He extensively propagated the doctrine of Buddhapalita 
by composing 22 the Mula [i.e. the Mula-madhyamaka-vrtti- 

14. mche-ba. D 435, tooth — though generally the canine tooth. 

15. gsah-ba-byin. Tg contains Rakta-yamantaka-pancadevabhisamaya- 
siddhi Manjan-nama (rG Ixxxi.27) and Sapta-kumarika-avadana (mDo 
xxxiii.42=mDo xc.20) by Guhyadatta, a disciple of Sanghadasa. 

16. The name is mentioned in the colophon of Tg mDo cxvi.16. 

17. chos- bans. 

18. See Fol 129A. 

19. The colophon of Tg mDo xxiv.l mentions the birth-place of Candra- 
kirti as Samata (Samanta). cf Bu-ston ii. 1 34 — Samana. 

20. S 'a disciple’, but the text has mah-po (many). 

21. S tr 'from Kamalabuddhi, a disciple of Bhavya as well as of Buddha- 
palita. ’ 

22. For works of Candrakirti, see Supplementary Note 29. Bu-ston 
ii.l34f — 'the most celebrated of his works, those which resemble the 
sun and the moon’, are the Prasannapada (commentary on the Mula- 
madhy.imaka) and Pradipa-uddyotana (commentary on Guhya-sa,naja- 


Ch. 24. Period of King Slla 

Prasatmapada-nama], the Avatara [i.e. the Madhyamaka-avatara- 
kdrika-ndma], the Catah [i.e. the Bodhisattva-yoga-carya-catuh- 
sataka-tika ], — these three and the Yukti-sastika-vriti . 

By milking the milch cow drawn on a picture, he used to 
satisfy the entire samgha with thickened milk ( kslra ). Even 
the stone-pillar could not obstruct the movement of his hand. 
He could freely move through the wall . 23 He showed many 
wonderful feats like these and defeated many tlrthika oppo- 

At last he went to the south (again) and in the country 
called *Kon-ku-na 24 defeated many tlrthika rivals, converted 
most of the brdhmana- s and householders into the followers of 
the Law and established many big centres for the Doctrine. 

According to the mantra-dcarya- s, he again spent a long 
time in the *Manu-bhanga hill, strove after the highest siddhi 
following the mantra-ydna and attained the rainbow-body. 

According to the Tibetan account, he lived for three 


hundred years and showed marvellous feats like driving away 
the *Turuska army while riding a stone-lion. 

The latter (account) could have been true. As for the 
former, however, if he did attain the rainbow-body, he must 
have had become immortal. As such, the question of [living 
for] three hundred years does not arise. Obviously, it can 
neither be claimed that he lived [for three hundred years] in 
this world with his mortal body. 

Now about acarya *CandragomI. 

In the east, [ Fol 75A ] in *Varendra, there lived a *pandita 
who attained the vision of drya Avalokitesvara. He entered 
into a debate with a tlrthika Lokayata 25 teacher. He defeated 
his [tlrthika' s] views no doubt ; yet [the tlrthika claimed] 
that arguments depended on intellect and hence one with keener 
intellect gained victory. [So he said] 

‘There is no direct evidence for anterior and posterior exis- 
tence. So I do not admit this.’ 

23. cf Bu-ston ii. 134. 

24. P-ed Gon-ku-na. S-ed Kon-ku-na. The latter reading followed. 

25. rgyah-'phen-pa. 



Being thus told, he kept the king and others as witnesses and 
said, T am going to be reborn. Put a mark on my forehead. 5 

He placed on his forehead a mark of vermilion cut deep 
into the flesh. Putting a pearl into his mouth, he (the panel iia) 
died on the spot. 

His corpse was kept in a , covered copper-vessel and it was 
sealed by the king. 

According to his promise to be reborn as the son of a ksatriya 
*pandita called *Visesaka, a son with auspicious marks was born 
to the latter. His forehead was found to have the mark of 
vermilion and within his mouth was found the pearl. On being 
examined by the king and others, the deadbody was found to 
have no mark of vermilion on the forehead and the place where 
the pearl was kept was found empty. It is said that the same 
tirthika then believed in the past and future existence. 

Immediately after being born, the child bowed down before 
the mother and said, ‘I hope you did not suffer much 26 during 
these ten months. 5 The mother thought it was ominous for a 
new-born baby to speak and so she said, ‘Stop talking. 5 

He did not speak for seven years and passed for one dumb. 

At that time a tirthika rival composed an extremely diffi- 
cult [ Fol 75B ] treatise in verse. The purport of this poetry was 
the refutation of the views of the Buddhists. [Copies of it] 
were offered to the king and scholars. 

A copy reached the house of *Visesaka. In spite of exa- 
mining it .for a long time, he could not understand even its 
literal meaning, not to speak of refuting it. Pondering on it, 
he went out of the house for some work; The seven years 
old *Candragomi examined the poem, understood its purport 
and found no difficulty in refuting it. He explained its purport in 
the form of a short gloss and also wrote verses in refutation of it. 

As the father returned home and found this piece of writing, 
he asked *Candragomi 5 s mother whether any one had come 
to the house. 

26. V & S tr ‘I hope you did not faint during these ten months.’ This is 
perhaps because of misreading ’ o-brgyal-ba (suffer) as brgyal-ba 


Ch. 24. Period of King Slla 

‘Nobody came. This dumb boy was reading and writing. 5 
On being questioned by the father, the son kept dumb, 
looking at the mother’s face. 

The mother said, ‘Speak out. 5 

Then he said, ‘I wrote this 5 and added, ‘It is not at all 
difficult to defeat this rival. 5 

The next morning, a debate was organised between *Can- 
dragomi and the tirthika teacher. *Candragomi was declared 
victorious and he received a grand reward. 

Thus by himself he acquired proficiency in grammar, logic 
and all other general branches of knowledge without studying 
these [under anybody]. His fame was spread in all directions. 

He then received the sarana-gamana and the five siksa- s 
from a Mahayana teacher and learnt by heart most of the 
Sutras and the Abhidharma-pitaka [ Fol 76A ] after listening 
to these only once from maha-acarya Sthiramati. He received 
instructions from a vidyadhara acdrya called Asoka, 27 attained 
siddhi in magic spells and had direct vision of arya Avalo- 
kitesvara and Tara. Thus he became a profound scholar. 

He next composed 28 many treatises on medicine, prosody, 
fine arts 29 etc, in the land of king *Bharsa [? Varsa] in the 
east. He excelled particularly in treatises on grammar. 

He next married princess *Tara and received a province 
from the king. 30 

He once heard a female attendant addressing her as *Tara 
and he thought that it was not proper to live [the conjugal life] 
with anybody bearing the same name as that of the tutelary 
deity. So the acarya was about to leave for some other place. 

The king came to know of this and said, ‘If he does not 
live with my daughter, put him into a box and throw it into 

27. mya-han-med-pa. Tg contains a number of Tantrika treatises attribu- 
ted to Asoka or Asokasri — rG lxi. 1 3 ; 16-22 ; lxxi.359 ; lxxxi.18. 

28. For works of Candragomi, see Supplementary Note 30. 

29. V architecture. The Indian equivalent seems to be silpa-sthana-vidya 
— Roerich SW 506n. 

30. cf Bu-ston ii. 132. 




the *Ganga. 31 This was done as ordered by the king. The 
acarya prayed to bhattarika arya Tara 32 and was drifted to an 
island at the confluence of the *Ganga on the sea. 

According to some, this island was miraculously created by 
the arya and it was called the *Candradvipa, because *Candra- 
gomi lived there. It is said that the island still exists and is 
large enough to have seven thousand villages. 

While residing on the island, he set up the stone images of 
arya Avalokitesvara and [arya] Tara. The fishermen first heard 
about these and gradually other people also collected there 
and it grew into a city. 

[ Fol 76B ] Instructed by arya Avalokitesvara, he became 
a *gomi 33 upasaka. His own name was *Candra. Thus he 
came to be known as *CandragomI. 

The merchants took him to the *Sin-ga-la (Simhala) island 
which was infested with naga-roga M (leprosy). As he built 
the temple of arya Simhanada, 35 the disease was miraculously 
stamped out. Here also he widely spread the knowledge of 
the fine arts, medicine and other branches of learning. Thus 
he caused welfare in various forms to the simple folk of this 
small island. He also preached there — though partly— the 
Mahayana doctrine. With the wealth obtained from the 
Yaksa ruler of the place, he built there many centres for the 

He then returned to the south of *Jambudvipa. In the 
temple of brahmana Vararuci, he came across the image 36 of 

31. lb. 

32. sgrol-ma. 

33. V & S 'go mi or upasaka'. S n 'unless gomi was not a special form of 
upasaka ’. But Roerich BA i. 297— vows of gomi, ‘abstaining from 
sexual life’. 

34. klu-nad. In Tg a work called Kustha-cikitsopaya (rG Ik. 151) is 
ascribed to Candragoml. 

35. Tg contains Simhanada-sadhana (rG lxxi.24=lxviii.l65) ascribed to 

36. The text is obscure. It has the word bkod-pa, lit. ‘form’. Hence S 
translates ‘image’ (Aufban). But V tr 'In the temple of (founded by) 
Varauici, he came across the tenets of grammar heard from the Naga 
and a commentary on Panini composed by Sesa Naga.’ 


Ch. 24. Period of King Sila 

[Vararuci] listening to grammar from the Naga and the com- 
mentary on *Pani grammar as expounded by *Sesa-naga. 

[He thought] A commentary should be brief in words, 
profound in significance, without repetition and complete. But 
the naive Naga [prepared a commentary which is] verbose, 
poor in purport, full of repetitions and is incomplete. 

Thus criticising [the Naga], he composed a commentary on 
*Pani . 37 It is called the * Candra-vyakarana and is complete in all 
the sections. ‘This work, though brief, is clear and complete , 5 

—even this comment was a harsh criticism of the Naga. 


Then he went to Sri *Nalendra, the mine of learning. 

At that time, those among the *pandita- s of *Nalendra who 
were capable of arguing with the tirthika- s preached the 
Doctrine outside the boundary walls while those who were 
incapable of this preached within. Candrakirti, who was then 
the upadhyaya, was once preaching outside [the boundary wall]. 
*Candragomi reached there and stood listening. 

[ Fol 77A ] Usually those who wanted to challenge did like 
this [i.e. remained standing]. Others either did not listen at all or 
listened with reverence. So Candrakirti thought, ‘Is he an 
opponent calling for a debate ?’ And he asked ‘Where do you 
come from ?’ 

‘I am coming from the south’ [Candragomi] said 
On being asked, ‘What subjects do you know ?’ he said, ‘I 
know the three, viz. *Pani grammar, the Stuti-sata-pancasika 3s 
and the Nama-samgiti ’ 39 

Thus, though in words he did not express pride in so far as 
he said that he knew nothing beyond these three treatises, by 
implication he claimed that he knew all about grammar, sutra 
and tantra. i0 

[Candrakirti] thought, ‘So, is this *Candragomi V and asked 
him accordingly. 

37. cf Bu-ston ii. 133. For grammatical works attributed to Candragomi, 
see Supplementary Note 30. 

38. bsTod 38, 

39. Tg rG lix=lx. 

40. cf Bu-ston ii. 132. 



‘Thus I am known in this world’. 

‘Then it is not appropriate for a great scholar to appear 
like a flash of lightning. He should be properly welcomed by 
the samgha. So, please return to the city for the time being.’ 

*Candragomi said, ‘I am only an upasaka. How can I be 
welcomed by the samgha ?’ 

Candrakirti said, ‘There is a way out. An image of arya 
Manjusri will be invited. Please come fanning the image with 
a camara 41 The samgha will welcome the image of Manjusri.’ 

When this was arranged, there came three chariots in the 
middle one of which was placed [the image of] arya Manjusri, 
Candrakirti waving the camara from the right and *Candra- 
gomi from the left. The samgha welcomed from the front. 
Numerous people gathered to see this. The image appeared as 
real Manjughosa to *Candragomi who offered the stuti : ‘Oh 
Manjughosa, though thou art eulogised by tens of millions 
[ Fol 77B ] of tathagata- s of the ten directions”*’ 

The image of Manjusri turned its face sideways, as if listen- 
ing to him. The people said, ‘Look ! look ! what the image is 
doing !’ So it (the image) remained fixed. Hence it was called 
the Arya with the Neck Turned Left. 42 *Candragomi’s rever- 
ence became most profound. 

As the charioteer failed to pull back, his chariot moved 
before that of Candrakirti. 43 Candrakirti thought, ‘He is highly 
insolent and hence I must have a debate with him.’ 44 

In this [debate], following the views of Asaiiga, *Candra- 
gomi defended the doctrine of vi'jnana . Following the sastra-s 
of Nagarjuna as interpreted by Buddhapalita and others, 
Candrakirti defended the doctrine of nature-lessness ( svabhava - 
hinata). For seven years they went on arguing with each other. 
A large number of people was always present to listen to this 

41. rha-yab. 

42. cf Bu-ston ii. 1 33. 

43. V tr 'CandragomI, swept by the power of reverence, did not control 
the wheel and went ahead of Candrakirti, who thought...’ 

44. S tr ‘and he wishes to have a debate with me’. But the text has 
bdag-gis-rtsod-par-bya'o, ‘I must have a debate with him’. 


Ch. 24. Period of King Slla 

debate. Even the local boys and girls understood it partially 
and they sang : 45 

‘Ah, the sastra of arya Nagarjuna is medicine 
for some, but poison for others. The sastra 
of Ajita and arya Asanga is nectar for all .’ 46 
Once, towards the end of the debate 47 [the following 

*Candragomi used to sit in the temple of Avalokitesvara 
and to receive from him during the night answers to the argu- 
ments put forth by Candrakirti during the day. In the (next) 
morning he used to offer these answers, which Candrakirti 
could not refute. This went on for many months. So Candra- 
kirti thought : ‘Somebody must be teaching him these argu- 
ments.’ Thinking thus, he followed *CandragomI [ Fa! ISA ] 
to the temple. From outside the door, he overheard the 
stone-image of arya Avalokitesvara teaching the Doctrine 
to *Candragomi, much in the manner in which an acarya 
teaches his disciple. 

‘So is not the arya showing partiality ?’ 48 — Saying this 
Candrakirti opened the door and he [Avalokitesvara] imme- 
diately turned himself into a stone-image [again]. Its finger 
remained raised in the posture of teaching the Doctrine. 
From then on. it came to be known as ‘the arya with the 
fore-finger raised.’ 

And thus the debate came to its end . 49 
Being earnestly prayed to by Candrakirti, Avalokitesvara 
told him in a dream, ‘You are already blessed by Manjughosa 

45. S tr 'started taking sides’. V tr ‘partially’. 

46. V tr ‘Ah ! Of the works of arya Nagarjuna, 

Some are a medicine and the others poison. 

But the works of Ajita (Maitreya) and arya Asanga 
Are only a nectar for all people.’ 

47. cf Bu-ston ii. 134. See Roerich SW 549 for Chag lo-tsa-ba’s account 
of the same. 

48. V & S tr ‘Candrakirti opened the door to see whether the arya was 
nearby.’ But the text has Jie-rih, which should better fie taken here 
as ‘partial’ — D487. 

49. V n ‘Because Candrakirti considered it impossible to argue with 



and as such you are not in need of my blessings. So I have 
bestowed some blessings on *Candragomi.’ 

Such is the generally prevalent account. But the followers 
of the Guhyasamaja claim that on being prayed for another 
vision [by Candrakirti, Avalokitesvara] said, ‘Meditate on the 
Guhya-samaja.’ After seven days of meditation, he had the 
vision of the coral-red body of Avalokitesvara at the western 
gate of the mandala. 

After this he [Candragomi] stayed at *Nalendra and 
preached 50 the Doctrine to many. He came across there an 
excellent verse treatise on grammar called the Samantabhadra 51 
by Candrakirti. He realised that his own work on grammar 
was not of much poetical worth. He thought that it was 
not goihg to cause welfare to the living beings and threw 
the work into a well. But bhattarika arya Tara told him, ‘You 
worked on this with the noble intention of causing welfare to 
the living beings. In the future it will be immensely useful for 
the intelligent living beings. Since Candrakirti is proud of his 
scholarship, [ Fol 78B ] it [his work] will be of limited use for 
others. So you take out your book from the well.’ 

As a result of this prediction, 52 he took it out of the well. 
Those who drank water from this well were immediately 
filled with great wisdom. From then on, that [work] of 
*Candra remains widely prevalent until now. All the ‘insiders’ 
and ‘outsiders’ study it. But the Samantabhadra was soon 
lost, the existence of the book is hardly known today. 

After this, he (Candragomi) composed treatises on hundred 
subjects like fine arts, grammar, logic, medicine, prosody, 
dramaturgy, dictionary, poetics, astronomy, etc. 

When he was teaching all these to the pupils, arya Tara told 
him : 

50. P-ed bskul. S^ed bstan. The latter followed, 

51. In Tg Vyakarana-lihgavatara (mDo cxxiv.4) of Thon-Tm-sarnbho'.a, 
section 6 of which is the Samantabhadra-vyakarana attributed to 
Candrakirti. cf Bu-ston ii. 133. 

52. luh-bstan. V instruction. 

Ch. 24. Period of King Slla 


‘Better read the works like the Dasabhumaka , 
Candrapradipa, Gandalamkdra, Lankavatara 
and the Prajna-[paramita-sutra] of the Jinas. 

What is the use of your construing verses on 
trivial subjects.?’ 53 

Thus instructed, he curtailed the teaching of secular 
knowledge 54 and continuously studied and preached these five 
wonderful siitra- s. He also prepared the gists of these sutra- s 

It is said that in all he composed four hundred and thirty- 
two separate works, of which one hundred and eight were 
stotra- s, one hundred and eight treatises on esoteric knowledge, 
one hundred and eight treatises on secular knowledge and one 
hundred and eight on the fine arts. In the work called the 
* Pradipa-mala [Pradipa-mala- sastr a] were shown all the stages 
of the path ( margakrama ) of the Bodhisattva. But this is not 
now much in circulation. 55 

[ Fol 79A ] It is said that in the Dravida 56 country and in 
the *Sin-ga-la island, its teachings are still existing. All the 
Mahayana pandita- s that came after him studied his Samvara- 
vimsaka [ Bodhisattva-samvara-vimsaka 57 ] and the Kaya-traya- 
avatara . 58 The Tdrd-sadhana-sataka and the Avalo/citesvara- 
sadhana-sataka of this acarya are extant in Tibetan translations. 
Thus it is clear that, generally speaking, he composed a large 
number of treatises. 

53. Given in verse. V tr ‘Read (teach) Prajnaparamita-(sutra-s), on ten 


And Candrapradipa, the mother of victors, 
Gandalamkara and Lankavatara ! 

Why should you engage yourself to prosody 
And useless and false composition ?’ 

54. V 'external sciences’. 

55. chev-ma-dar. S tr ‘But the text is no longer extant’. 

56. ’ gro-ldih . V & S Dramila. 

57. mDo lxi.12. 

58. cfBu-ston ii. 133. Tg has a number of works on Kayatraya (by 
Nagarjuna — bsTod 15 ; by Nagamitra — mDo xxxix.l ; by Jnana- 
candra — mDo xxix.2 ; an anonymous one — bsTod 16); but no such 
work is attributed to Candragoml. 



Now, an old and poor woman had a beautiful daughter. 
Having no means to arrange for her marriage, she went round 
begging in various places. On reaching *Nalendra, she heard 
about the enormous wealth of Candrakirti and went to beg 
of him. 

[Candrakirti said] ‘Being only a bhiksu,l do not possess 
much wealth. The little that I have is necessary for the 
temples and the samgha. *Candragomi lives in that house. 
Go there and beg.’ 

Thus instructed, when the old woman went to *Candragomi 
and begged, he had nothing but a set of robes on him and a 
copy of the Arya-asta-sahasrika-[-prajna-paramita ]. There was 
a picture of Tara drawn on the wall. Moved by the compassion 
for the pauper, he earnestly prayed to her [Tara] with eyes 
full of tears. It [the picture] became real Tara, took off all her 
ornaments made of various jewels— inclusive of an invaluable 
gem — and gave all these to the acarya. He also gave all these 
to her. 

IThe old woman] was full of joy. Bereft of all the ornaments 
the image came to be known as Tara without ornaments .’ 59 
[ Fol 79B ] The empty places caused by the removal of 
the ornaments were aflame. 

Working thus for the welfare of the living beings, he at last 
resolved to go to *Potala and sailed to the island of *Dhanasri 
from *Jambudvipa. 

*Sesa-naga, to avenge the harsh criticisms of the past, sent 
huge tidal waves in the sea and his ship was about to be 
wrecked. From inside the sea, came the voice : Throw out 
*Candragomi . 60 

When he prayed to Tara, the company of the five — the arya 
herself and her attendants — came flying there on the back of 
Garuda . 61 The Nagas fled in terror. The ship safely reached 

59. Chag lo-tsa-ba was shown the image — Roerich SW 558. 

60. phyuh-shig (to expel, to throw out). V tr ‘CandragomI come out.’ 

S tr ‘CandragomI will be saved.’ 

61. mkha'-ldih. 

Ch. 24. Period of King Sila 


In the Dhanyakataka caitya there, he worshipped Tara and 
arya Avalokitesvara and built a hundred temples for each of 
them. He went to the *Potala hill and is still living there 
without renouncing his mortal body. To his disciple, he sent 
a , letter, — the Sisya-lekha , 62 This was sent through the 
merchants of *Potala to prince Ratnakirti , 63 who was previously 
ordained but who eventually renounced it . 64 It is said that 
after receiving the Sisya-lekha he went on acting according to 
the Doctrine. 

The period of the first half of the lives of Sn Candrakirti 
and * Candragomi is to be understood as the period of the 
reign of kings Simha and *Bharsa [? Varsa] and also the first 
half of the life of Dbarmapala. The period of the meeting of 
Candrakirti and *Candragomi at *Nalendra was the period 
of the second half of their lives. It was also the period of 
acarya Dharmapala’s activities for the welfare of the living 
beings and the period of king Pancamasimha. 

The twenty fourth chapter containing the 
account of the period of king Sila. 

62. Tg mDo xxxiii.33 Sisya-lekha addressed to Vira Ratnakirti, alias the 
royal prince Ratnakirti, a disciple of CandragomT, 

63. rin-chen-grags-pa. But Bu-ston ii.133 : 'At that time, there was (in 

Nalanda) a pupil, a monk of the ksatriya race, who had trespassed, 

and had committed many sinful deeds. In order to subdue (this 
_ / 

monk, Candragomi) wrote the Sisya-lekha .’ 

64. The text has vab-tu-byuh-ba-babs-pa-shig, lit. ‘one who had fallen 
from the stage of ordination.’ In the two commentaries on the 
Sisya-lekha, two different reasons are given for Ratnaklrti's renuncia- 
tion of ordination. Vairocanamitra in the Sisya-lekha-tippana 
(Tibetan Tripitaka, Vol 129, p. 227, last folio, line 4) says that when 
Ratnakirti was being led by the minister to ascend the throne, 
Candragomi sent this letter to him. But Prajnakaramati in the Sisya- 
lekha-vrtti (lb., Vol. 129, p. 278, first folio, line 4) gives a more 
romantic reason for this. According to him, Ratnakirti renounced 
the vow of ordination and made love to a princess ; for the purpose 
of bringing him back to the vow of the ordained, Candragomi wrote 
this letter to him. V & S misunderstand Tar and translate — ‘Ratna- 
kirti, the time of whose ordination was near ...’ 






After the passing away of kings *Bharsa [? Varsa] [Fol 80A] 

and *Siddhacandra, 1 the king called Cala 2 of *Malava 3 in 

/ m 

the west became very powerful. He could vie with king Sila. 4 
He reigned for about thirty years and died at the same time as 
king Sila. 

In the east, king Pancamasimha, son of *Bharsa [?], was 
extremely powerful. King *Balacandra, son of king *Siddha- 
candra 5 was driven out of *Bhangala and he reigned in 

King Pancamasimha brought under his rule the territory 
upto Tibet in the north, *Trilinga in the south, *Varanasi in 
the west land the sea in the east. 

This was the period of Paramasena’s 6 disciple Vinltasena 7 
[? Vinayasena], of bhattaraka Vimuktasena 8 of *Magadha, of 
Gunaprabha’s disciple Gunamati, 9 an expert in the Abhidharma, 

1. V Simhacandra. 

2. gyo-ba. 

3. S-ed ma-mkhar, P-ed Malava. S Matrkota. V n 'probably Mecca’. 

4. S tr ‘He ruled in union with Sila’. Could this be because of reading 
bdo-ba as bde-ba ? 

5. V Simhacandra. 

6. mchog-sde. V & S Prasena, though V suggests as alternative Vlrasena. 
In Fol 73B, S reconstructs the same name as Varasena. 

7. dul-ba'i-sde. 

8. grol-sde. V Muktasena. V n ‘This Muktasena ( btsun-pa-grol-sde ) or 
may be Moksasena, is clearly distinguished by the author from 
Vimuktasena ( rnam-grol-sde ), mentioned in the previous chapter. 
Besides, in Tg there is a commentary on the Abhisamaya attributed 
to ' phags-pa-grol-ba i-sde and another commentary attributed to 
btsun-pa-rnam-grol-sde .’ However, in Fol 80B Tar says that he has 
not found any detailed account of this bhadanta Vimuktasena. 

9. yon-tan-blo-gros. cf Watters ii.l 65 & 246 — mentioned by Yuan-chuang 
as a contemporary of Sthiramati, cf I-Tsing (Takakusu) lviii, lix, 181. 

Ch. 25. Period of the King Cala and Others 


of acarya Dharmapala, of Isvarasena , 10 of Sarvajnamitra 11 of 
Kashmir and of king Prasanna , 12 the younger son of king 
*Bharsa of *Magadha. His (Prasanna’s) kingdom, though 
small in area, was highly prosperous. 

There was a king called Puspa 13 who conquered all the 
territories bordering the Yindhya mountain 14 in the south. 

King Cala built temples in each of the four sides of his 
palace. For twelve years he used to offer to anybody that 
approached him from the ‘four classes of followers’ the 
excellent gift of the three, i.e. food 7 , clothes and money. Their 
number reached about two lakhs * 5 in all. 

King Pancamasimha had reverence for both ‘insiders’ and 
‘outsiders’. For the insiders, he established about twenty 16 
centres for the Doctrine and built many caitya- s. 

Now about king Prasanna. 

[ Fol 80 B ] He had reverence for all the scholars of Sri 
*Nalendra like Candrakirti 17 and *Candragomi. He donated 
one hundred and eight 18 golden 19 jars filled with pearls to the 
funds 20 of this centre for the Doctrine. He made special 
offerings to all the temples and caitya - s of *Magadha. 

I have not come across any detailed account of Vinitasena 
and bhattaraka 21 Vimuktasena . 22 

It is said that in a certain temple Vinitasena built an 
image of Ajitanatha who told him, ‘To facilitate your work 

10. dbah-phyug-sde. 

11. thams-cad-mkhyen-pa'i-bses-gnen. In Tg are attributed to him rG xxvi. 
10-13; 40; lxxi.379. 

12. gsal-ba. 

13. me-tog, V & S Puspa, though V suggests the alternative Kusuma. 

14. ri-bo-'bigs-byed. 

15. ’ bum-phrag-gnis (two lakhs). V ‘about twenty thousand’. 

16. ni-su (twenty). V twentyfive. 

17. V DharmakTrti. Is it a misprint ? 

18. brgya-rtsa-brgyad. V 'one hundred’. 

19. gser-gyi-bum-pa (golden jar). V omits golden. 

20. S-ed thes (benefit), P-ed tliebs (fund). 

21. bt sun-pa {bhattaraka). S dry a. 

22. V Muktasena. 



for the welfare of the living beings, build also [an image] 
of arya Tara ,’ 23 Thus instructed, he invited *Candra- 
gorni and built it. Apprehensive of the *Turuskas, these two 
images were later brought to Devagiri , 24 which remained 25 
there since then . 26 

Similarly it is said of bhattaraka Vimuktasena 27 that he 
propitiated Ajitanatha for ten years. Yet he had no sign of 
success. So he asked acarya Candrakirti what was to be 
done. He (Candrakirti) advised him to perform a homa 28 for 
removing the obscurations caused by sin. After offering twelve 
lakhs of homa- s, he received the vision [of Ajitanatha] in the 
kunda , 29 

Now about acarya Gunamati. 

After acquiring proficiency in all the branches of learning, 
he composed 30 a gloss 31 on the commentary of the Abhidharma- 
kosa and [a commentary] on the Madhyamaka-mula, in which, 
following Sthiramati, he refuted the views of Jfhavya. 

*Sampradutah, a disciple of Bhavya, was his contemporary. 
A debate (between the two) lasted for a long time in *Balapuri 
in the east and, it is said, that in this Gunamati was victorious. 

Now about acarya Dharmapala . 32 

23. S adds ‘who is my companion’. 

24. Iha'i-ri-bo. 

25. V 'remained ( ? remains)’. 

26. phyis-byuh (afterwards). V 'until recent ( ? present) time’. S ‘till 
recent times’. 

27. V Muktasena. 

28. sbyin-sreg. 

29. thab. 

30. In Tg Pratitya-samutpadadi-vibhahga-nirdesa-tjka (mDo xxxvi.2) and 
Vyakhya-yukti-tlka (mDo lx) are attributed to Gunamati. cf Watters 

31. V & S ‘he composed a commentary on the Abhidharmakosa'. This is 
perhaps because they overlook ’ grel-bsad (tippani, secondary com- 
mentary) of the text. 

32. chos-skyoh. cf Watters ii, 109 — Yuan-chuang’s preceptor Sllabhadra 
received ordination under Dharmapala. Surely not the guru of 
Suvarnadvlpa who was much later— cf A. Chattopadhyaya AT 84ff. 
See Supplementary Note 31. 

Ch. 25. Period of the King Cala and others 


He was bom in the south in a family of bards. Already 
in the period when still an upasaka [ Fol 81A ] he became 
highly renowned as a bard and acquired proficieney in most 
of the sastra- s of the ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’. He received 
ordination under acarya Dharmadasa and listened to the 
Vinaya from him. Thus he became a great scholar and came 
to the madhya-desa. 

From acarya Dignaga, he listened over again to the Pitakas 
along with all the auxiliary branches of study and became 
supreme among the scholars. He used to recite a hundred 
major sutra-s. He went to Vajrasana and offered many eulogies 
to the tutelary deities. He propitiated bodhisattva Akasagarbha 33 
and received his vision as appearing on top of the bodhi tree. 
From then on, he constantly listened to the Doctrine from 
ary a Akasagarbha. 

He preached the Doctrine at Vajrasana for over thirty years 
/ / 
and succeeded Sri Candrakirti as the upadhyaya of Sri 

*Nalendra. In these places he could make those pupils that 

fell from the main path of the Bodhisattva atone for their 

transgressions in the presence of arya Akasagarbha either 

directly or in dream. It is said that receiving wealth from the 

treasury of arya Akasa, he met all the needs. Thus, for his 

own maintenance and the maintenance of the samgha, he used to 

beg from Akasa instead of begging from the donors. He used 

to silence the tirthika opponents by the power of Krodhanila- 

danda. 34 

He composed a commentary on the Madhyamaka-catuh- 
satika 35 from the Vijnana-vada standpoint. This commentary 
[ Fol 81 B ] was composed at Vajrasana and was clearly enough 
earlier than Candrakirti’s Catuh-sataka-tlka , 36 

33. nam-mkha'i-snih-po. 

34. khro-bo-dbyug-pa-shon-po. 

35. Such a commentary by the earlier Dharmapala is not traced in Tg, 
though in Tg madhyamaka commentaries are attributed to the later 
Dharmapala of Suvarnadvlpa, the guru of Atlsa. 

36. Bodhisattva-yoga carya-catuh-sat aka- tiled mDo xxiv.2. 



It is said that he (Dharmapala) went to the Suvarnadvipa 

in the east towards the end of his life . 37 He attained proficiency 

in alchemy and at last departed for the abode of the gods. He 

was the upadhyaya of *Nalendra for only a brief period. After 

him Jayadeva 38 became the upadhyaya. His [Jayadeva’s] 

disciples were Santideva 39 and *Viru-pa. 

Now, about the account of the latter (Viru-pa ). 40 
While studying in the monastery of *Nalendra, he once 
went to ’Devikota . 41 A woman gave him an *utpala flower 
and a cowrie . 42 As he accepted these, people took pity on him 
and said, ‘Ah ! Poor fellow ! He is marked by the dakini- s .’ 43 
When he asked them the cause for this, they said, ‘Throw these 
away.’ He tried to throw these off, but these remained stuck 
to his hands and he could not get rid of these. 

Then he met an ‘insider’ dakini and said, ‘Please save me.’ 
She said, ‘Whoever among us — be she an insider or 
an outsider — first offers the flower, acquires the right.’ 

‘Is there then no way out ?’ 

‘You will be saved if you can move beyond five yojana - s 

Thus told, he moved on till the evening but could not reach 
it. He went to an inn, crept under an upturned earthen 
cauldron and meditated on the void. During the night the 
dakini-s called everybody there. Failing to find the person 
marked, they searched for him again and again. They could 

37. See Supplementary Note 32. 

38. rgyal-ba'i-lha See note 6 of ch 24. 

39. shi-ba-lha. 

40. BA refers to him as the preceptor of Dombi Heruka (i.206) and as 
receiving initiation from Laksminkara, sister of Indrabhuti (i.390). 
The great Avadhuti-pa or Paindapatika received initiation from 
Viru-pa (i.390) and another disciple of Viru-pa was dakini Sukha- 
siddha (ii.731). in Tg Viru-pa is also mentioned as Bi-ru-byed-pa or 
Birba-pa. For his works, see Supplementary Note 32. 

41. lha-mo-mkhar in Tibetan. Tg (rG vi.3) refers to the place as situated 
in eastern India, cf D. C. Sircar CGEIL 104. 

42. 'gron-bu. 

Ch. 25. Period of the King Cala and Others 


not find out Viru-pa and so they dispersed at the break of day. 

Escaping from that place, he went back to *Nalendra and 
became a *pandita. [ Fol 82 A ] He then thought, ‘Now is the 
time to subdue the witches.’ 


So he went to the Sri Parvata 44 in the south. He received 
(the spell of) Yamari from acarya Nagabodhi 45 and meditated 
on it. Thus he received the vision [of the deity]. It is said 
that after further prolonged meditation, he became as (powerful) 
as Sri Mahakrodha. 46 

From there he went to *Bevikota again. The same ‘out- 
sider’ dakinl - s said, ‘The person marked by us long ago has 
come.’ They came in the night in fearful forms and wanted to 
gobble him up. He then drew up the Yamari-mandala and the 
dakini - s fell unconscious and were about to die. Keeping them 
bound under the oath (? of doing no more harm), he returned 
again to *Nalendra. From then on, he took up carya. His 
remaining account is to be found elsewhere. 

Now about Santideva. 

He was born as a son of a king in *Saurastra. 47 Because 
of his past merit he had in his dream the vision of Manju- 
sri from his early age. On growing up, when he was about 
to ascend the throne, he saw in a dream the throne already 
occupied by Manjusri, who said, ‘Oh son ! This seat is mine, 
I am your kalydnamitra. It will be highly improper for you 
to sit on the same throne with me.’ 48 

In the dream he (also) saw drya Tara, in the guise of his 
own mother, pouring hot water on his head. When he asked 
the cause of this, she said, ‘Kingdom is nothing but the 
unbearable boiling water of hell. Iam consecrating you with 

So he realised that it was not proper for him to accept the 

44. dpal-gyi-ri. 

45. khi'i-byah-chub. 

46. dpal-khro-bo-chen-po. 

47. cf Bu-ston ii.!6lf, 

48. lb. 



kingdom. In the night just before the day of his corona- 
tion [ Fol 82 B ] he ran away. 

After walking for twentyone days, he reached a spring on 
the fringe of a forest. As he was about to drink the water, a 
woman appeared and asked him not to drink that water, and 
offered sweeter water instead. She led him to a Yogi living 
in the cave of a forest. He received samyak-upadesa from him, 
attained samddhi and incomparable knowledge through medita- 

The Yogi was none but Manjusri and this woman none but 
Tara. Since then he had always the vision of Manjusri. 

From there he went towards the east 49 and lived among the 
attendants of king Pancamasimba. As he was skilled in all 
arts and was extremely intelligent, he was requested to become 
a minister. He accepted the post for the time being. 

As a mark of the ayudha 50 of his tutelary deity, he used to 
keep a wooden sword constantly hanging by his side. He 
spread there the fine arts 51 that were not known before. He 
also helped (the king) to rule the kingdom according to 
the Doctrine. 

This made the other ministers jealous, who reported to the 
king that this man was a cheat. Even his sword was made 
of nothing but wood. 52 

So all the ministers had to show their swords to the king. 
The acarya told the king, ‘Oh Lord ! If I draw it out, it will do 
you harm.’ ' Thus told, the king became all the more suspicious 
and said, ‘Let it harm. Nevertheless, show it to me. 5 

‘In that case, please shut up your right eye and have a look 
at it with the left. 5 

Thus shown, the left eye of the king was destroyed by the 
lustre of the sword. From then on he was known as a 

49. sar-phyogs (east). V south. Is it a misprint ? 

50. phyag-mtshan. S symbol. 

51. bzo'i-gnas. 

52. S-ed ral-gri-yah-siii-las-med-do. P-ed ral..Jas-mad-do. (med~noi ; 

mad=tTa\y). The latter reading followed. V & S 'and his sword 

was not made of wood’, cf Bu-ston ii. 1 64. 

Ch. 25. Period of the King Cala and Others 


With great wealth and honour he (the king) tried to persuade 
him to stay on. He told the king, ‘Look after the kingdom 
according to the Doctrine and establish twenty centres for 
the insiders. 5 

[ FoS 83A ] Instructing him thus, he went to the madhya- 
desa, received ordination under upddhyaya Jayadeva and had the 
name Santideva. He lived there in the company of the *pandita- s 
and used to eat five maha-drona- s 53 of rice at each meal, 
though inwardly he was always meditating and listening to the 
Doctrine from arya ManjusrI. 

He composed 54 the magnificent works called the Siksa- 
samuccaya and Sutra-samuccaya , studying the Doctrine in its 
entirety. Outwardly he appeared to sleep day and night 55 
and to do nothing of the three— i.e. listening ( sravana ), 
cogitating ( manana ) and meditating ( dhyana ). 

[The other pandita-s ] discussed among themselves and 
decided to drive him away, as he was causing drainage to the 
materials reverentially donated to the samgha : ‘If we recite the 
sutra- s by turn, he will have to go away of himself. 5 

When this was arranged and it was Santideva’s turn to 
recite the sutra , he at first did not agree to do so. On being 
repeatedly pressed, he said, ‘So you prepare a seat for me and 
I shall recite. 5 

This made some of them doubtful, but most of them 
assembled with the idea of humiliating him. The acarya sat on 
the simhasana 56 and asked, ‘Should I recite the existing ones 
or something new ?’ 

53. bre-bo-che. 


54. For works attributed to Santideva, see Supplementary Note 33. 

55. cf Bu-ston ii.162. Obermiller’s note : 'bhusuku=bhuj (eat), sup (sleep) 
and ?’ But H. P. Sastri (Pracln Baiiglar Gaurava 30) suggests the 
following etymology of bhu-su-ku : 

fe/u/njano’pi prabhasvarah 
•w/pto’pi prabhasvarah 
ArMtim gato’pi prabhasvarah. 

56. cf Watters i.347 ‘The Lion’s Throne of the Buddhists was originally 




For sizing him up, everybody said, ‘Recite something new.’ 

Then he started reciting the Bodhisattva-carya-avatara. 
During the recital, he came to the verse : ‘When existence and 
non-existence cease to be present before the intellect ..’ 57 While 
uttering these he rose up in the sky. His body was no longer 
visible, but his voice continued [to be heard uninterruptedly]. 
Thus he completed the recitation of the Caryavatara. 

The srutidhara *pandita-s [ Fol 83 B ] retained this in their 
memory . 58 

According to the Kashmirians, this work contained more 
than a thousand *sloka- s and the benedictory verse was added 
by them [i.e. the srutidhara pandit as]. According to the 
Easterners, the work did not contain more than seven hundred 
*sloka-s and the benedictory verse was taken from the Mula- 
madhyamaka. Further, it did not originally contain the chap- 
ters on Pratividhana and Prajna. According to the [scholars 
of the] madhya-desa, it did not contain the benedictory verse 
and the verse stating the resolution ; and the *sloka- s of the 
Sanskrit original, when actually counted, give the total of one 

All these create confusion. 

According to the ancient Tibetan account [after disappear- 
/ / 

mg into the air, Santideva] lived in Sri Daksina . 59 However, on 
hearing that he was living in the city of *Kalinga in *Trilinga, 
three *pandita-s went there and requested him to return to 
♦Nalendra. But he did not agree. 

‘But then, how are we to learn the Silcsa-samuccaya and 

the seat reserved for the Buddha, as leader of the congregation, in the 
chapels and halls of the monasteries ; and afterwards, it became the 
throne or seat of the chief bhiksu of a place’. 

57 yadd na bhavo nabhavo mateh samtisthate purah / 
tadanyagatyabhavena niralamva prasamyati II 
—verse 35 of ch ix. (Bib. Ind. Series, p. 194). 

58. cf Bu-ston ii.l62ff. 

59. dpal-yon-catt. cf Bu-ston ii,163 'near the sanctuary of Sn Daksina’. 
S Daksi-nagara. 

Ch. 25. Period of the King Cala and Others 


the Sutra-samuccaya ? Again, where are the three works ?’ 60 

On being thus prayed he said, ‘The Siksa and Sutra written 
in fine *pandita script on birch bark are to be found in the 
window-sill of my cell. The Caryavatara is to be accepted as 
retained in the memory of the scholars of the madhya[-desa].’ 

There was a monastery in the forest and he lived there with 
five hundred monks. This forest was full of deer, etc. With his 
magic power, he used to devour the flesh of the animals that 
entered his cell. Other monks noticed the animals entering 
the cell of the acarya but did not see these coming out of it. 
It was also noticed that the animals were getting reduced in 
number. Through the window some of them saw him 
[ Fol 84A ] eating the flesh of these. When the members of 
the samgha started accusing him, the animals came back to life ; 
these emerged from the cell stronger than before and went 
away. Then he left the place in spite of being entreated by 
them to stay on. 

He renounced the marks of pravrajyd and followed the 
^Ucchusma carya. 61 

Now, somewhere in the south there was a conflict between 
the ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’. When the insiders failed in the 
contest of [miraculous] power, the acarya reached the place. It 
was found that the slop thrown at him started boiling as soon as 
it touched his body. 62 So they knew that he possessed miraculous 
power. On being requested to enter the contest of [miraculous] 
power with the tirthika- s, he agreed to this. 

The tirthika- s 63 drew an enormous mandala in the sky with 
coloured stone dust. He immediately caused a strong blast of 
wind which threw the tirthika- s along with their mandala 

60. V tr 'But, then, what sort of works are the Siksa-samuccaya and 
Sutra-samuccaya, which, it is said, have been seen ? Which of the 
three copies (of Caryavatara ) is purer (i.e. more faithful) ?’ 

61. cf Bu-ston ii.165. Tg contains a number of works on Ucchusma- 
sadhana (rG xliii.161 ; lxx.129 ; 309 ; lxxii.38 ; 39 [41] ; 47 . 

62. cf Bu-ston ii.165. 

63. Bu-ston ii.165 mentions instead a heretical teacher called Samkara- 
deva, who drew the magic circle of Mahesvara in the sky. 



beyond a place where there was a river. The wind was about 
to blow off also those that favoured the tlrthika-s, but it did 
no harm at all to the king and others who were in favour of 
the ‘insiders 5 . 

This defeat of the tlrthika-s helped the Doctrine to spread 
and the place became famous as that of ‘the victory over the 
tlrthika-s 564 

This account is highly reliable, because it is mentioned in 
all the basic sources. By the influence of time, however, the 
name of the place is changed. So it cannot be identified now. 

Further, according to the Tibetan account, when five 
hundred pasandika- s 65 were cut off from their livelihood, he 
gave them food and drink obtained by his miraculous power 
[ FoS 84B ] and thus led them to the Doctrine, He also did 
the same for a thousand beggars. It is said that he once went 
to a battle-field and stopped the war with his miraculous power. 

Thus his seven wonderful acts were : having the vision of 
the tutelary deity, bringing prosperity to *Nalendra, silencing 
[others] in debate, converting the pasandika- s, the beggars, 
the king and the tlrthika-s. 

Now about Sarvajnamitra. 66 

He was an extra 67 (? marital) son of a king of Kashmir. 
When he was a baby, his mother left him on the terrace and 
went to pluck flowers. The baby was picked up by a vulture 
and put on the roof of a *gandola of Sri *Nalendra in the 
madhya desa. He was reared up by the *pandita-s and, on 
growing up, became a sharply intelligent monk well-versed in 
the pitaka-s. He propitiated bhattarika ary a, Tara and received 
her vision along with enormous wealth. He distributed all 
these and was eventually left with nothing more to donate. He 
thought : ‘If I stay here, many persons asking for alms will 

64. S Jita-tlrtha. Obermiller Bu-ston ii. 165 : ‘the spot where the heretics 
were vanquished.’ 

65. cf Bu-ston ii.164. 

66. See note 11 of this chapter. 

67. zur-bu. 

Ch. 25. Period of the King Cala and Others 


have to return with empty hands.’ 68 So he went far into the 

On the way he came across an old and blind brahmana 
being led by the son and he asked him, ‘Where are you going ?’ 

The brahmana said, T have heard about one called Sarva- 
jnamitra of *Nalendra who satisfies all the beggars. So I am 
going to him and beg.’ 

‘That person is none but myself. But I have come here, 
because all my wealth is exhausted.’ 

Hearing this, he (the brahmana) was afflicted with great 
sorrow. (Sarvajnamitra) felt boundless compassion for him. 

[ Fol 85 A ] There was a king called *Sarana. [?] passion- 
ately attached to the false views. Being a follower of the vicious 
acarya- s he wanted to purchase one hundred and eight men 
for offering them to sacrificial fire so that he could thereby 
suck all their longevity and power and thus attain liberation. 
He procured one hundred and seven persons and was searching 
for the remaining one. 

Hearing this the acarya decided to sell himself in order to 
help the brahmana and told him, ‘Do not. feel sad. I shall 
bring wealth for you.’ 

He went. to the city and asked, ‘Anybody here to purchase 
a man ?’ So the king purchased him and gave him gold equal 
in weight to that of the acarya’s own body. The acarya gave 
the gold to the brahmana , who felt happy and went away. 

When the acarya entered the royal prison, the others there 
said, ‘We could have perhaps been saved but for your coming. 
We are now going to be burned soon.’ Thus they were 
afflicted with grief. 

In the night a heap of wood — as huge as a hill — was piled 
up in a wide field and these hundred and eight persons were kept 
bound within it. The acarya- s with false views performed 
the ritual. When fire was set to the pile of woods the hundred 
and seven persons started wailing. This filled the acarya with 
boundless compassion and he earnestly prayed to arya Tara. 
The bhattarika appeared before them and a stream of nectar 

68. rkah-stoii, lit. ‘empty feet’. 



flowed from her hand. People saw nothing elsewhere excepting 
rains coining down in the shape of a yoke only on the burning 
woods. The fire was extinguished and the place became a 

[ Fol 85B ] The king felt amazed and worshipped the 
acarya with reverence. He released the persons with rewards. 
In spite of receiving great reverence from the king, he could 
not convert him (the king) to the right view and the true 
Doctrine was not spread. 

Thus a long time was spent. The acarya felt disheartened 
and prayed to bhattarikd arya Tara : ‘Please send me back 
to my birth-place.’ 

She said, ‘Catch hold of the corner of my clothes and shut 
your eyes.’ Immediately after he closed his eyes, she said, 
‘Open your eyes.’ On opening his eyes, he saw that he had 
reached a beautiful land decorated 69 with a magnificent palace, 
which he had never seen before. 

He asked, ‘Why did you bring me here instead of taking 
me to *Nalendra ?’ 

‘This is your birth-place.’ 

He stayed there and built a big temple for Tara. He 
preached the Doctrine extensively and led the people to bliss. 

He was a disciple of Suryagupta. 70 The maha-siddha 
*Dombi-heruka 71 and maha-siddha Vajraghanta 72 roughly be- 
longed to his period. Though they were contemporaries, some 
of them were a little earlier, some a little later. 

*Dombi-heruka attained siddhi about ten years after that 
of *Viru-pa. About ten years later Ghanta attained siddhi. 

*Sukhadeva, 73 son of a leading merchant and a disciple of 
acarya *Candragomi, belonged to this period. During his own 

69. brgyan-pa. The word does not occur in S-ed and hence S tr does not 
contain ‘decorated with’. 

70. V Ravigupta. 

71. For works of Dombi Heruka, see Supplementary Note 34. 

72. rdo-rje-ciril-bu. BA ii.754 mentions him as an early authority on 
Kalacakra. For works of Vajraghanta, see Supplementary Note 35. 

73. Tg contains a work (author not mentioned) with the title Sresthi- 
putra-sukhadeva-siddhi-Iabha-akhyana (mDo cxxiii.42). 

Ch. 25. Period of the King Cala and Others 


business transaction, he purchased from a tirthika a damaged 
image of the Buddha made of goslrsa-candana . 74 Princess 

♦Sankajati 75 was once seriously ill and the physicians said that 
goslrsa-candana was the only remedy for it. Since, however, 
that was not available, they gave up [the hope of curing her]. 
The merchant asked the king, ‘If I can cure her [ Foil 86A ] 
will you give her to me [in marriage] ?’ The king promised to 
do so. He then prepared a paste ofth e goslrsa-candana, anointed 
her body with it and also made her swallow it. This cured 
her and she was given to ’Sukhadeva. 

He (Sukhadeva) thought, ‘It is good that the disease is 
cured. But it is difficult to atone for the sin [of thus using the 
Buddha image]. * So he asked dcarya ’CandragomI about the 
way of atoning for the sin. He (Candragomi) gave him the 
upadesa of Avalokitesvara and led him to propitiate him. 
’Sukhadeva, son of the leading merchant, along with his wife 
attained siddhi after receiving the vision of the arya. 

The twentyfifth chapter containing the account 
of the period of kings Cala, Pancamasimha and others. 

74. tsana-dana-sa-mchog. D 1257 hari-candana . V & S go-slrsa-candana. 
cfLegge 38n ‘Gosirsa Candana or sandal-wood from Cow’s Head 
mountain, a species of copper-brown sandal-wood, said to be pro- 
duced most abundantly on a mountain of (the fabulous continent) 
Ullarakuru, north of mount Meru, which resembles in shape the head 
of a cow’. 

75. S Sahkhajati. 





After the death of king Cala, his younger brother Cala- 
dhruva 1 reigned for twenty years. He conquered most of the 
western regions. His son *Visnuraja also reigned for many 

When he (Visnuraja) was residing in *Palanagara 2 situated 
in *Hala in the west, five hundred ascetic brahmana- s like the 
great sages of the past lived in a hermitage. The king killed 
the birds and deer of the hermitage and diverting the course of 
the river destroyed the abodes of the rsi- s. By their curse, 
water gushed out from beneath his palace which drowned 
(? the palace). 

The king then ruling over the madhya-desa and most of the 
eastern region was Pradyota , 3 son of king Prasanna. His son 
was *Mahasyani (Mahasena 4 ). In the north ruled king 
Pradyota’s brother *Sakya-mahabala 5 , who lived in the city of 
*Haridvara but whose command extended up to Kashmir. 

*Vimalacandra, son of king *Balacandra 6 , ruled *Bhamgala, 
*Kamarupa [ Fol 86B ] and *Tirahuti — these three regions. 

Among these kings, Caladhruva and *Visnuraja looked after 
the kingdom peacefully and reigned in accordance with the 
Doctrine. Beyond this nothing more is known about their 
activities for the Law. The others extensively worshipped 
the Law. 

Pradyota and *Mahasyani (Mahasena) had special reverence 
/ / 

for Sri Dharmakirti . 7 King *Sakya-mahabala worshipped 

1. gyo-ba-br tan-pa. 

2. S-ed Balanagara, P-ed Palanagara. V & S Balanagara. 

3. gsal-ba. V & S Praditya, 

4. In the Table of Contents the Tibetan form of the name occurs as 

sde-chen, i.e. Mahasena. 

5. V & S Maha-sakyabala. 

6. S-ed Balacandra, P-ed Salaca Table of Contents — Balacandra. 

7. chos-kyi-grags-pa. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 


Vasumitra, 8 the great exponent of the Abhidharma. King 

*Vimalacandra worshipped *pandita *Amarasimha 9 and Ratna- 


kirti 10 as well as the Madhyamika Srigupta, 11 a disciple of 

Generally speaking, though during this period the Law of the 
Buddha was widely spread, yet compared to the time of ‘brothers 
Asanga 5 [i.e. Asanga and his brother] and of Dignaga, in all 
the eastern and southern regions the tirthika - s prospered and 
the Buddhists were going down. 

Now, during the time of king Pancamasimha, there lived 
two brothers 12 who were the acarya - s of the tirthika- s. One of 
them was called *Datta-trai (Dattatreya). He was specially 
in favour of samddhi. The second was *Sangaracarya 13 
(Samkaracarya), who propitiated *Mahadeva. He chanted 
spells on a jar placed behind a curtain. 14 From within the jar 
emerged *Mahadeva up to his neck and taught him the art 
of debate. 

In *Bhamgala he entered into debates. The elders among 
the bhiksu - s said, ‘It is . difficult to defeat him. So acarya 
Dharmapala 15 or *Candragomi or Candrakirti should be 
invited to contest in debate. 5 The younger *pandita-s did not 
listen to this and said, ‘The prestige of the local *pandita - s will 
go down if a debater is brought from somewhere else. 

[ FoS 87A ] We are more skilled than they are. 5 

Inflated with vanity, they entered into debate with 
*Sa,mkaracarya. In this the Buddhists were defeated and, as 

8. dbyig-gi-bses-giien. 

9. Apart from the Amarakosa (mDo cxvii.l), Tg contains Amarasimha- 
gitika (rG xlviii.12). 

10. rin-chen-grags. For works of Ratnaklrti, see Supplementary Note 36. 


11. dpal-sbas. Tg contains Tattvavatara-vrtti (mDo xxix.3) and Sri-ratna- 
manjari-nama-tlka (rG xx. 17) attributed to Srigupta. 

12. S-ed does not contain spun (brothers). 

13. Tar throughout gives the corrupt form Sahgaracarya. 

14. V tr 'covered with a lid’. 

15. V Dharmapalita. 




a result, everything belonging to the twentyfive centres of the 
Doctrine was lost to the tirthika- s and the centres were 
deserted. About five hundred upasaka- s had to enter the path 
of the tirthika- s. 

Similarly, in *Odivisa also *Samkaracarya’s brahmana dis- 
ciple *Bhatta Acarya did the same. The daughter of Brahma 
(Sarasvati) made him an expert in logic. Many debates between 
the insiders and outsiders took place there. 

There lived then an insider *pandita called *Kuli-sasrestha, 
highly skilled in grammar and logic. As before, he also 
arrogantly entered the debate by staking the [respective] creeds. 
The tirihika became victorious and destroyed many temples of 
the insiders. They robbed in particular the centres for the 
Doctrine and took away the deva-dasa- s (v/Tmra-slaves). During 
this latter incident, Dharmapala and the Candra bhattaraka- s 
(Candraklrti and Candragomi) were no longer alive. 

In the south, there were then two leading tirthika debaters, 
the famous brahmana **Kumaralila 16 and **Kanadaroru. 17 The 
latter was a follower of Mahadeva and an observer of the go- 
vrata , 18 In many debates in the south they defeated the disciples 
of Buddhapalita, Bhavya, Dharmad.asa, Dignaga 19 and others. 
Also, none belonging to the Sravaka samgha could face them 
in debate. As a result, there were many incidents of the 
property and followers 20 of the insiders being robbed by the 
tirthika brahmana-s. 

[ Fol 87B ] These incidents belonged to a period little later 
than the one we have been discussing. During this period, 
*Devasrama, 21 a disciple of acarya Dharmapala, composed 

16. V Kumarila. Tar throughout gives the name as gshon-nu-rol-pa, lit. 
'the sporting kumara' and argues that the correct Indian form should 
be Kumaralila and not Kumarila. 

17. gzegs-ma-sgra-sgrog. Ka nan a da ? 

18. ba-lah-gi-brtul. 

19. V omits Dignaga, but the text has phyogs-kyi-glaii-po. 

20. mha'- bans. S slaves. 

21. Could it be a corruption of Devasarman or Devasarma, one of the 
eight famous Madhyamika authors and commentators mentioned in 
the colophon of mDo xvii.6 ? 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmakirti 


the Madhyamaka commentary called the Bright White 22 with 
the idea of refuting Candralcirti. This acarya was victorious in 
debate with some of the tlrthika-s in the south. He converted 
king *Salavahana into a follower of the Law of the Buddha. 
He also built many caitya-s and temples and established a 
centre for the Doctrine. 

Siddha *Goraksa 23 belonged to the period of this king. 

I have not come across any detailed account of acarya 
*Amarasimha. Whatever little exists about it, is to be found 

It is said that Ratnakirti composed a commentary on the 
Madhyamaka-avatara. u Vasumitra also composed a com- 
mentary on the Abhidharmakosa . 25 He was the author of the 
work called Samaya-bheda-uparacana-cakra , 26 the main treatise 
on the eighteen sects. 

Before the time of maha-dcarya Vasubandhu , 27 all the 
eighteen sects were in tact. At the time of the early hostility 

22. dkar-po-rnam-par- char-ba. V & S Sitdbhyudaya. But no work with 
this title is traced in Tg. 

23. In Tg Vayutattva-bhavanopadesa (rG xlviii 51) is attributed to him. 
V n ‘According to the account of the 84 siddha- s, Goraksa or 
Anahgavajra was the son of king sa-skyoh (‘the protector of the 
land’, Gopala ?) in eastern India. As a punishment, his hands and 
feet were chopped off. But after attaining suldhi, he got these back. 
Even now, the sound of his damaru is sometimes heard.’ 

24. No such work is traced in Tg. 

25. V n ‘This work, too, is not there in Tg. But whatever is preserved in 
Chinese translation cannot belong to the present Vasumitra, because 
it is regarded as one of the seven principal Abhidharmas.’ 

26. mDo xc.ll. cf BA i.30. V n ' Samaya-bhedoparacana-cakra is the same 
as translated by me in the first volume of my work on Buddhism. But 
if the period under discussion, as we assume, is close to that of Yuan- 
chuang, who translated this work into Chinese, how could it be 
possible that in the Chinese language there are two still earlier tran- 
slations (of the same commentary on Abhidharmakosa ) ? It can, 
therefore, be considered that the author is making a mistake in taking 
the composer of the commentary on the Abhidharmakosa for the 
same person as Vasumitra who wrote about the sects — more so 
because we find one Vasumitra belonging to a much earlier period.’ 

27. dbyig-gnen. 



to the Law, some of the sects were weakened and impoverished. 
After that, because of controversies among them and because 
of misfortune and other reasons, the three sects of the 
Mahasanghikas called the Purvasaila, Aparasaila and the 
Haimavat became extinct. The two sects of the Sarvastivadins, 
namely the Kasyapiyas and the Vibhajyavadins became extinct. 
The three sects of the Sthaviravadins, namely the Maha- 
viharavasins, Sammitiyas and the Avantakas became extinct. 
Only the remaining sects thrived. 

[ Fo2 88A ] The practice of the Sravaka Law was indeed 
to degenerate (? according to prediction) after five hundred 
years. But there are still many who uphold the theoretical 
views of the Sravakas. 

According to some of the historians of the Doctrine, the 
downfall of the Sravakas took place shortly after the propaga- 
tion of the Mahayana. Though with the establishment of the 


Mahayana the influence of the Sravakas gradually decreased, 

it will be fanciful to think that during this period their number 

became insignificant. It is strange for one to write something 

for showing off knowledge to others without oneself possessing 

even little knowledge of the subject. 

/ _ 

Now about Sri Dharmakirti. 28 

According to all the earlier scholars, he was born in the 

kingdom of Cudamani 29 in the south. But no place with such 

a name is to be found these days. All the insiders and out- 

/ m 

siders know, well that the birth-place of Sri Dharmakirti was 
*Trimalaya. Therefore, this place must have been known as 
the kingdom of Cudamani in the older days. 

It is clear that he was born shortly after king Pancam a- 
simha and king Prasanna 30 and others ascended the throne. 
His father was a brahmana ■ tirthika parivrajaka called 

28. For works of Dharmakirti, see Supplementary Note 37. 

29. vgyal-dbah-gtsug-gi-nor-bu. Lit. Jinendra-cudamani. Bu-ston ii . 1 5 2 : 
"the southern kingdom of Cudamani.” 

30. gsal-ba. V & S Praditya. But S takes gsal-ba in the Table of 
Contents as Prasanna. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 


*Ro-ru-nanda. 31 Thus was he born as his son. 

Having a very sharp intellect, he thoroughly studied from 
his early childhood the fine arts, the Vedas with all their ahga-s, 
medicine, grammar and all the tirthika philosophies. Already 
at the age of sixteen or eighteen, he became a mature scholar 
of all the tirthika philosophies. When he was being highly 
praised by the brahmana- s, [ Fol 88B ] he studied some 
Buddhist scriptures and realised that his own preceptor was 
full of faults and his own sastra-s were repulsive. Finding the 
Buddha and the True Doctrine as opposed to these, he was 
full of reverence. He changed his dress into that of an upasaka 
of the insiders. 

On being asked by brahmana- s the reason for this, he 
praised the Buddha. So he was driven out of his place. From 
there he went to the madhya-desa, received ordination under 
dcdrya Dharmapala 32 and became a scholar of all the three 
pitaka- s. He learnt by heart the sutra- s and dhdrani- s, five 
hundred in all. 

He remained dissatisfied even after studying many works 
on logic. He listened to the Pramana-samuccaya from isvara- 
sena, 33 a disciple of Dignaga, and after listening to it only once, 
became equal to isvarasena. On listening to it for the second 
time, he became equal to Dignaga. On listening to it for the 
third time, he realised that even isvarasena was wrong and 
could not fully understand the real implications of Dignaga. 
Realising this, he enumerated all these [i.e. the short-comings in 
Isvarasena’s understanding] to the acarya himself (isvarasena). 
He (isvarasena) was delighted and said, ‘You have become 
equal to Dignaga. Compose a commentary on the Pramana- 
samuccaya, pointing out all the erroneous views.’ 

Thus he received the acarya’ s permission. After this, he 
received proper abhiseka also from the mantra-vajracarya-s. 
Propitiating the tutelary deity, he had the vision of Heruka. 

31. S-ed Ro-ru-nanda. P-ed Ro-nan-ndra. The former followed. 

32 chos-skyoh. Bu-ston ii. 152 does not mention the name of the acarya 
under whom he was ordained. 

33. dbah-phyag-sde. For a more elaborate account, see Bu-ston ii. 152. 



[Heruka] asked, ‘What do you desire ?’ 

‘I desire to have an all-round victory.’ 

[ Fol 89 A ] Heruka said, Ha , *ha, *hum ' and vanished. 

He then composed the eulogy called the Stava-dandaka. u 

According to some, the vajracarya of this acarya was 
*Darika. According to others, he was Vajraghanta. But 
the proper view seems to be of those who say that he was 
^Dingi , 35 that there exists a composition called the Sri-cakra- 
samvara-sadhana 36 by this acarya and that the Vajrasattva- 
sadhana, which is generally believed to have been composed by 
*Lu-yi-pa was also a composition of this acarya , 31 

He then wanted to learn the secret teachings of the tlrthika 
systems. In the disguise of a servant, he went to the south, 
enquired about the scholar of the tlrthika systems. [He was 
told about] the brahmana Kumaralila , 38 who, as a scholar of 
all the systems, was without any rival. 

gShon-nu-ma-len (i.e Kumarila) is either a wrong rendering 
into Tibetan of the name *Kumaralila or the translation of a 
wrong spelling of his name. 

He is also said 39 to have been a maternal uncle of Dharma- 
kirti. But nothing like this is known in India. Further, the 
story of tying a chord on the second toe of the wife of the 
brahmana while stealing the secret teachings of the systems 
is not known in India. Though it may appear as true, it is 
actually far from it. 

Kumaralila received from the king great power and he 
possessed excellent fields of *salu (sali) rice, a large number of 

34. Tg contains Sri-vajrad&kasya-stava-dandaka-nama (rG xii. 23) attribu- 
ted to Dharmakirti. 

35. V&STingi. 

36. See note 14 of ch. 23. 

37. Tg contains a number of works on Vajrasattva-sadhana by Lui-pa 
(rG xui.f), Kukkurl-pa (rG xxiii.22), acarya Candraklrti (rG 
xxxiii 18), guru Abhijna Vajrasana (rG xlviii.147), acarya Padma 
(rG lxxi.342) and acarya Harisimha (rG lxxxvi.29). 

38. gshon-nu-rol-pa. 

39. Tar seems to reject here the account given by Bu-ston ii.l 53. 


Ch, 26. Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 

cows and buffaloes, five hundred each of male and female 
servants and a large number of hired persons. This acarya 
(Dharmaklrti) did everything there, both indoor and outdoor, 
and by himself performed the work of fifty male and fifty 
female servants. 

[ Fol 89 B ] Kumaralila, along with his wife, was highly 
pleased with him. 

' ‘What do you desire ?’ 

T desire to listen to philosophy.’ 

Thus he began to listen to everything that Kumaralila 
preached to his disciples. But some of the secret teachings 
were not taught to anybody other than the son and the wife. 
He learnt these by pleasing the son and the wife with his 
efficient services to them. Thus he learnt all the secrets of 
philosophy. When there was nothing more for him to learn 
about the technique of refuting others, he even found out from 
the other disciples the appropriate fees for the lessons. He 
also calculated the amount needed as the fee for learning a new 

He thought that since the brahmana - s were greedy, it was 
improper for him not to offer any fee. He had with him five 
hundred silver *pana- s, which he had received as the salary for 
his services. He took seven thousand golden coins from a 
local yaksa. He offered the gold to Kumaralila and with the 
silver gave a grand feast to the brahmana-s. The same night 
he ran away. 

There was a palace in a big commercial centre called 
*Kakaguha. A king called *Drumaripu lived there. He 
(Dharmaklrti) put up a notice on its gate : ‘Does anybody 
want a debate ?’ 

The brahmana *Kanagupta, 40 a follower of Kanada’s view, 
and five hundred experts in the six systems of philosophy assem- 
bled there and argued with him for three months. He defeated 
all the five hundred of them one by one and converted them 
into the followers of the Buddha’s Law. He led the king to 

40. Both S-ed & P-ed Kanagupta. V & S Kanadagupta. 



order fifty wealthy brahmana- s among them to establish each 
a centre for the Doctrine of the insiders. 

[ Foil 90A ] As he came to know this, Kumaralila felt 
furious and himself came to argue accompanied by five hundred 
brahmana- s. He demanded of the king, ‘Should I be victo- 
rious, Dharmakirti is to be killed. If Dharmakirti be 
victorious, I should be killed.’ 

But the acarya said, ‘In case of Kumaralila’s victory, the 
king should himself decide whether to convert me into a 
tirthika or to kill me or ,to beat me or to bind me. But in 
case I win, he should not kill Kumaralila. Instead of that he 
[i.e. Kumarila] should be converted into a follower of the Law 
of the Buddha.’ 

Thus he staked the Law and the debate started. 

Kumaralila had five hundred theses [lit. vows] of his own. 
He refuted each of these with a hundred arguments. Then 
even Kumaralila started worshipping the insiders. The five 
hundred brahmana- s also realised that only the Law of the 
Buddha was correct. Thus they received ordination in the Law 
of the Buddha. 

He also defeated the nirgrantha *Rahuvrati, the mimamsaka 
*Bhrngaraguhya, the brahmana *Kumarananda, the tirthika 
leader of debate *Kanadaroru and all other rivals who lived 
in the Vindhyacala. 

He next went to *Dravali and, by ringing a bell, proclaimed : 
‘Is there anybody in this place capable of entering into a 
debate ?’ Most of the tirthika -s ran away while some admitted 
that they were not capable of it. He rebuilt there all the 
older centres of the Doctrine which had been damaged. He 
sat on meditation in a solitary forest. 

[ Fol 90B ] At that time, *Samkaracarya sent a message to 

I ' 

Sri *Nalendra announcing that he wanted to have a debate. 
They [the monks of Nalanda] postponed the debate to the next 
year and thus took time to invite Dharmakirti from the south. 

When it was time for the debate, king Pradyota 41 got 

41. rab-gsal. S Prasanna. V Praditya. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 


the Buddhists, the brahmana - s and other tlrthika - s to assemble 


in *Varanasl. On the eve of the debate between *Samkaracarya 
and Sri Dharmaklrti, *Samkara declared to the people in the 
presence of the king : ‘In case of our victory, we shall decide 
whether to drown him into the *Ganga or to convert him into 
a tlrthika. In case of his victory, 1 shall kill myself by 
jumping into the *Ganga.’ 

Saying this, he started the debate. Dharmaklrti defeated 


*Samkaracarya repeatedly. At last he was reduced to a 

position from where there was nothing more to say. When 

*Samkaracarya was about to jump into the *Gahga, the acarya 
tried to stop him. But he did not listen to this. He told his 
own disciple *Bhatta *Acarya, ‘Go on arguing and defeat this 
man with shaven head. Even if you do not win, I shall be 
reborn as your son and shall go on fighting him. 5 
Saying this he jumped into the *Ganga and died. 

He (Dharmaklrti) converted many of his (Samkara’s) dis- 
ciples into the followers of the Law of the Buddha, who by vow 
were parivrajaka brahmacaii-s. Others ran away. 

The next year he was born as a son of *Bhatta * Acarya. 
For three years *Bhatta * Acarya propitiated the god and 
for three more years pondered on the views of the insiders 
and on the arguments with which to refute these. On the 
seventh year, he entered into debate by staking his own 
creed as before. And *Bhatta *Acarya was completely 

[ Fol 91A ] In spite of the acarya (Dharmaklrti) trying to 

stop it, he paid no heed to it, jumped into the *Ganga and 

killed himself. Along with the other brahmana - s who were 

devoted to their own philosophies, his elder son 42 *Bhatta 
— / 

*Acarya the second, and [the son in the form of] *Samkara- 

carya reborn, fled far to the east. Five hundred horlest 

brahmana-s were ordained into the Law and another five 

hundred took refuge to the Three Jewels. 

42, thu-bo (elder). V & S younger. 




Now, there lived then a brahmana called Purna 43 in 
*Magadha and another brahmana called Purnabhadra 44 in 
Mathura. They were extremely powerful, enormously rich and 
highly proficient in logic. They received the blessings of their 
own deities like Sarasvatl and Visnu. These persons also 
entered into debate sooner or later, were defeated by the 
arguments of the acarya and were converted into Buddhists. 
Each of these two brahmana -s established fifty centres for the 
Doctrine of the insiders in *Magadha and Mathura. In this 
way, this (the acarya’s ) fame was spread all over the earth. 

Then he spent a long time in the forest called Rsi *Matanga 
near *Magadha and attained siddhi in many magic spells. 

There INed in the Vindhyacala the son of king Puspa 45 
called Utphullapuspa. 46 He ruled over thirty lakhs of villages 
and his wealth was comparable to that of the gods. While 
wandering about, the acarya at last reached the king’s palace. 
The king asked, ‘Who are you ?’ 

He replied, 

‘Who else can I be, who am victorious in all 
countries, — like Dignaga in wisdom, likeCandra- 
gomi in the purity of speech [ Fol 91 8 ] and 
skilled in prosody coming down from the 
poet Sura ?’ 47 

‘So, are you Dharmakirti ?’ 

‘Thus I am known in this world.’ 

This king also built many monasteries and Dharmakirti 
lived there. He composed his Seven Treatises on pramana. On 
the gate of the palace of the king he wrote : 

‘If Dharmakirti’s words, ever set like the sun, 

The Doctrine will either fall asleep or die 
And the false doctrine will replace it.’ 

After he propagated the Law of the Buddha for a long time, 
there was a congregation in that region of about ten thousand 

43. gah-ba. cf Bu-ston ii.117. 

44. gah-ba-bzah-po. cf Bu-ston ii.117. 

45. n.e-tog. 

46. me-tog-kun-tu-rgyas-pa. cf Bu-ston ii.!53f. 

47. cf Bu-ston ii.154. Obermiller translates the passage rather freely. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmakirti 


monks. He established about fifty 48 centres for the Doctrine. 
From there he went to the border-land 49 *Gujiratha. He 
converted many brahmana- s and tlrthika-s into the Law of the 
Buddha. He built a temple called *Gotapuri. 50 

There were many tlrthika-s in that country. They set fire 
to the cloister of the acarya and he was surrounded by flames. 
He then took resort to the tutelary deity, chanted the secret 
spell and flew through the sky to the royal palace of that 
country at a distance of about a yojana. Everybody felt 

What is now current as the stotra of the eighty siddha- s 61 
cannot be considered reliable. Still it is clear that the account 
of his flying through the sky after defeating his opponents etc 
is based on this. 


At that time *Samkaracarya reborn acquired a sharper 
intellect and a greater skill in debate than before. [ Fol 92A ] 
He had now the full vision of the god (Mahadeva) on the jar. 
At the age of fifteen or sixteen he came to *Varanasi with the 
desire of entering into a debate with Sri Dharmakirti. He 
made king *Mahasyani (? Mahasena) to proclaim this in all 
directions by ringing the bell. So the acarya was invited 
from the south. Five thousand brahmana- s, along with the king, 
gathered there in a big assembly. As before, staking their 
respective creeds, they entered into the debate and, being 
miserably defeated, he (Samkara) killed himself as before by 
jumping into the *Ganga in spite of attempts being made 
to prevent this. 

Their own doctrine being thus properly refuted, many brah- 
mana- s took up ordination and many others became upasaka-s. 

From Kashmir came three great brahmana acarya- s called 
*Vidyasimha, 52 *Devavidyakara and *Devasimha. They approa- 

48. lha-bcu (fifty). V ‘five hundred’. S fifty. 

49. mthd’-khob. V & S border-land. 

50. S n ‘Can it be Gaudapurl or Gaudapura ?’ 

51. grub-thob-brgyad-bcu'i-bstod-pa. But Tg contains Caturasiti-siddha- 
pravrtti (rG lxxxvi.l) by Abhayasri of Camparan. 

52. Is the name reminiscent of Deva-vidya-simha, the teacher of Thon- 
mi-sambhota ? — see A. Chattopadhyaya AT 202ff, 



ched Sri Dharmakirti and raised many honest doubts about the 
philosophy 53 (of the Buddhists). Dharmakirti also pointed to 
them the correct solutions. They were full of reverence for the 
insiders and took resort to sarana-gamana and panca-siksa. They 
listened to the philosophy and specially studied the Seven 
Treatises on pramana until they became great scholars. 

They went back to Kashmir in the north and extensively 
propagated Dharmakirti’s system of logic. It is said that the 
second one of them lived for a long time in *Varanasi. 

He (Dharmakirti) went again to the south and removed by 
his arguments the obstacles because of which in certain areas 
the Law of the Buddha could not be spread or had become dege- 
nerated. [ Fol 92B ] He converted the kings, ministers and others 
into the followers of the Doctrine and led them to establish 
innumerable samgha - s and centres for the Doctrine. 

The number of temples built by the acarya himself was 
about a hundred, while the number of those built by others 
under his inspiration could not be counted. It is said that 
the total number of the bhiksu-s and upasaka-s who, inspired 
by this acarya , became the followers of the Law of the 
Buddha reached one lakh. But this number is mostly of 
those for whom he directly acted as the upadhyaya or 
acarya. As a matter of fact, the whole world was full of his 
disciples related to him through his teachings. Yet it is said 
that the number of his personal attendants never exceeded 


Towards the end of his life the same *Samkaracarya was 
born again as the son of *Bhatta *Acarya the second 54 and in 
intelligence became stronger than before. His god (Mahadeva) 
appeared before him in person and gave him lessons. Some- 
times he (Mahadeva) even merged into his body and taught 
him some hitherto unknown arguments. At the age of twelve, 

53. V tr ‘frankly raised many objections to Dharmakirti’. S tr ‘laid before 
him with sharp intellect many controversial points of their systems’. 

54. S tr 'as the younger son of the same Bhatta Acarya’. V tr 'as the son 
of the last (junior ?) Bhadra Acarya’. V n 'Here he is called Bhadra 
and not Bhatta’. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 


he wanted to enter into a debate with Sri Dharmaklrti. The 
brahmana - s told him, ‘It is better for the time being to debate 
with others, whom you are sure to defeat. But it is hard to 
defeat Dharmaklrti. 5 

He said, ‘Without defeating him there can be no real fame 
in debate. 5 

Saying this, he went to the south and started debate with 
this agreement that the defeated one had to accept the other’s 

r m < 

creed. Sri Dharmaklrti became victorious and converted him 
into a follower of the Law of the Buddha. 

It is said that in the south, he (Samkara) used to worship 
the Law of the Buddha as a brahmana [ FoS 93A ] following 
the practices of an upasaka. The temple built 55 by him still 

At last he (Dharmaklrti) built a temple in HCalinga, conver- 
ted many persons to the Doctrine and passed away. His body 
was carried to the crematorium by holy persons 56 and, when it 
was burnt, there came a profuse shower of flowers. Fragrance 
and sweet sound of music persisted all around for seven days. 
His relics assumed the form of a crystal ball and there was no 
sign of any bone left. Even now, periodic festivals are observed 
in honour of it. 

It is said that this acarya was a contemporary of the Tibetan 
king Sron-btsan-sgam-po. 57 This is clearly true. 

According to the Tibetan account, at the time of his com- 
position of the Seven Treatises, he was so deeply engrossed 
in the subject-matter of these that even when *tilcta (bitter) was 
put into the curry, he could not detect it. After he finished 
composing the treatises, on being enquired about it by the king, 
he said, ‘Oh king, if there is anybody condemned to death by 
you, get him dressed up in white clothes and give him a pot full 

55. S n quoted by V ‘cf Lassen iv. 618ff and Breal in Journal Asiatique 
1862, pp 497ff\ 

56. tshahs-pa-mtslums-par-spyod-pa. V & S ‘who in- their conduct were 
comparable to Brahma himself’. But see D 1021 & J 545. 

57. cf A. Chattopadhyaya AT 180ff : born in A.D. 569 (according to 
another tradition in A.D. 629). 



of oil and a half-burnt stick. Tell him that even if a drop of oil 
is spilled from it or if (the stick) touches (his cloth and thus it 
gets smeared by the charcoal), he would be immediately killed. 
Keep somebody with a brandished sword just behind him. 
Now, if you ask him to go round the palace once and in various 
places of the palace you arrange for musical and other perfor- 
mances, and (after he completes his round) if you question him, 
he will not be able to tell you that there was any song, dance, 
musical instrument, etc.The reason for this is that he was fully 
engrossed in one thought (i.e. about his own life).’ 

This (Tibetan account) has the appearance of being convin- 
cing from the point of view of the following verse of the [Bodhi-] 
caryavatara 58 : Tf a pot full of mustard oil be given...’ 
[ Fol 93B ] Still this account cannot be really true. The 
composition of the Seven Treatises was the result of his free 
choice, and, in the prsence of his disciples, these were composed 
in the monastery. Why should he write these in one corner 
of the palace, like the clerk writing the royal decree ? It is 
well-known that his intellect was so clear that he could answer 
ten opponents at a time. How could he be differentiated from 
the fools if, while concentrating on the subject-matter of his 
works, he failed to observe anything else ? 

Further, the following story 59 also is palpably wrong. 
After composing the Seven Treatises (according to the story) 
he distributed these to the *pandita- s. Most of them failed 
to understand these. Only a few who understood felt jealous, 
said that these were not good enough and tied these to the 
tail of a dog. (Dharmaldrti) said, ‘As the dogs move about 
in all sorts of roads, so will my work spread everywhere.’ 
And he added one sloka at the beginning of the work : ‘Most 
of the people are fond of the banal...’ 

After this, he carefully explained the Seven Treatises to 

58. Bodhicaryavatara vii.70 (Bib. Ind. ed. p. 133) 

tailapatradharo yadvadasihastairadhisthitah / 
skhc'.ite maranatrasattatparah syattathd vrati // 

59. This story strongly doubted by Tar is found in Bu-ston ii . 1 54. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmaldrti 


cicarya Devendrabuddhi 60 and *Sakyabuddhi 61 and asked 
Devendrabuddhi to complete the remaining portion of his 
auto-commentary. He (Devendrabuddhi) composed it for the 
first time and showed it to him. He (Dharmaldrti) washed it 
with water. When he composed it over again, he burnt it in fire. 
Again, he composed it and added, ‘It is mainly my misfortune. 
Time is running out. I have briefly composed this panjika 
for the sake of (my) practice . 5 When he offered it (to Dhar- 
makirti, the latter said), ‘From the point of view of the style, 
the use of words and of the deeper significance, it is still 
incomplete. But, as explaining the literal meaning, it is on 
the whole satisfactory, 5 — and allowed it to remain. 

[ FoS 94A ] (Dharmaldrti) thought : ‘Nobody in the future 
will understand my logic . 5 So at the end of the commentary 
he added the verse : ‘Like the rivers merging into the ocean, 
it will disappear in my own self .’ 62 

According to some others, Devendrabuddhi’s disciple was 
*Sakyabuddhi and that the latter composed a gloss on it. 


And this is correct. It is said that his (Sakyabuddhi’s) 
disciple was Prabhabuddhi . 63 According to others, *Yamari 64 

60. lha-dbah-blo. In Tg 2-4 parivarta of Pramanavartika-vrtti (mDo 
xcv.18) is attributed to Devendrabuddhi ; this portion also occurs as 
a Separate work as mDo xcvi. 

61. Apart from this work on the Pramanavartika (mDo xcvii & xcviii), in 
Tg are attributed to Salcyabuddhi Arya-gayasirsasutra-misraka- 
vyakhya (mDo xxxiv.13) and Arya-dasabhumi-sutra-nidana-bhdsya 
(mDo xxxvii.2). 

62. cf Bu-ston ii.155 ; Stcherbatsky BL i.36. 

63. ‘od-kyi-blo cf Bu-ston ii.155: 'The pupil of Devendrabuddhi was 
Sakyabuddhi, who composed a sub-commentary. It is said that the 
pupil of this latter teacher was Prabhabuddhi. Some say that Yamari 
was a pupil of Dharmakirti himself, that ( the author of ) the 
Pramanavartika-alamkara obtained instructions from the dead-body 
(of Dharmakirti), that the pupil (of this author) was Vinitadeva and 
the pupil of the latter Dharmottara. But in the commentary it is said 
that Dharmottara was the pupil of Dharmakaradatta and Kalyana- 
raksita. Yamari has composed a sub-commentary on the Pramana- 
vartika-alamkara. Vinitadeva and Samkarananda have written 
commentaries on the Seven Treatises. So runs the tradition’. 

64. Tg contains Pramanavartika-alamkara-tika-suparisuddha-nama (mDo 



was the direct disciple of Dharmakirti. Alamkara-upadhyaya 65 
is also mentioned as his direct disciple. To agree to this, one has 
to admit that he received the precepts . from the dead-body (of 
the acarya), and so on. All these are chronologically baseless. 

Further, (it is improper) to say that Dharmakirti beat the 
victory-drum seventeen times, because it was not the custom 
of the vow-holding insiders to beat the victory-drum. It is 
said that a nirgrantha with a spear in his hand came for a 
debate and declared : ‘He who will be defeated in the debate 
will be killed with this spear. 5 Dharmakirti did not himself 
argue with him and he was defeated by Devendrabuddhi. How- 
ever, it is improper for a nirgrantha to have the desire of 
subduing the' opponent in a way which goes against his 
principles. Such an incident is absolutely unknown to the 
scholars and it shows only poverty of the knowledge of history. 
Therefore, it is fictitious. 

Similarly, it is said that, among the Six Jewels the three — 
namely Nagarjuna, Asanga and Dignaga — were the composers of 
original treatises, while the other three — namely Aryadeva, Vasu- 
bandhu and Dharmakirti — were the composers of com- 
mentaries. They are called the Six Jewels, because all of them 
added equal glory to the Law in ways appropriate for their 
own times. 


The brahmana Samkarananda 06 belonged to a much later 
period [ Fol 94B ] and as such it is a gross error to write that he 
was a direct disciple of Dharmakirti. The siddha yogi - s of the 

civ.2-cvii) attributed to sri pandtia Yamari, Apart from this enor- 
mous treatise on logic, Tg also contains his Devi-vasudhara-stotra 
(rG lxxii.48). 

65. i.e. f*rajnakaragupta — see Fol 113B. Tg contains Pramanavartika- 
alamkara (mDo xcix-c) by mahacarya Prajnakaragupta, alias Alam- 
kara-upadhyaya, a disciple of both brahmana Samkarananda and 


66. bde-byed-dga'-ba, alias Samkaramudita. Tg contains his Pramana- 
vartika-tlka (mDo ciii), Samvandha-pariksanusara (mDo cxii.2), 
Apohasiddlh (mDo cxii.22) and Pratibandha-siddhi (mDo cxii.2 1 ). 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmakxrti 


period were maha-acarya *Lva-va-pa , 67 the middle *Indra- 
bhiiti , 68 *Kuku-raja , 69 acarya Saroruha-vajra , 70 *Lalita-vajra 71 

67. S-ed Va-va-pa. Vn : ‘Va-va-pa is also called Kambala, Kambhall and 
SrI-prabhada. S thinks that the word va-va-pa has been wrongly 
formed from Lva-va-pa or La-va-pa. According to the account of 
the 84 siddha- s, he first reigned in Kah-karova, then after leaving the 
throne and propitiating Maha-mudra, he set off for Urgyana in the 
kingdom of Malapurl. There in the province of Karavira, he settled 
himself in Sanava desert in Tala (Puk-tse ?) cave, carrying with him 
black va-va, which was gobbled up by some witches. He captured all 
the witches and shaved their heads. When the spirits wanted to 
throw a rock at him, he raised his finger and the rock remained 
suspended in the air.’ For works of KambaJa-pa or Lva-va-pa, see 
Supplementary Note 38. 

68. alias Indranala or brgya-byin-sdoii-po. The adjective ‘middle’ ( bar-ba ) 

is apparently peculiar. Indrabhuti, the famous king of Oddlyana, is 
usually mentioned as a contemporary of Lva-va-pa— see BA i.362 & 
Tar Fol 95Bf. However, BA i. 359: ‘The adepts of the (Guhya-) samaja- 
-tantra agree that the Guhya-samdja-tantra had been preached by the 
Munlndra himself, following a request of Indrabhuti, the great king 
of Oddlyana, at the time when the Buddha Tiad manifested himself in 
Oddlyana and initiated (the king).’ The lineage mentioned is : Indra- 
bhuti — Naga-yoginI — Visukalpa — malia-brahmana Saraha — acarya 

Nagarjuna — Sakyamitra— Aryadeva, Nagabodhi, Candraklrti, etc. 
Do we have a reference hereto some tradition according to which there 
was an early Indrabhuti, a contemporary of the Buddha ? Assuming 
this, Indrabhuti, the contemporary of Lva-va-pa was a later one. For 
works attributed to Indrabhuti, see Supplementary Note 39. 

69. P-ed Ku-ku-raja. S-ed Kukura-raja. V n : ‘In the account of the 84 
siddha- s there is one Kukuri-pa, who was a brahmana in Kapila- 
bhargu (?). [R. Sankrityayana reads Kapila(-vastu) : Puratattva- 
nivandhavall p. 150] kingdom.’ For works attributed to Kukuri-pa, 
see Supplementary Note 40. 

70. mtsho-skyes-rdo-rje. S ‘Louts-vajra’. V n : ‘According to the account 
of the 84 siddha-s, mtsho-skyes-rdo-rje is called Sagha and was the 
elder son of king Indrabhuti in Ganja kingdom. Renouncing the 
throne, he left for SrI-dhana, where he was attended by Yogi (?) 
Rama, who later settled in Devagiri.’ For works attributed to 
Saroruha-vajra or Padma-vajra, see Supplementary Note 41. 

71. For works attributed to Lalitavajra, see Supplementary Note 42. 




and others. Roughly speaking, they were contemporaries. 
There were many bearing the name *Padma-vajra. Padma 72 
of this period was the middle one. The word mtsho-skyes 
(literally, the lake-born) has many (Indian) equivalents. Here 
this should be taken as *Saroruha . 73 

Among them, acarya *Kuku-raja , 74 ‘the king of dogs’, was 
very famous. In some histories, his name occurs as HCuta- 
raja . 75 He was most famous among the older yogl-s. During 
the day he used to preach the Doctrine in the guise of a dog to 
a thousand nra- s and yoginls. In the night, he used to go to 
the crematorium and with them observe the esoteric rites like 
gana-cakra . After practising this for twelve years, he ultimately 
attained the maha-mudra-siddhi. He expounded five esoteric 
Tantras 78 and many yoga Tantras. It is said that he attained 
siddhi by the Guhya-candra-tilaka-tantraJ 7 

Now about acarya *Lalita-vajra. He was a ^pandita of 
^Nalendra. He followed the Vairocana-mdynjdla-tantra 78 and 
took resort to drya Manjusri as his tutelary deity. He asked 
his own preceptor., ‘What is bhairava-sadhan’a etc as belonging 
to the Vajra-bhairava ?’ 79 Thus asked, he (the preceptor) said, 
‘All these do not exist in the human realm. So I do not know 
these. You should propitiate your tutelary deity for knowing 

[ Fol 95 A ] He earnestly propitiated drya Manjusri and, 
after about twenty years, received the vision and the blessings of 

72. mtsho-skyes. 

73. V tr ‘Though there were many mtsho-skyes-rdo-rje, the one referred 
to here is the middle one and of the many words corresponding to 
(the Tibetan word) mtsho-skyes (born of the lake i.e. lotus), here this 
should be taken as Saroruha.’ 

74. V & S Kukura-raja, which occurs in S-ed. 

75. i.e. kutta-raja. 

76. nah-rgyud-sde, which may be translated as 'tantra-s of the insiders’. 
S tr ‘five chapters of the Buddhist Tantras’. V tr ‘he extensively 
preached Buddhist Tantras and Yoga Tantras.’ 

77. Sri-candra-guhya-tilaka-nama-mahd-tantra-rdja— Kg Sendai 477 

78. rnam-par-snah-mdsad-sgyu-phrul-dra-ba'i-rgyud, 

79. V tr ‘What are the tantras of Vajrabhairava, Bhairava'and others ?’ 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 


the Tantra. He also attained a number of sadharana-siddhi- s. 
(Manjusri) instructed him : ‘Bring the Yamari Tantra from 
the Dharma-gahja 80 of *Urgyana.’ 81 So he went to *Urgyana 
and had a contest of (magic) power with a number of tirthika 
yogiin-s 82 there. He fell unconscious by their magic stare. Receiv- 
ing back his consciousness, he prayed to the Vajra-yoginl-s. 
He received the vision of Vajra-vetala, who conferred on him 
the abhiselca of the Yamari-mandala. He then meditated 
on the sampanna-krama of four yoga- s for two and a half 
months 83 and attained the maha-siddhi. As a mark of this, he 
subdued a wild and violent buffalo, attracted it towards 
himself and rode on it. He also practised the Vidya-vrata. 
He then wanted to take from the ^Dharma-gahja of *U rgyana 
the Yamari and other Tantras for the welfare of all future 
living beings. The dakini- s said, ‘You can take as much as 
you can commit to memory in seven days.’ He prayed to his 
tutelary deity and committed to memory the Krsna-yamari- 
tantra, which was the body-speech-mind of all the Tathagatas, 84 
the Tri-kalpa, 85 the Sapta-kalpa 86 and many other fragmentary 
dharani- s and longer Kalpa-kramas. And he extensively propa- 
gated these in the Jambudvipa. 

[ Fol 95 B ] In the land of the petty tirthika feudatory 
chief *Naravarma in the west, he had a contest of magic-power 
with the tirthika- s. Some of the leading tirthika- s swallowed 
a drona (measure) of poison each. The acarya swallowed a 
quantity of poison which could be carried by ten men. He 
next swallowed two wine-jars of quicksilver. Still he remained 
unaffected. This king was full of reverence. He entered the 
path of the insiders and built a temple for Mahjughosa. 

In the city of *Hastinapura he destroyed one day a group 

80. chos-kyi-mclsod. V ’(from the library of) Dharmaganja’. 

81. S Udyana. 

82. P-ed rnal-'byor-pa. S-ed rnal-'byor-ma. Hence S tr ‘yogim- s’. 

83. phyed-dah-gsum. S tr ‘after the third half month’. 

84. Sarva-tathagata-kaya-vak-citta-k r sna-yamari-nama-tantra. 

85. rG lxxxi.1 1-1 3— collectively called Kalpatraya. 

86. Tg Sapta-kalpa-vrtti (rG lxxxi.14) attributed to Lalitavajra. 



of tirthika tantrika-s by turning the Yamari-cakra. In *Bagala 87 
—in a part of *Varendra in the east — suiaga called *Vikridawas 
causing much damage to the insiders. He subdued him too 
with a homa. Immediately, the lake in which the naga dwelled 
dried up. Thus he subdued thousands of tirthika- s and Para- 
sikas 88 etc who were hostile to the Law. He also subdued 
about five hundred wicked sub-human beings with abhicara 
and thus caused welfare to the living beings. At last he 
attained the rainbow-body. 

His disciple *Lilavajra committed to writing the works of 
the acarya. But the Yamantakodaya and the Santi-krodha 
vikndita etc were composed by Lilavajra the great. 

There are many anecdotes about contests in magic of *Lva- 
va-pa, *Lalitavajra, *Indrabhuti and others. After attaining 
siddhi both *Lva-va-pa and *Lalitavajra went towards *Urg- 
yana in the west. Theire was an impassable hill called 
*Murundaka. These two acarya- s discussed among themselves : 
‘With whose rddhi can we cross over it ?’ 

[ Fol 96A ] *Lalitavajra said, ‘This time let us cross it 
with my rddhi. On our way back, it will be done with your 
rddhi. ’ 

Then *Lalitavajra himself assumed the form of Yamari and, 
with the sword — the ayudha of Yamari — pierced the hill from 
the peak to the foot. Thus was opened a very narrow path. 
After they moved through it, the hill became as it was before. 

*Indrabhuti was then attaining the sadharana-siddhi in 
*Urgyana. As he came to know that a siddhacarya called 
*Lalitavajra had just arrived, the king moved forward with 
the people to welcome him. Since it was necessary to massage 
each foot of the acarya with two hands, he (Indrabhuti) started 
massaging with four hands. Then the acarya created four 
legs of his own. The king had eight hands. The acarya 
produced eight (legs). The king (produced) sixteen (hands), 
the acarya (produced) sixteen (legs). The king had no power 

87. Y & S Bagla, which occurs in S-ed. P-ed Bagala. 

88. stag-gzig. D 548 a corruption of the name Tajik, by which Persia and 

Persians are known to Tibetans. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmaklrti 


beyond creating sixteen hands like the gods . 89 So he started 
massaging (one leg) with one hand each. The acarya eventually 
created one hundred legs. Thus was smashed the pride of the 
king . 90 

On their way back towards the east, the two acarya- s *Lva- 
va-pa and *Lalita stopped for one night again in front of the 
*Murundaka hill. *La-va-pa said, ‘The hill is very high. We 
shall have to cross it tomorrow early morning.’ A little after 
midnight, *Lva-va-pa made the hill vanish with his power 
of samadhi and the two moved easily as over a flat ground. 
In the early morning, *Lalitavajra looked back and found that 
they had already crossed the hill. It is said that this astonished 
him much [ Fol 96B ] and he bowed down to the feet of 

According to the account widely current in the arya-desa, 
the foremost yogi *Viru-pa meditated on the path of Yamari 
and attained siddhi under the blessings of Vajra-varahi. He 
became as great a yogi as Yamari himself. And hence he 
could indeed preach all the Tantras. But it was the practice 
of the siddha- s to preach according to the capacity of the 
disciples. So he brought the Rakta-yamari-t antra 91 according 
to the prediction of bhagavan himself. He wrote down the 
sadhana and the upadesa 92 (on it). His disciple *Dombi *Heruka 
brought the *Kurukulla-kalpa and the *Aralli-tantra . 93 By 

89. V & S tr 'As he had a vision of a sixteen-handed god only, the 
king could not bring forth any more’. 

90. V n : ‘According to the account of the 84 siddha-s, Urgyana had about 
500,000 towns and was divided into two portions : in one, called 
Sambhala, reigned Indrabhuti, and in the other called LankapurT, 
reigned Jalendra, whose son was married to Indrabhuti’s sister 
Laksmlhkara, who had become a sorceress. After this, Indrabhuti 
himself passed on the throne to his son and in 12 years attained 
mahci-siddhi. After having preached the Doctrine, he went to heaven.’ 

91. bcom-ldan-das. J 147 & D 329 an usual epithet of the Buddha. 

92. Tg contains Rakta-yamart-sadhana (rG xlii.96) and Rakta-yaman- 
taka-sadhcma (rG xliii.97) attributed to Viru-pa, 

93. V n : ‘In Kg vol ha there are two Arali Tantras (Vajra-arali and 
Rigi-arali Tantras).’ 



his abhijnana, he learnt the real significance of the Tantras, 
discussed with the jnana-dakim- s, understood the essence of 
the Hevajra-tantra 94 and composed many sastra- s like the 
Nairatma-devi-sadhana 95 and the Sahaja-siddhi . 96 He also con- 
ferred abhiseka on his own disciples. 

After this, the two acarya- s *Lva-va-pa and Saroruha 
brought the Hevajra-tantra. *Lva-va-pa composed a sastra 
called the * Svasamveda-prakrta, having sampanna-krama as its 
main subject-matter. Saroruha composed among others the 
sastra on the utpanna-krama-sadhana. Siddha Saroruha was 
the first to bring the Hevajra-pitr-sadhana. 


I have not read or heard any clear account of SrI-gupta, 
the Madhyamika mahacarya of the east. 

At the time there lived in the south *Kamalagomi, a siddha 
of Avalokitesvara. In a monastery in the south, there was 
then a monk, who was an expert in the three pitaka-s [ Fol 97A] 
and who meditated on the Mahayana. Upasaka *Kamalagomi 
was his attendant. This *Kamalagomi was previously not a 
follower of the Law and he was not even aware of karma. In 
front of the gate of a monastery he found a silver-plate with 
something written on it. He gladly picked it up and misused 
it by way of offering it to some local harlots. 

Now, the acarya bhiksu whom he served used to have his 
meal early and to keep himself shut within the cell till the 
evening. Once this upasaka asked him, ‘Why do you keep 
yourself thus shut from the morning to the evening ?’ 

‘Oh son, what is the use of your asking this ?’ 

‘I want to follow the acarya’ s practice and meditate on 
the same.’ 

‘Oh son, I practise nothing special. I simply go to the 

94. Hevajra-tantra-rdja-nama. . 

95. In Tg Nairatma-yoginl-sadhana (rG xxii. 17) is attributed to Dombi 
Heruka. There are four more works on Nairatma-sadhana (lxx.156 ; 
157; lxxi.88 ; 336) whose author is not mentioned. rG xxii. 23 is 

' attributed to Krsna-pandita. 

96. Tg contains Sri-sahaja-siddhi-ndma (rG xlvi.8) attributed to Dombi 
Heruka, See also Supplementary Note 34. 

Ch. 26. Period of Sri Dharmakirti 


*Potala hill to listen to the Doctrine from arya Avalokitesvara 
and I open the door after coming back.’ 

‘Please take me along with you.’ 

Being thus prayed, (the acarya ) said, ‘I should better ask 
the arya about this.’ 

The next day, the acarya came back and was asked (by the 
attendant about what had happened). The acarya was mildly 
annoyed and said, ‘Oh son, you have made me a messenger for a 
sinner !’ The attendant asked, ‘Why ?’ The acarya said, ‘When 
I spoke to the arya about you, the arya asked me not to carry 
any message from a sinner. You have ruined the copy of the 
Arya-prajna-paramita inscribed on a silver-plate. So you will not 
have the good fortune to go to ^Potala.’ 

Thus told, he realised that this was the silver-plate he had 
found earlier. Afraid of his own sin, [ Fol 97 B ] he said, ‘Oh 
acarya, please find out from the arya how to atone for this 

The, next day, he ( acarya ) asked the arya about it. 
Avalokitesvara gave him a sadhana of very deep significance. 
The acarya gave it to the upasaka, who sat in a solitary 
forest and entered the sadhana with intense concentration. 
About twelve years passed by. Then a crow brought a 
lump of rice for eating it on the branch of a tree. It fell in front 
of *KamalagomI. During the last twelve years, he had no 
cooked food to eat. So he felt like eating it and hence had a 
strong desire of eating rice. 97 Accordingly he went out for 
begging in the city. Unfortunately, however, he received 
nothing for a few days. At last he received a little quantity (of 
rice) and proceeded to the forest, carrying it in an earthen pot. 
On examination, he realised that the mind of one desirous of 
eating rice was actually nature-less ( svabhava-hina ). Then he 
clearly understood sunyata and saw before him arya Avalokite- 
svara along with his retinue sitting with a halo round him. He 
immediately threw the pot of rice on the ground and this made 

97. S-ed zos-pa (ate). P-ed mos-pa (desired to eat). S tr ‘So he had a 
strong desire to eat and he ate it up. Upon this a strong desire for rice 
grew in him.’ 



the earth shake. A piece of this broken pot fell on the head 
of the naga king Vasuki 98 , who examined it and found out how 
this happened. The daughter of the naga king Vasuki, along 
with her five hundred attendants, came there to worship with 
nine items of delicious food. But as he had given up the desire 
of eating rice, he turned his back at these. 

To convert the naga- s, he went later to the realm of the 
naga- s. He also worked extensively in the human realm 
for causing welfare to all the living beings. At last, he went 
to *Potala. 

The twentysixth chapter containing the 
account of the period of Sri Dharmaklrti. 

98. kliC i-rgyal-po-nor-rgyas. 

Ch. 27. Period of King Gobicandra and Others 




[ Foi 98A ] Now, even after the death of *Visnuraja, the 
old dynastic line of the *Malavas continued without interrup- 

*Bharthari x was then the king. A sister of this king was 
married to *Vimalacandra and king *Govicandra 2 was born of 
the union. He (Gobicandra) either ascended the throne or 
was about to ascend it at about the time of Dharmakirti’s 
passing away. These two kings were converted by siddha 
*Jalandhari-pa 3 and acarya Krsnacarya. 4 But the account of 
this is to be found elsewhere. 

There lived also at that time siddha *Tanti-pa 5 . In the city 
of *Arvanti 6 [? Avanti] in *Malava, there was a weaver family 
which for a long time maintained itself by this profession. 
He (Tanti-pa of this family) had many sons and grandsons so 
that the weaver family became a large one. As he grew old and 
became incapable of working, he was maintained by turn in 
the houses of his sons. He ultimately became an object of 
ridicule for all. The sons told him, ‘Do not worry for your 
livelihood and stay in a solitary place.’ A hut was built for him 
in a corner of the garden of his eldest son and he lived there. 

1. S n quoted by V : ‘Is it not a corruption of Bhartrhari ?’ 

2. S n quoted by V : ‘cf Lassen iii.860, Gobicandra’. 

3. For works attributed to Jalandhari-pa, see Supplementary Note 43. 

4. nag-po-spyocl-pa-pa. V & S Krsnacarin. cf Bu-ston ii.120 ; BA ii.754. 
For works attributed to nag-po-spyod-pa-pa, Kahnapada, Krsnapada, 
Krsnacarya, Krsnapandita, Kanha-pa, nag-po(’i)-sbabs, etc, see 
Supplementary Note 44. 

5. Tg contains Caturyoga-bhavana-nama (rG xlviii.54) attributed to 
acarya Tantipada. 

6. S n ‘surely AvantP. V quotes this note. 




His sons used to send him the daily food by turn from their 
own houses. 

Siddha *Jalandhari-pa once arrived there in the guise of 
a simple yogi and asked for the night’s shelter from the eldest 
son of the weaver, who honoured him with a little gift and sent 
him to the garden. After the lamp was lighted in the evening, 
the old man noticed a guest there. In the early morning, he 
asked, ‘Who is there ?’ 

‘I am a travelling yogi. [ Fol 98 B ] But who are you ?’ 

‘I am the father of these weavers. I am kept concealed 
here, for I have grown too old to be presented before others. 
You yogi - s are distinguished for mental purity. Kindly bless me. 5 

The acarya found him worthy of blessings and immediately 
he drew the miraculous mandala , conferred on him the 
abhiseka, gave him some instruction of profound significance 
and went away. The old man meditated intensely following 
the preceptor’s instruction and, after a few years, bhattarika 
Vajrayogin! appeared before him in person. When she put her 
hand on his head, he immediately attained the Mahamudra- 

For sometime, however, he kept this as a secret. 

His eldest son had once a number of guests, who kept him 
so busy that he forgot to send food to the father. Late in the 
evening, he remembered this and sent a maid with the food. She 
heard the sound of songs and music and she came to know that 
it was coming from the hut. She peeped through the door, 
saw the body of the old man radiating lustre and twelve gods 
and goddesses worshipping him with offerings. It is said that 
they vanished immediately after the door was opened. 

Thus it was known that he had attained siddhi. But on 
being questioned about it, he did not admit of anything and 
only said that by the blessings of a yogi he had regained some 
strength of the body. 

So he started again the work of the weaver, singing all the 
time. He met Krsnacarya during this time. But the account 
of this is to be found elsewhere. 

Once -upon a time, the people of that country were about 

Ch. 27. Period of King Gobicandra and Others 


to slaughter thousands of goats for worshipping Durga 7 and 
other mother-goddesses. [ Fol 99 A ] By the magic spell of 
the acarya, these goats were turned into jackals. The people 
felt doubt and went away. He then feigned to have tumbled 
on the altar of Durga, who appeared before him and asked, 
‘Oh siddha , what do you desire V He ordered her not to accept 
worship in the form of slaughtered animals. So till now, she 
is being worshipped there only with ‘the three white things 5 
(i.e. curd, milk and butter). 

After this, he sang many vajra songs and went away, nobody 
knew where. 

After * Gobicandra, his paternal cousin 8 *Lalitacandra 9 
became the ruler. He ruled peacefully for many years. 
Krsnacarya, during the latter half of his life, converted the king 
and his minister and led them to attain siddhi. *Lalitacandra 
was thus the last king of the *Candra dynasty. After him, 
though many ksatriya- s were born in the *Candra line, none 
of them actually ruled the country. 

In *Bhamgala, *Odivisa, etc — the five regions in the east — 
those who were born in the royal family lived as ministers, 
brahmana- s, rich merchants, etc and were lords in their respective 
spheres. But there was no king as such ruling the state. 

During this preiod lived siddha-raja Sahajalalita 10 and 
_ / 

Vinltadeva 11 , the acarya of Sri *Nalendra. 

He (Yinitadeva) composed commentaries on the Seven 
Treatises on pramana. 

Also lived during this period *Subhamitra, the expert in 
the sutra- s. 12 

7. dka'-zlog-ma. V & S Uma. 

8. pha-tshan-gyi-spun-zla. S cousin. V uncle. 

9. rol-pa'i-zla-ba. 

10. lhan-skyes-rol-pa. V & S Sahajavilasa. For works attributed to 
Sahajalalita, see Supplementary Note 45. 

11. dul-ba-lha. Vidyabhusana HIL 320 places him in c A. D. 700. For 
works attributed to him, see Supplementary Note 46. 

12. mdo-sde- , dsin-pa, which means both ‘expert in the sutra-s ’ and 
Sautrantika — D 676. It may be tempting to conjecture that Tar refers 



[Moreover] acarya Silapalita , 13 Santisoma and others, who 
propagated the sutra- s and the vinaya from the Vijnana[-vada] 
standpoint 14 lived then. Acarya Kambala-pa, the author of 
the Prajnaparamita-nava 15 and mahacarya [ Fol 99B ] Jnana- 
garbha , 16 a disciple of Srigupta, and others accepted the 
Madhyamika doctrine of nature-lessness ( svabhava-hina ). 

In *Hacipura 17 in *Bhamgala in the east, there lived upasaka 
bhattaraka A-svabhava . 18 He elaborately expounded the Vijhana- 
madhyamika 19 view. 

hereto the Sautrantika author Kalyanamitra, from the Tibetan equi- 
valent of whose name ( dge-legs-b'ses-gnen ) Tar can as well reconstruct 
Subhamitra. But such a conjecture would not be justified primarily 
because of two reasons. First, Tar seems to give here a list of acarya- s 
who adhered to the stand-point of vijnana (Vijnanavadi-s). Secondly, 
the Sautrantika author on the Vinaya is mentioned by him later in 
Fol 105A by the Tibetan equivalent of the name. Therefore, it is 
better not to identify the present Subhamitra (mentioned in transli- 
teration) with the Sautrantika Kalyanamitra, though no work of this 
Subhamitra is traced in Tg. 

13. tshul-khrims-bskyaiis. In Tg Agama-ksudraka-vyakhyana (mDo 
lxxxi.l : commentary on Kg ’Dul-ba, vol tha & da) is attributed to 
acarya Silapalita, a disciple of pandita guru Dharmottara. 

14. mam-rig, which means both l nyayd' and ‘vijnana’ — J 314, D761. In 

the present context, the latter meaning seems to make better sense. 

/ / _ 

S tr “...the Sautrantika Subhamitra and the acarya Silapalita, 

Santisoma and others, who composed the nyaya-siddhanta from its 

very basis and propagated the sutra- s and vinava .” V tr “The Sautran- 
/ / _ / 

tika Subhamitra, acarya Silapalita, Santisoma and other followers 
of the system (of Yogacara) of the idealists (nyaya-siddhanta) ; they 
propagated the sutra- s and vinaya ”. 

15. In Tg Bhagavati-prajliaparamita-nava-sloka-pindartha (mDo xvi.3) 
along with a commentary on it (mDo xvi.4) are attributed to 
mahacarya Kambala. 

16. ye-ses-sniii-po. cf BA i.34, where he is mentioned as a disciple of Sri- 
gupta. For works attributed to him, see Supplementary Note 47. 

17. S n also quoted by V : 'Is it Hajipura, which appears in Tibetan 
Geography also as being on the bank of the river GandakI ?’ 

18. ho-bo-hid-med-pa. In Tg are attributed to him Mahayana-sutralam- 
kara-tika (mDo xlv.3), Mahay ana-samgraha-upanibandhana (mDo 
lvi.4) and a commentary (mDo cxxviii.3) on Kambala-pa’s Aloka- 
mala-prakarana (mDo cxxviii.3). 

19. rnam-rif, -gi-dbu-ma. S nyaya-madhyamaka. V ‘the idealist Madhya- 
maka ( nyaya-madhyamaka ) !’ But see Supplementary Note 12. 

Ch. 27. Period of King Gobicandra and Others 


In Thogar lived the maha-vinayadhara Vaibhasika 20 acarya 
**Dharmamitra . 21 In *Maru in the west, lived the maha- 


vinayadhara Punyakirti . 22 In *Citavara lived Santiprabha , 23 
an expert in the Vinaya and in Kashmir lived Matrceta , 24 also 
an expert in the Yinaya. 

Apart from them, I have not come across any detailed 
account of others. 

Now about acarya Jnanagarbha. He was born in *Odivisa 

and became a great *pandita. He listened to the Doctrine 

from acarya Srigupta in *Bhamgala. He became famous as 
a great Madhyamika follower of the views of Bhavya. He 
propitiated for a long time arya Avalokitesvara, at last had 
the vision of him as moving the Cintamani-cakra 25 and attained 
abhijnana. He recited many sutra- s from his memory and 
defeated the tirthika- s. 

Now about upasaka bhattaraka A-svabhava. 

Born in a family of merchants, he became a follower of the 
Mahayana quite early in life. He received the vision of arya 
Manjusri and could recite from his memory about fifty sutra- s. 
He never deviated from the ten-fold virtue; He preached 
the Doctrine to a thousand upasaka- s and a thousand upasika-s. 
He once went towards *Kamarupa. His disciples reached a 
place on the den of a poisonous Ajagara snake, It was then 
asleep. They set up their camp by the road, which woke up 
the poisonous snake. [ Fol 100A ] It sniffed the human smell, 
swallowed some of the upasaka- s and bit many others. Those 

20. bye-brag-tu-smra-ba, the usual Tibetan for Vaibhasika. V ‘of Vibhaj- 
yavada school.’ ButTg clearly mentions Dharmamitra as a Vaibha- 
sika from Tukharistan — see next note. 

21. In Tg the colophon of the Vinaya-sutra- tllca (mDo Ixxxv-lxxxvi) 
attributed to him mentions him as arya-mula-sarvastivadi-maha- 
vinayadhara-tukhara-vaibhasika-dcdrya Dharmamitra, the student of 
Gunaprabha. cf Bu-ston ii. 161 : ‘he is considered by some to have 
been the pupil of Gunaprabha.’ 

22. bsod-nams-grags. 

23. shi-ba-'od. 

24. ma-khol. 

25. yid-bshin-nor-bu’’i-khor-los-bsgyur-ba. 



who tried to escape fell down reeling by its poisonous breath. 

He (A-svabhava) earnestly prayed to bhattarika arya Tara 
and composed a long eulogy to her. This caused intense pain 
to the poisonous snake. It vomitted out two upasaka- s and 
fled off. When he sprinkled water charmed with Tara-mantra 
on those who were swallowed or bitten or turned unconscious 
by the poisonous snake, the poison came out from the wound 
of their bodies. And thus they recovered. 

On another occasion, the acarya himself was attacked by a 
poisonous snake. As he threw a flower charmed with the 
Tara-mantra, it vomitted out before the acarya many pearls 
called *sarxa-mukti and went away. He had also the mira- 
culous power to extinguish the forest fire with Tara-mantra, etc. 

A brief account of Dharmamitra is to be found elsewhere. 
It is worse than a grave mistake to say that this Dharmamitra, 
the direct disciple of Gunaprabha, was the same as the Dharma- 
mitra who composed the commentary called the Prasphuta- 
pada , 26 Such a view, if assumed to be true, will lead us to 
consider arya Vimuktasena and Haribhadra 27 as contempora- 

During this time, there arose various important disputes in 
the east. Though unlike the previous period there was no 
debate in big scale inspired by the spirit of contest leading to 
big victories and defeats, many minor controversies took 
place during this period. For the insiders it should have 
been easier to debate, because by this time they could depend 
on Dharmakirti’s sastra. Due to the influence of time, however, 
the number of scholars diminished [ Fol 100B J and, because 
of the increase of the number of the firthika rivals, the insider 
debators in the smaller monasteries were passing through 
anxious time. 

There was a monastery called the *Pinda-vihara 28 in the 

26. Abhisamayalamkara-karika-prajnaparamitopadesa-sastra-tlka Pras- 
phuta-pada-nama (mDo viii !)• 

27. seh-ge-bzah-po. 

28. The Pindaka-vihara mentioned by Yuan-chuang is, however, in the 
north — Watters i. 1 30. 

Ch. 27. Period of King Gobicandra and Others 


city of *Catighabo 29 in *Bhamgala. A number of tirthika deba- 
ters announced that they were going to have a debate there on 
the following morning. (The monks) felt uncertain about 
their own capacity. An old woman turned up at that time 
and said, ‘While having the debate, put on caps with pointed 
tops like thorns. And that will bring you victory.’ They acted 
accordingly and won victory. In other places also, they 
became victorious in a similar way. From then on, the 
*pandita-s adopted the practice of wearing pointed caps. During 
the period of the seven *Pala-s and of the four *Sena-s, all 
the Mahayana *pandita- s used to wear pointed caps. Before 
this time, however, there was no such practice 30 . 

Before the great acarya Dharmakirti, the Law of the Buddha 
was as bright as the sun. After him, generally speaking, there 
were many great upadhyaya- s who worked excellently for the 
Law. But there was practically none equal to the older 
acarya- s. By the influence of time, the Law also was not as 
bright as before. 

The greatest Tantrika acarya- s belonged to the period 
between that of arya Asatiga and this one. But since the 
anuttara-dharma was spread only among the fortunate, the 
ordinary people were unaware of it. From this period on, 
the spread of the yoga and anuttara t antra gradually increased. 
During an intermediate period, the yoga tantra remained widely 
prevalent, but the exposition of and meditation on the carya and 
kriya tantra- s gradually went down. As a result, during the 
time of the seven [ FoS 101 A ] *Pala kings, among the Tantrika 
Vajracarya-s the number of those who attained some siddhi 
gradually increased. 

About this period, there was a feudatory chief called 
**Prakasacandra, who was born in the line of the *Candras 
and who attained siddhi. He propagated the yoga tantra 

29. Is it modern Chittagong ? S n also quoted by V : ‘In the Tibetan 
Geography p. 81 it is called Catigom.’ 

30. V n ‘These are the caps which are now called the panditu caps.’ cf 
Vidyabhusana HIL 271. 



Further, more than half of those who were famous among 
the insiders as the eighty-four siddhacarya- s came after the 
period of Dharmakirti and before king *Canaka. Their account 
will be presently given. 

During the period of the Six Jewels, the Mahayana acarya- s 

were great scholars of the Doctrine and the samgha- s remained 

/ * 

disciplined. In spite of this, however, the Sravaka samgha- s 
were larger in number. 

From this period on, the Law became gradually weaker in 

the south and there eventually became extinct. In other areas also 

it went on decaying. However, during the period of the seven 

*Palas, in the Aparantaka countries like *Magadha, ^Bhamgala 

and *Odivisa and in the country of Kashmir (the Law) was 

extensively spread. In other places, it survived in a scattered 

and feeble form . 31 In the small country of Nepal, it became 

very widespread. In these lands where the Law was spread, 

it was spread mainly in the form of Mantra and Mahayana. 


The Sravakas also maintained their popularity. But the 
nobler sections of the people consisting of the kings and others 
were above all devoted to the Mahayana. In the older times, 
the Mahayanis studied mainly the siitra- s and the commen- 
taries only secondarily. Later on, this mode was reversed 
and, excepting the Prajnd-paramita, they mainly studied the 
sastra- s composed by the acarya- s. 

The twentyseventh chapter containing the account 
of the period of king Gobicandra and others . 

31, V & S tr ‘excepting in a few pockets, it did not survive.’ 

Ch, 28. Period of King Gopala 




Near a forest of Pundravardhana on the border of the 
madhya-desa and the east, [ Fol 101 B ] there lived a very 
beautiful girl born in a Ksatriya family. As a result of her 
union with a deity of the tree, a son with auspicious marks 
was born of her . 1 When he grew up into a boy, he found a 
large self-radiating gem by digging the ground at the foot 
of the tree which was the abode of the deity. With it [? as 
the acarya’s fee] he received abhiseka from an acarya with 
instructions to propitiate the goddess *Cunda . 2 He propitiated 
her. He always kept concealed with himself a small wooden 
club, the ayudha of his tutelary deity. The goddess once 
appeared in dream and blessed him. 

From there he went to the temple of arya *Khasarpana and 
prayed, ‘May I obtain a kingdom.’ He (Khasarpana) predicted, 
‘Move towards the east and you will obtain a kingdom.’ 

So he moved towards the east. 

At that time there was no king in *Bhamgala for many 
years. As a result, the people there were passing through a 
disturbed and unhappy period. The chiefs of the country met 
in an assembly, discussed among themselves and elected a king 
to rule the country properly. 

1. cf Bu-ston ii. 1 56. 

2. S n ‘In vol ru of the Tantras, Tg contains Cunda-sadhana, which also 
appears in the manuscript in Paris under the title Sadhana-mala- 
tantra Fol 81\ V quotes this note and adds, ‘It also exists in China 
and portions of it will be translated by us, when we analyse the 
Tantras.’ In Tg Cunda-sadhana occurs four times without men- 
tioning the author : rG lxx. 109 ; lxxi.41 ; 215; 217. There is also 
a work with the title Arya-cunda-sadhana (rG lxxxvi.36) attributed 
to Buddhakirti. The reference to Vol ru by S & V seems to be a 
misprint ; it should be read as /«. 




There was an evil and powerful nagini. A king with magic 
power made her the queen. According to some, she was the 
queen of *Gobicandra, according to others of *Lalitacandra. In 
any case she used to kill every night anybody who was appointed 
the king during the day. Thus she killed all those that were 
appointed as kings . 3 However, since there could be no welfare 
to the kingdom without a king, every morning somebody was 
appointed king, who was killed during the night. His dead 
body was taken out early in the morning. This was going on 
for several years and everybody in the country had to wait for 
his turn. Thus passed some years. 

Then the person who had attained si del hi of goddess *Cunda 
entered a house and found everybody there plunged in grief. 
On enquiring the reason for this, he came to know that it was 
the turn for their son to be the king on the next day. He said, 
T shall go as his substitute, if I am paid for it.’ This made 
them very happy and, receiving the payment from them, he 
became the king on the next day. 

At midnight, the nagini in the form of a raksasi [Fol 102A] 
came as usual to kill [lit. devour] him. He struck her with the 
ayudha of the tutelary deity and she died immediately. 

On the next morning, the corpse-bearers came and, 
finding that he was not dead, were highly astonished. As the 
substitute for others, he was elected king everyday for seven 
successive days. Then everybody realised that he was highly 
pious and appointed him as the permanent king and gave him 
the name *Gopala. 

During the first part of his life, he ruled *Bhamgala. In 
the latter part, he also conquered *Magadha . 4 He built the 
*Nalendra vihara near *Odantapuri . 5 In these two big pro- 
vinces, he established many monasteries and thus extensively 
served the Law. 

3. S n ‘One may compare here Lassen ii. 809 note, where a vetala kills 
the kings.’ 

4. Vn'Lassen iii.721 places the beginning of the reign at about A. D. 81 O’. 

5. V tr ‘He built a temple named Naiendra in the vicinity of Odanta- 
puri’. cf Bu-ston ii.156. 

Ch. 28. Period of King Gopala 


According to Indradatta , 6 this king was appointed to his 
kingdom on the year following the death of acarya Carin ' 7 [? 
Krsnacari]. According to Ksemendrabfradra, this took place 
seven years after that. 

He ruled for fortyfive years. During the time of this king, 

/ _ / 

acarya Sakyaprabha , 8 a disciple of Santiprabha and Punyakirti , 9 
was born in the west and worked for the welfare of the 
living beings in Kashmir. Specially prominent in Kashmir 
were also the great *Danasila , 10 Visesamitra , 11 Prajnavarman 12 


and acarya Sura , 13 an expert in Vinaya. In the east lived 
acarya Jnanagarbha. 

6. dbah-po-byin. See Fol 139A, where his work is mentioned as Buddha- 

7. spyod-pa-pa, lit. ‘one who practises mysticism’ D 809. V & S ‘acarya 
Mlmamsaka.’ But could it be nag-po-spyod-pa-pa, i.e. Krsnacarya or 
Krsnacarin ? See Fol 105A. 

8. sakya-od. Tg contains Arya-mula-sarvastivada-sramanera-karika 
(mDo lxxxix.2) along with its auto-commentary called Prabhavati 
(mDo lxxxix. 3) by Sakyaprabha. Bu-ston ii.161 quotes from Prabha- 
vati in which the author ‘himself says that he is the pupil of Punya- 
kirti and Santiprabha’. 

9. bsod-nams-grags. cf Bu-ston ii.161, where Prabhavati is quoted as 
mentioning Punyakirti as one ‘who resided in Magadha, was the 
ornament of that country and greatly famed’. 

10. One of the early Indian acarya- s to have visited Tibet and to have 
taken part in the first large-scale Tibetan translation of Indian texts 
under the patronage of king Khri-lde-sroh-btsan — see A. Chattopa- 
dhyaya AT 262f. Danasila is mentioned as one of the compilers 
of the Mahavyiitpatti (mDo cxxiii.44) and in Tg about a hundred 
works are preserved as translated by him. 

11. khyad-par-bses-ghen. Tg contains Vinaya-samgraha (mDo lxxiv.2) 
attributed to him. 

12. ses-rab-go-cha. Tg contains Vi'sesastava-tlka (bsTod 2) and Devati- 
saya-stotra-tlka (bsTod 5) attributed to acarya Prajnavarman of 
Bengal. Besides, it contains a commentary (mDo lxxi.2-lxxii.l) on the 
Udanavarga (Kg Sendai 326) of arhat Dharmatrata, where the 
commentator is mentioned as sarvastivadl acarya Prajnavarman, 
born in Kabargya (Kapatya ?) of Bhamgala and a disciple of acarya 
Bodhivarman of Kapadhya (Kapatya ?). 

13. dpa'-bo. Tg contains Pratimoksa-sutra-paddhati (mDo lxxiii-lxxiv.1), 

commentary on Kg Pratimoksa-sfitra (Sendai No 2) attributed to 

acarya Sura. 



It is nothing but showing ignorance to say that Buddha- 
jnana’s 14 disciple was Jnanagarbha, and this in spite of admit- 
ting that Bhavya, Avalokitavrata 13 (? Avalokitesvaravrata), 

/ / 

Buddhajnanapada, Jnanagarbha, Santijiva (Santaraksita) 16 
and others belonged to the tradition of the Svatantrika- 
Madhyamikas, 17 but without knowing of Haribhadra’s 18 com- 
mentary, the Asta-sahasrika-vrhat-tlka , 19 and of Santaraksita’s 
[commentary on] Madhyamaka-alamkara 20 and without know- 
ing moreover that Buddhajnana was a disciple of Hari- 
bhadra. 21 [ Fol 102B ] 

To this period belonged Sakyamati, 22 , Silabhadra, 23 prince 

14. sahs-rgyas-ye-ses. cfBu-ston ii.l59f : a disciple of Haribhadra and a 
preceptor of Gunamitra. cf also BA i.367ff for the Tantrika career of 
Buddhajnana. See Supplementary Note 48. 

15. spyan-ras-gzigs-brtul-shugs. Tg contains Prajna-pradipa-tika (mDo 
xx-xxii), commentary on Bhavaviveka’s Prajlia-pradlpa-mula- 
madhyamaka-vrtti (mDo xviii.8), attributed to Avalokitavrata, born 
in Saketa in a brahmatia family. 

16. shi-ba-tsho. cf A. Chattopadhyaya AT 228ff. For works of 
Santaraksita, see Supplementary Note 49. 

17. dbu-ma-rah-rgyud-pa’i-brgyud-pa. 

18. seh-bzan ( seh-ge-bzah-po ). V & S Simhabhadra. For his works, see 
Supplementary Note 50. 

19. Tg mDo vi. 

20. Tg mDo xxviii.5. See Supplementary Note 50. 

21. See colophon of Tg mDo viii.3, where Buddha-srI-jnana is men- 
tioned as the principal disciple of Haribhadra. 

V tr the passage : ‘Those who assume that Bhavya, Avalokitavrata, 
Buddhajnanapada, Jnanagarbha and Santaraksita were madhyamika- 
svatantrikas and who — without seeing any commentary on 8000 
Paramitas by Haribhadra or any commentary on Madhyamaka- 
alamkara by Santaraksita and forgetting that Buddhajnana was the 
pupil of Haribhadra — consider Prajnagarbha (? Jnanagarbha) as the 
pupil of Buddhajnana, only give a proof of their greatest folly.’ 

22. sakya-blo-gros. Tg contains Arya-gayaslrsa-sutra-misraka-vyakhya 
(mDo xxxiv.13), Arya-dasabhumi-sutra-nidana-bhasya (mDo xxxvii.2) 
and Pramana-vartika-tlka (mDo xcvii-xcviii) attributed to Sakyamati. 

23. hah-tshul-bzah-po, the preceptor of Yuan-chuang and a disciple of 
Dharmapala. See Watters ii. 109 ; I-Tsing (Takakusu) xiv, lviii, 181. 
Tg contains Arya-buddha-bhumi-vyakhyana (mDo xxxvi.3) attributed 
to Silabhadra. It is a commentary on Kg Sendai 275. 

Ch. 28. Period of King Gopala 


Yasomitra , 24 *pandita Prthivibandhu 25 and others. 

Kashmir was then ruled by *Hri *Harsadeva 26 (Sr! Harsa- 
deva). The siddhacarya - s belonging to this period are to 
be known from the previous account. 

It is particularly clear that *Viru-pa the junior, lived 
between this king (Gopala ) 27 and *Devapala. In the *Kaccha 
country in the west, there ruled the king called *Vibharatta. 
His daughter became the queen of *Devapala. And so was 
born their son *Rasapala . 28 During the period of this 
*Vibharatta, lived *Viru-pa the junior. The king had a shrine 
for both the insiders and outsiders. The king himself was 
devoted to the insiders, but his ministers were devoted to 
the outsiders. While building the temple, he placed in it the 
statues of standard human size of the gods of both the 
insiders and outsiders. The Buddhists asked him to build 
separate temples, but the tirthika-s wanted him to build a 
united one and the ministers endorsed this. 

*Viru-pa the junior was invited to consecrate this temple. 
He performed no special rite, but simply said, £ *Aisa , *disa .’ 29 
In Tibetan, this means sog-sog, (i.e ‘come, come’). As he said 
this, all the images of the temple assembled in the corridor. He 
next said, ‘Sit down’. And all the gods sat down on the 
floor. He then took a jar full of water and sprinkled the water 
on the head of the gods. As a result of this, the gods of the 
insiders suddenly stood up and entered the temple, laughing 

24. rgyal-sras-grags-pa'i-bses-glten. For works of Yasomitra, see Supple- 
mentary Note 51. 

25. sa'i-rtsa-lags. Tg contains Sciddharma-pund anka-vrtti (mDo xli.2), a 
commentary on Kg Sendai 113, attributed to him. 

26. Tg contains Suprabhata-stotra (bsTod 56) and Asta-mahasthana- 
caitya-vandana-stava (bsTod 57) attributed to Sri Harsadeva, king of 
Kashmir, the corrupt form of whose name also occurs as Sri 

27. V tr ‘the king (Gopala or Sri* Harsadeva ?)’ 

28. S n also quoted by V : ‘Is it not a corruption of Rajyapala ? See 
Lassen iii.730ff,’ 

29. Distinctly the words in Bengali dialect aisa, aisa ( ). 



loudly. The gods of the outsiders remained in the corridor, 
with their heads hung low. This temple called *Amrta-kumbha 
still exists. 

During this period also lived the great acarya Kaudalika, 30 

the author of the wonderful treatises.' 

During the period of this *Gopala or *Devapala, [Fol 103A] 

was also built the Sri *Odantapuri vihara. There was some- 
where in *Magadha a tirthika yogi of a very simple nature 
called Narada ( ? Narada) 31 , an adept in magic spells. For 
attaining the vetala-siddhi, he needed an assistant who had 
to be truthful, physically strong, free from all diseases, having 
the nine marks of the vira, highly intelligent, courageous, free 
from deceptions and an expert in all the fine arts. He found 
none with these qualities excepting an insider upasaka whom 
he met. He requested the upasaka , ‘Assist me in my sadhanad 
(The upasaka) replied, ‘I am not going to assist a tirthika in 
his sadhanad 

‘You need not be a follower of the tirthika. Inexhaustible 
wealth will be obtained (from . this sadhana ), with which you 
can spread the Doctrine.’ 

‘So, I shall go and ask of my acaryad 

Receiving the permission from the acarya, he became the 
assistant for the sadhana. When the time of the siddhi was 

30. tog-rtse-ba-che-ba. V & S Maha-kotali. Tg contains Acmtya-kramo- 
paclesa-nama (rG xlvi.13), Atma-yoga-nama (rG lxxxvi.7), Sarva- 
devata-nispannakrama-marga-nama (rG xlviii.70) and Citta-tattvopa- 
desa-nama (rG xlviii.82) attributed to Kaudalika (Kuddalipada, 
Kotali, Kotali, Kuddali, alias Gudhari, Gudarl or Ghadhari). V n 
‘The Indian name Kotali has been derived by S on the basis of the 
account of the 84 siddha- s in which he, in addition to his Tibetan 
name is also called Kotali. According to this account, when Kotali 
was digging on a hill, he met Santi, who instructed him to meditate 
on the six paramita- s. In the terminology of his occupation, soul is 
the hill, concentration the hands, the shovel which destroys the 
barrier is negation, etc.’ 

31. P-ed Narada ? V & S Narada. Tg (mDo cxxiii.34) contains a work 
called Samudrika-ndma-tanu-lak sana-parik sa — said to be the original 
work on tanu-vicarana-sdstra — attributed to Narada. 

Ch. 28. Period of King Gopala 


near, he (Narada) said, ‘When the vetala sticks out its tongue, 
you must immediately catch it. If you are able to catch it 
on the first chance, the maha-siddhi will be attained. (If 
you are able to catch it) on the second chance, there will be 
the middle siddhi and on the third chance the lowest siddhi. 
If you fail to catch it even on the third chance, it (the vetala ) 
will first devour the two of us and will then make the whole 
country almost empty.’ 

The upasaka could catch it neither on the first nor on the 
second chance. Then he waited with his own mouth placed 
on that of the vetala. On the third chance, he caught it with 
his teeth. The tongue turned into a sword and the corpse 
itself into gold. 

When the upasaka took the sword and waved it, he began 
to fly in the sky. The tirthika said, ‘I have performed the 
ritual for the sake of the sword. So give this to me.’ 

‘I shall be back after having some entertaining sights.’ 
Saying this, he went above the top of the Sumeru, circled it 
and its four dvipa- s as well as the upa-dvipa- s and within 
a moment came back and gave the sword to him. 

[ Fol 103B ] He (Narada) said, ‘Take this corpse turned 
into gold. Take off those portions (of the corpse) that were 
its flesh, without touching those that were its bones. If you 
do not spend it for evil purposes like wine and women and 
if you go on spending it for your own maintenance and for 
virtuous acts, the part of the body that you slice off during 
the day will be replaced during the night. It will thus be 

Saying this, with the sword in his hand he flew to the realm 
of the gods. 

The upasaka built the great *Odantapuri monastery with 
the gold from the corpse. *Otanda (Odanta ) 32 means ‘flying’ 

32. Tar has possibly the Indian word uclanta, or uddlna or udclayana in 
mind. But the actual name of the monastery could have been 
Udandapur! (see Lalou 221, Kern Geschichte ii.545). In colophon of 
Tg mDo cxxiii.35, the name occurs as Otantras-purl (alias Otanta- 
puri) or Odantapurl, Udandapurl. 



(’ phur-byed ), for the upasaka flew in the sky over the Sumeru 33 
along with its four dvlpa- s, saw these with his own eyes and 
built the monastery on that model. This upasaka is famous 
as *(Jdya-upasaka . 34 

This monastery does not owe itself to the grace of any king 
or minister. The architects, sculptors and artists that worked 
for the construction of the temple and its images were paid 
and maintained from the money obtained in exchange of the 
gold received from the vetala. Maintaining five hundred 
bhiksu- s and five hundred upasaka-s from this gold alone, the 
upasaka himself looked after this centre for the Doctrine as 
long as he lived. At the time of his death, he buried this gold 
under the earth with the prayer : ‘Though this gold will not be 
useful for anybody right now, let this be of use for the benefit 
of the living beings of the future.’ Saying this, he entrusted 
*Devapala with this centre for the Doctrine. 

The twentyeighth chapter containing the 

account of the period of king Gopala. 

33. ri-rab, 

34. S n also quoted by V ‘See Wilson, Works, ii.18’. 

Ch. 29. Period of King Devapala and his son 




Now about king *Devapala. 

According to some, he was the son of a Naga. But as he 
was blessed by the kula-mantra of *Gopala’s line of descent, 
he is considered to have been his (Gopala’s) son. However, 
the current account is as follows : 

The youngest queen of king *Gopala asked from a brahmana 
adept in magic charms the means of bringing the king under 
her power (vaslkarana ) . (The brahmana ) secured a medical herb 
from the Himalaya , 1 charmed it with magic spell, mixed it with 
food, sealed it and said, ‘Serve it to the king.’ She sent it 
through her maid. 

[ Fol 104 A ] (The maid) slipped on the bank of a river 
and it (herb) fell into the water. Carried by the water, it reached 
the naga-loka. The Naga king Samudrapala 2 swallowed it and, 
under its influence, came in the guise of the king, united with 
the queen and she conceived. As the king was then about to 
punish her, she said, ‘On such and such occasion, the king 
himself came.’ 

(The king said,) ‘So let this be examined .’ 3 
A son was born and at the time of offering worship on that 
occasion there emerged the hood of a Naga. Also a ring was 
seen on the finger of the son which was found to have the Naga 

1. ri-bo-gaiis-can. 

2. rgya-mtsho-skyoh. Y & S Sagarapala. 

3. S tr : 'As she was about to be punished on the orders of the king, he 
(naga) said, let the king himself come and probe into the matter once 

V tr : 'As she was about to be punished by the king, he said that he 
would himself come at the time of delivery and investigate.’ 




script on it. So it was realised that he was the son of a Naga 
king and he was reared up . 4 

After Gopala’s death, he ascended the throne and became 
more powerful than the previous king. He brought *Varendra 
in the east under his rule. He wanted to build a wonderful 
monastery and he built the *Somapuri 5 . 

According to most of the histories current in Tibet, the 
astrologers told the king, ‘Prepare a wick with the clothes of 
sramana - s and brahmana- s, obtain oil from the houses of kings 
and merchants, get a lamp from the hermitage, light it, put it 
before the tutelary deity and pray. After this, you should 
build the monastery where the incarnation of the Protector of 
the Doctrine ( dharma-pala ) will drop the lamp. That will 
gradually bring prosperity to the king and blessedness all 

These being done, there appeared a crow which picked up 
the lamp and dropped it into a lake. This made him depressed. 
In the night, however, the five-headed Naga king appeared 
before him and said, ‘I am your father. I shall drain the lake 
dry so that you can build there. Arrange for grand weekly 6 
offerings there.’ 

This was done and in twentyone days the lake got dried up 
and the monastery was built. Thus it was built (according 
to the current account). 

4. Bu-ston ii. 156 gives practically the same account, though, according 
to him, the king thus born of the union of Gopala’s wife and the 
Naga king was Srlmat Dharmapala and not Devapala. In Bu-ston’s 
account, Devapala was the grandson of Dharmapala and the father 
of Mahipala and Haribhadra a contemporary of the latter. At the 
same time, Bu-ston ii. 1 58 knows, ‘In the Great Commentary on the 
Astasahasrika (by Haribhadra), it is said that this work was com- 
posed at the monastery of Trikatuka, under the patronship of 
Srlmad Dharmapala.’ According to the account of Tar, Devapala’s 
son was Rasapala, whose son was Dharmapala, the patron of Hari- 
bhadra and Jnanapada. 

5. Bu-ston ii.l56f gives practically the same legend, though the monas- 
tery thus built was Odantapurl, not Somapun. 

6. shag-bdim-bdun-na. S 'for seven days’, V ‘seven weeks’. 

Ch. 29. Period of King Devapala and his son 


[ Fol 104 B ] In the account of the building of the Samudra- 
gupta 7 temple in Kashmir, a black man said in a dream, 
‘Worship Mahakala 8 and the Yaksa-s will dry up the lake.’ 
Except this, the other details (of the above legend) are same. 
So it is better not to connect this legend with *Somapuri. 

Similarly, the (above) account of the birth of *Devapala 
is largely the same as that of Sahajalalita . 9 So it needs to be 
examined whether one is modelled on the other. 

This famous *Somapuri is also said to be the new *Soma- 

Inspired by a yogi called *Siromani, 'the king raised a big 

army to wage war on *Odivisa and other places, which were 

previously the centres of the insiders, but by this period which 

came under the influence of the tirthika- s only. When he 

crossed the country *Ra-ra , 10 he saw a black man coming slowly 

from a distance. On being questioned who he was, he said, 

T am Mahakala. Remove the sand dune from this place and 

you will find a temple. To destroy the temples of the tirthika- s 

you will have to do nothing else than surround this temple 

with the army and play the musical instruments very loudly.’ 

Then he (Devapala) removed the sand dune and found a 


wonderful temple made of stone. The name of this was Sri Tri- 
katuka 11 vihara. According to some account, from this monastery 
came out a bhiksu who was absorbed in deep meditation and 
who enquired about Buddha Kasyapa and king *Krkin. 

‘It is now the period of the Law of Sakyamuni.’ Being 
told this, he showed many miracles and attained nirvana . 12 
Thus it is said. 

Everything being done according to the prediction (of 
Mahakala), all the temples of the tlrthika-s automatically fell 

7. rgya-mtsho-sbcis-pa. V & S ‘a temple concealed inside a lake’. 

8. nag-po-chen-po. 

9. lhan-skyes-rol-pa. 

10. S Chagala. V ‘Ra-ra (Chagala)’. Does Tar refer here to Radha ? 

1 1 . dpal-tsha-ba-gsum. 

12. V n ‘Detailed account of such bhiksu- s who had given themselves to 
meditation even in the period of the previous creations of the 
universe is not rare in Buddhist works.’ 



into ruins. Thus in all ab.out forty great centres of the 
tirthika-s were ruined. Some of these were in *Bhamgala and 

[ Fol 105A ] He then conquered the whole of *Odivisa. 

To the period of this king belonged Krsnacarya the junior, 13 
who was a follower of acarya Krsnacarya and a. great * panel ita 
of the three, namely the [ Cakra-jsambara, Hevajra and 
Yamari. He meditated on the Cakra-sambara in a place near 
*Nalendra and received the instruction from a dakinl to attain 
vasu-siddhi at' the place of a goddess of *Kamaru. He went 
there, found a chest, opened it and saw an ornamented 
*damaru. The moment he took it up, his feet were no longer 
touching the earth. Whenever he played it loudly, five 
hundred siddhayog'i- s and yogini-s appeared from nobody knew 
where and became his attendants. 

He worked for the welfare of the living beings for a long 
time. At last he went to *Gangasagara and passed away, 
though nobody knew when and how. 

He composed many treatises like the exposition of the 
Sambara. As he had a very long life, he lived for some time 
even after king *Dharmapala. 


To this period also belonged Sakyamitra, 14 a disciple of 

acarya Sakyaprabha. 15 And moreover lived during this period 
Kalyanamitra, 16 the expert in Vinaya, Sumatisila 17 , **Dams- 
trasena, 18 Jnanacandra, 19 Vajrayudha, 20 Manjusrikirti, 21 

13. nag-po-spyod-pa-chuh-ba, A Tantrika work (rG xvii.3) is attributed 
to him in Tg. 

14. sakya-bses-gneii. For works attributed to him, see Supplementary 
Note 52. 

15. cf Bu-ston ii. 1 61 . 

16. dge-legs-bses-gnen. For works attributed to him, see Supplementary 
Note 53. 

17. blo-bzah-hah-t shut. In Tg Karma-siddha-tika (mDo lxi.2 — a commen- 
tary on Vasubandhu’s Karma-siddha-prakarana ) is attributed to him. 

18. mche-ba i-sde. For his works, see Supplementary Note 54. 

19. ye-ses-zla-ba. In Tg two commentaries on Nagamitra’s works are 
attributed to him. These are Kaya-traya-vrtti (mDo xxix.2) and Yoga- 
car ya-bh avana-tatparyartha-nirdesa (mDo xxx ii i . 8 3 — 1 x i . 8 ) . 

20. rdo-rje-mtshon-cha. In Tg Sri-jnana-guna-phala-nama-stuti (rG lxviii. 
19) is attributed to him. 

21. , jam-dpal-grags-pa. For his works, see Supplementary Note 55. 

Ch. 29. Period of King Devapala and his son 


Jnanadatta, 22 *Vajradeva, 23 bhattaraka Avalokitavrata 24 of the 
south and acarya *Dhanamitra and others of Kashmir. 

Acarya Haribhadra 25 became a *pandita during the period 
of this king and he worked for the welfare of the living beings 
appropriately. But since during the period of King *Dharma- 
pala his activities greatly increased, these will be discussed 

It is clear that acarya Bodhisattva 26 who went to Tibet 
must have lived sometime between king *Gopala and king 
*Dharmapala. [ Fol 105 B ] Relying on most of the Tibetan 
accounts some claim that during his life the nine successive 
Tibetan kings 27 had passed away. Assuming this, one has to 
claim that he even touched the feet of Asanga and his brother. 
That is quite incredible. It is a well-known fact that he was 
identical with maha-upadhyaya Santaraksita, the author of 
the Madhyamaka-alamkara. Let us accept this for the time 
being, because all the great Tibetan scholars are agreed on 

According to their version, he became a great *pandita 
already during the period of *Gopala and worked for the 
welfare of the living beings specially during the period of this 
king [i.e. Devapala]. In the work called bka > -y an- dag-pa’ i- 
tshad-ma 2S by Lha-btsan-po Khri-sron-lde-btsan, 29 it is said, 
‘The name of upadhyaya Bodhisattva is mentioned as Dharma- 

There is no contradiction in the same person being referred 

22. ye-ses-byin. In Tg Arya-caturdharmaka-vyakhyana-tika (mDo xxxiv. 
11) is attributed to him. 

23. In Tg Lokesvara-sataka-stotra (rG lxviii.32) is attributed to kavi srl 

24. See note 15 of Ch. 28. 

25. S Simhabhadra. V Haribhadra. 

26. e.i Santaraksita. cf A. Chattopadhyaya AT 228ff. 

27. bod-kyi-rgyal-rabs-dgu. V & S 'the ninth Tibetan king’. 

28. i.e. Samyak-vak-pramanodhrta-sutra (mDo cxxiv.8) attributed to 

29. cf A. Chattopadhyaya AT 212ff. 



to by several names. One of his names must have been 

Santiraksita, because the word raksita, forming part of the 

name Santiraksita, was added to the names of his disciples, 

called ‘The Seven Selected Ones .’ 30 But there is also the view 

that Santiraksita, the commentator of Jnanagarbha’s Madhya- 
milca-salya-dvaya, n was identical 32 with Santiraksita, the author 
of the Madhyamalca-alamkara. Therefore, it is necessary to 
examine which of the two views is correct. 

Since the commentary on the Yoga-tantra-taltva-samgraha 33 
was prepared by Sakyamitra in Kosala, it was called Kosala- 
alamkara , 34 In this commentary is said that he was instructed 
by eleven guru-s. In the latter part of his life, he went to 
Kashmir and extensively worked for the welfare of the living 

Now about Vajiayudha. 

He composed the stotra for Manjusri called the gan-blo- 
mar-grags-pad 5 Five hundred different * panel itas composed 
this stotra separately and the circumstance of the words and 
meaning of all these being identical is to be viewed as due to 
the miracle of the deity (Manjusri). 

Now about Manjusrikirti. 

He composed the great commentary on the Nama-saingitid 6 
He directly perceived the mandala of Dharma-dhatu and 

30. sad-mi-mi-bdun. The first group of Tibetan monk-scholars trained by 
Santaraksita — see A. Chattopadhyaya AT 244f. 

31. Tg contains his Satya-ilvaya-vibhahga (raDo xxviii.l) along with its 
auto-commentary (mDo xxviii.2). 

32. mi-geig-pa, meaning both ‘the same man’ and 'not one’. V & S ‘was 

/ _ 

not identical.’ See mDo xxviii.3 Santaraksita’s commentary on 
mDo xxviii.2. 

33. V n ‘Kg Vol nci Tantras 1-109 : Sana-tathdgata-tattva-samgraha- 
nama-mahayana-sutra, a Mahayana-sutra which contains the essence 
of all tathagatas.' 

34. Tg contains Kosalalamkara-tattva-samgraha-tlka (rG 1-li.l) by 
/ _ * * 


35. rG lxviii. 19 (see note 20 of this chapter). Sn 'The book opens with 
the words gait-blo-mar-grags-pa (lit. ‘one who is without intellect’) 
and hence, referred to by this name’. 

36. See Supplementary Note 56. 

Ch. 29. Period of King Devapala and his son 


Vagisvara 37 [ Fol 106A ] and became a great Vajracarya. A 
careful study of this commentary shows that he was one of 
those who crossed the Ocean of the Knowledge of the sastra- s. 
I find that a fairly extensive account of him was previously 
current in Tibet, though I have not liked it much. But those 
who are interested in it may look up the Ship of Yoga ( Yoga - 
-gru-gzihs : Yoga-potci) by the great scholar Bu-ston. 

Now about *Vajradeva. 

He was a householder and by profession a highly successful 
bard. He went to Nepal and came across a degraded tirthika 
yogim with many perverse practices. He wrote a poem deriding 
her. By her curse, he was afflicted with leprosy. He prayed 
i to arya Avalokitesvara and composed each day a verse of 
praise in sragdhara metre. Thus in about three months he 
received the vision of arya Avalokitesvara, got cured of the 
disease and his poem 38 which consisted of about a hundred 
verses remained everywhere in arya-desa as a model of excellent 

King *Devapala ruled for fortyeight years. 

After him, his son *Rasapa!a ruled for twelve years. Since 
he did practically nothing new for the Law, he is not counted 
among the Seven *Palas. 

During this period Lilavajra, 39 the acarya of H: Urgyana, 
spent ten years in Sri *Nalendra, delivered many sermons on 
the Tantra-yana and composed the commentary on the Nama- 
samgitid 0 

There lived then one bearing the same name as that of 
acarya Vasubandhu. He delivered many sermons on the Abhi- 

Among them, now about acarya Lilavajra'. 

37. V tr ‘He was a great vajra-acarya, who perceived clharma-dhatu in 
Vagisvara-mandala (one having the power on the words, i.e. 
ManjusrT).’ S tr ‘He was a vajracarya who had personally perceived 
the Dharma-dhatu-vagTsvara-mandala.’ 

38. i.e. Lokesvarasataka — see note 23 of this chapter, cf Winternitz 

39. sgeg-pa'i-rdo-rje. For his works, see Supplementary Note "6. 

40. Tg rG lviii.2. 



He was born in a place called *Sisa 41 . [ Fol 106B ] was 
ordained in *Urgyana and was a follower of the Vijnana- 
madhyamika 42 philosophy. After becoming a scholar in all the 
branches of knowledge, he meditated on Arya-mahjusri-nama- 
samgiti in a small island called *Madhima in *Urgyana. When 
he was about to attain the siddhi of arya Mahjusri, the face of 
the picture of Mahjusri radiated bright lustre and kept the 
island illuminated for many days. Hence he was called Surya- 
vat 43 (the sun-like). A certain heretic felt the need for the five 
sense-organs of an insider *panclita as materials for his rituals. 
He came to kill this acdrya. He [Lilavajra] went on changing 
his own form into that of an elephant, 44 horse, girl and boy. 
So he could not spot him and went away. Hence he was called 
Visva-rupa 45 (one with all sorts of forms). 

During the latter part of his life, he extensively worked for 
the welfare of the living beings in *Urgyana. After this, he 
attained the rainbow- body or vajra-kaya. 

His ordained name was Sri-varabodhi-bhagyavan. 46 His 
esoteric (Tantrika) name was Lilavajra. Thus the name of the 
author of the works composed by him is differently mentioned 
as Lilavajra, Suryavat, Visvarupa, Sri-varabodhi-bhagyavan, 
etc. 47 

During this time, a son of a Candala had the vision of (lit, 
met) Aryadeva 48 and under his blessings received the knowledge 
of the Doctrine without much effort. He meditated and 
attained siddhi. He received all the Tantra-sastras of Nagarjuna 

41. S-ed Si-sa. P-ed Sisa. V&S Sarnsa. cf BA i.367 — he was born in 
nor-bn-glih, Manidvlpa. 

42. rnam-rig-dbu-ma-pa. S ' nyaya-madhyamaka ’ . 

43. ni-ma-dah- dra-ba. V 'Surya-sadrsa V 

44. glaii-po, meaning both elephant and ox. S ox. V cow. 

45. sna-tshogs-kyi-gzugs. 

46. dpal-ldan-byah-chub-mchog-gi-skal-ba-dah-ldan-pa . 

47. See Supplementary Note 57. 

48. V n ‘According to Tantrika teaching, it is possible to call a certain 
person from among the dead and receive from him a lost Tantra or 
initiation up to any extent. This is how the Tantrilcas explain the 
later appearance of their books, which nevertheless, according to 

Ch. 29. Period of King Devapala and his son 


‘the father and son.’ 49 He also expounded some of these. 
This one was *Matangi-pa. 50 

Ac ary a Raksita-pada 51 of *Kohkana 52 composed the 
Pradipodyotana 53 under the direct instruction of Candrakirti. 54 

Similarly, *pandita Rahula 55 also met Nagabodhi. This 
was only the beginning of the Dharma-visista-mandala. 66 

| Fol 107 A ] Afterwards during the four later *Palas, this 
was widely spread. HenCe it is said, ‘The two — namely the sun 
and the moon in the sky — while on the earth shone the two 57 
[? the two works entitled the Pradipodyotana].’’ 

The twentyninth chapter containing the 
account of the period of Devapala and his son. 

their belief, were preached during (the lifetime of) Buddha. By the 
way, it is highly probable that there was some real person bearing the 
name Aryadeva and that later on — for giving him importance — he was 
described as identical with the famous pupil of Nagarjuna’. 

49. V n ‘This explains why there occur in Tibetan translation such works 
of Nagarjuna and Aryadeva, which are not at all mentioned by the 

50. Tg rG lxxiv.46 Kurukulld-sadhana by Matahgl-pada. 

51. sruh-ba'i-shabs. In Tg Caturmukha-samaya-siddhi-sadhana (rG lxxxii. 
73) and Karma-vidhi (rG lxxiv. 10) are attributed to mahacarya 

52. cf BA i ,368, ‘at a distance of about 300 yojana- s south of Magadha, 
there was a thick forest in the region known as Kam-ko-na. In a part 
of this forest resided the acarya Raksita-pada, a disciple of the 
dcdrya Nagarjuna.’ 

53. In Tg Pradlpodyotana-nama-tlka (rG xxviii. 1) is attributed to 
Candrakirti. This apart, Tg contains Pradipodyotana by Aryadeva 
(rG xxx & xxxi — the latter an abridged version), Laksmlmkara (rG 
xxix. 5) and KarunasrI-pada (rG xxix. 3). 

54. V adds '(called from the other world)’. 

55. sgra-gcan-'dsin. For his works, see Supplementary Note 57. 

56. chos-'phags-skor-mgo. S 'the circle of the elites of the Doctrine’. 

57. V adds ‘(i.e. the two works entitled the Pradipodyotana)'. S n 'It 
appears that this was written on the title of both the works referred to 
as the Pradipodyotana, one of which was by Candrakirti and the other 
by Aryadeva’. 






After this, *Dharmapala, the son of that king (Rasapala), 
ascended the throne. He ruled for sixtyfour years. He con- 
quered also *Kimarupa, *Tirahuti, *Gauda and other places. 
Thus his empire was very large and his command was extended 
in the east up to the sea, in the west up to *Di-lP (Delhi), in 
the north up to *Jalandhara and in the south up to the heart 
of the Vindhyacala. 

He accepted as his preceptors Haribhadra and Jnanapada 
and filled all directions with the Prajna-paramita and the Sri 
Guhya-samaja. The *pandita-s versed in the Guhya-samaja 
and the Prajna-paramita were offered the highest seats of 
honour etc. 

Round about the period when this king ascended the throne, 
s iddhacarya *KukurI-pa 1 2 appeared in *Bhamgala and worked 
for the welfare of the living beings. His account is given 

Immediately after ascending the throne, the king invited the 

teachers of the Prajna-paramita. He had great reverence for 

Haribhadra 3 in particular. This king built in all about 

fifty centres for the Doctrine, of which thirtyfive were centres 


for the study Of the Prajna-paramita. He also built the Sri 
*Vikramasila 4 vihara. 

1. V Tili, as occuring in S-ed. P-ed Dili. 

2. V & S Kukura. V n ‘Kukura or Kukkura (Ku-khu-ri-pa) was a 
Brahmin in the kingdom of Kapila-bhargu. He attained sadharana- 
siddhi and was among the 33 gods. The bitch reared up by him, 
after becoming a dakini, advised him to attain paramci-siddhi and he 
combined art with spiritual power.’ 

3. S Simhabhadra. 

4. S n ‘With noteworthy tenacity, the Tibetans retain the form Vikrama- 
lasila and I have allowed this form to remain in my text.’ 

/ _ 

Ch. 30. Period of King Sri Dharmapala 


It was built in the north of *Magadha on the bank of the 
*Ganga on the top of a hillock. 5 The central temple in it had 
a human-size statue of the Mahabodhi. Around it, there were 
fiftythree smaller temples of Guhya Tantra and fiftyfour com- 
mon temples.. [ Fol 107B ] Thus he built [the monastery with 
a] total of one hundred and eight temples and the boundary 
walls. He lavishly provided with food and clothes one hundred 
and fourteen persons, namely one hundred and eight *pandita- s 
and the Bali-acarya, Pratisthana-acarya, Homa-acarya, 
Musika-pala, 6 Kapota-pala and the supervisor of the deva- 
dasa- s. For each of them he made provisions that was 
sufficient for four. Every month he organised a festival for 
those that listened to the Doctrine and also made excellent 
gifts to them. 

The chief of this centre was also to look after *Nalendra. 
Each * panel ita regularly explained there a special aspect of the 
Doctrine. Though there was no separate material provision 
for the different centres, these in fact amounted to one hundred 
and eight centres. 

According to some, this king was an incarnation of deary a 
*Kambala-pa. But it is difficult to accept this. It is said that 
a certain master of the Pitaka, after attaining power through 
prayer, was reborn as the king for the purpose of propagating 
the Prajna-paramita. Since the time of this king, the Prajna- 
paramita was extensively propagated. Regarding the propaga- 
tion of the Prajnd-paramita-sutra in the different regions, it was 
predicted 7 in it that this was to be propagated first in the 
madhya-desa, then in the south,' then again in the madhya-desa, 

5. magadha'i-byaii-hos (‘north of Magadha'). V tr ‘on the top of a hill 
on the northern bank of the river Gahga’. 

6. P-ed byi-ba-sruh-ba, (byi-ba= mouse). S-ed bya-ba-bsruh-ba ( bya-ba= 
instructions). S tr ‘the protector of duties (or instructions)’. V tr 
‘Protector (? from) (of) mice’, V n ‘I have read byi-ba-sruh-ba. S 
reads bya-ba-bsruit-ba'. 

7. S tr ‘In the chapter on the bliwni-pariksana of the Prajnd-paramita- 
sutra it was predicted — ’ V tr ‘In the Prajha-pdramita-su.ra it was 
predicted — ’ 



then in the north and from the north to the distant north. Of 
this prediction, the period of the spread from the south to the 
madhya-desa again is to be identified as the period of this king. 
According to some, in the sutra itself it was said that (the 
Prajna-paramita) was to be spread again in the madhya-desa 
after its spread in the north. Such a view is the result of not 
studying the sutra - s properly. 

During the period of this king, western India was ruled by 
king *Cakrayudha, which can be clearly seen in the brief inscrip- 
tion on the stone-pillar of Jayasena. 

[ Fol 108 A ] On a rough calculation, he (Dharmapala) was 
a contemporary of the Tibetan king Khri-sron-lde-btsan. 8 

During the period of this king (Dharmapala) lived the great 
logician Kalyanagupta, 9 Haribhadra, Sundaravyuha 10 Sagara- 
megha, 11 Prabhakara, 12 Purnavardhana, 13 the great vajracarya 
Buddhajnanapada and his famous disciples, namely Buddha- 
guhya 14 and Buddhasanti, 15 and, in Kashmir, acarya 
Padmakaraghosa, 16 the logician Dharmakaradatta 17 and 

8. Petech in IHQ supplement xiii, xv, 77-82 gives the date of this 
Tibetan king as A.D. 755-797. cf A Chattopadhyaya AT 212ff & 

9. dge-sruh. See Supplementary Note 58. 

10. mdses-bkod. Tg contains Gathadvaya-vyakhyana (mDo xxxvii.5) by 
him, a commentary on Kg mDo Vol. pa xiii. 2. 

11. rgya-mtsho-sprin. Tg contains Yogacarya-bhumi-bodhisattva-blnuni- 
vyakhya (mDo lv) attributed to Sagaramegha (Samudramegha). 

12. 'od-zer. See Supplementary Note 59. 

13. gah-ba-spel-(ba). Tg contains a commentary on Abhidharmakosa 
(mDo lxvii-lxviii) and an abridged version of the same (mDo lxx. 3) 
attributed to him. 

14. sans-rgyas-gsaii-ba. See Supplementary Note 60. 

15. sahs-rgyas-shi-ba. Tg contains Desanastava-vrtti (bsTod 49) attri- 
buted to him. 

16. padma-'byuh-gnas-dbyahs. In Tg Bhiksu-varsagraprccha (mDo xc.21) 
is attributed to Padmakaraghosa, though it is usually considered to 
be a work of Padmasambhava — see Roerich BA i.30n & Obermiller 
Bu-ston ii.introA. 

17. chos-byuh-byin. Vidyabhusana HIL 329 — he was a disciple of 
Dharmakaradatta of Kashmir and of Kalyanaraksita. 

Ch. 30. Period of King Sri Dharmapala 


Simhamukha 18 , the expert in Vinaya. 

Among them now about acarya Haribhadra. 

He took up ordination though coming from a royal family 
and was a profound scholar in many sastra-s. He listened to 
the exposition of the Madhyamaka works from acarya Santi- 
raksita. From upadhyaya Vairocanabhadra 19 he listened to 
the Prajna-paramita along with the Abhisamaya-alamkdra-sastra- 
upadesa. After this, he propitiated Jina Ajita in the *Khasar- 
pani forest in the east. He received his vision in dream and 
asked, ‘There exist now many commentaries on the Prajna- 
paramita composed from different philosophical view-points. 
Which of these should be followed ?’ He then received the 
permission : ‘Compile those parts of these that are acceptable.’ 

Shortly after this, king *Dharmapala invited him. He lived 
in the **Trikatuka monastery and preached the Prajna-paramita 
to thousands of listeners. He composed many sastra-s like 
the Asta-sahasrika-maha-tika. 

[ Fol 108B ] He passed away more than twenty years after 
king *Dharmapala ascended the throne. 

Now about acarya Sagaramegha. 

He had a vision of Jina Ajita. It is said that being instruc- 
ted by him to compose the commentary on the Yogacarya- 
bhumi in five sections, he composed a commentary on the 
whole of it. However, his commentary on the Bodhisattva- 
bhumi 20 is most famous. 

18. seh-ge gdoh-can. Bu-ston ii. 161 doubts the tradition according to 
which he was a disciple of Sakyaprabha. 

19. rnam-snah-mdsad-bzah-po. See Supplementary Note 61. 

20. V n : ‘This work of Sagaramegha is available in Tg. Bodhisattva-bhumi 
is the second part (the first part being Sravaka-bhumi) of the first of 
the five divisions of the Yogacarya-bhumi and contains 6,750 sloka- s. 
It is partly identical with Sutralamkarai It expounds : 1) about the 
traditions of peoples, 2) about the origin of thought, 3) causing 
welfare to self and others, 4) about the value of the absolute, 5) about 
Buddha and his Doctrine, 6) about perfection, 7) about bodht, 8) 
about powers, 9) — 14) about the six paramita- s, each examined in 
nine ways,’ 



Regarding Padmakaraghosa, I think that he was the same 
as upadhyaya Lo-dri . 21 

Now about mahacarya Buddhajnanapada. 

He may be considered as the foremost disciple of Hari- 
bhadra. He attained siddhi and started preaching the Doctrine 
round about the period when Haribhadra passed away. After 
some years, he became the king’s preceptor. Shortly after 
this, he consecrated the *Vikramasila (monastery) and was 
appointed the Vajracarya there. Beginning with the time when 
this acarya started working for the welfare of the living beings 
and up to the time of his passing away, he used to receive 
every night seven hundred golden *pana- s from arya *Jambhala 
and three hundred pearl necklaces from the goddess Vasudhara. 
By the grace of these deities, every morning the buyer for these 
turned up. He used to spend before each evening all 
the money obtained therefrom in pious acts. He spent the 
time thus. He used to offer lamps as big as the chariot-wheel 
— seven each for the nineteen deities of the Guhya-samaja and 
three each for the eight Bodhisattvas and the' six Krodhas. He 
used to offer fifteen naivedya- s to the fifteen guardians of the 
horizons, each naivedya being raised by two men. He used 
similarly to offer many other articles of worship and to satisfy 
the disciples who listened to the Doctrine [ Fol 109A ] and the 
ordained monks and all sorts of supplicants. Thus he worked 
for the perpetual spread of the Law. 

•He told king *Dharmapala, ‘There are indications of the 
ruin of the dynasty during the rule of your grandson ( tsha-bo ). 
Perform the great homa so that the dynasty may last long and 
the Doctrine also may be extensively spread.’ 

Accordingly, he (Dharmapala) got the homa performed for 
many years by the vajradhara- s with this acarya as their chief 
and offered during this articles worth nine lakh and two 
thousand *tola- s of silver. 

He (the acarya) predicted [to the king] : ‘Twelve of your 

21. lo-dri— varsa-prccha. As author of Bhiksu-varsagrap rccha (see note 
16 above), Padmakaraghosa is also referred to as upadhyaya Lo-dri. 

/ _ 

Ch. 30. Period of King Sri Dharmapala 


successors will be kings, and up to your fifth descendant in 
particular, many countries will be under their rule and the Law 
also will be extensively spread. 5 This prediction came true. 
The details of his life are to be found elsewhere. 

In a temple of Vajrasana there was then a large silver-image 
of *Heruka 22 and many treatises on Tantra. 23 Some of the 
Sravaka *Sendhava-s 24 of ,*Singa island (Ceylon) and other 
places said that these were composed by Mara. 25 So they 
burnt these and smashed the image into pieces and used the 
pieces as ordinary money. 

From *Bhamgala people used to come to *Vikramasila 
for offering worship. (The Sravaka Sendhavas told them), 
‘That which is called Mahayana is only a source of livelihood 
for those who follow the wrong view. Therefore, keep clear 
of these so-called preachers of the True Doctrine. 5 In this 
way, they used to draw people towards themselves. Later on, 
the king came to know all these and was about to punish the 
*Singala islanders. But the acarya saved them at last. 

This acarya also explained in a limited form the three 
*Kri-yogas ( kriya-yoga-s ). [ Fol 109B ] But he preached 
most extensively the five Tantras of the insiders, namely the 
Samaja, Mayajala, Buddha-samayoga, Candra-guhya-tilaka- 
and Manjusri-krodha. Special emphasis was put on the tea- 
chings of the Guhya-samaja and so it was very widely spread. 

The acarya had a disciple called Prasantamitra. 26 He was 
an excellent *pandita of the Abhidharma, Prajna-paramita and 
the three *Kri-yogas. He lived ad libitum 27 . But recognising 
him as fortunate, acarya Jnanapada conferred abhiseka on him, 

22. shig (one). V tr ‘large silver images of Heruka.’ 

23. shags (mantra or tantra). V tr ‘many secret treatises.’ 

24. D 1276 — sendhava, probably Tibetanised form of the word siddha. 

25. Chag lo-tsa-ba (Roerich SW 53 If) also found the predominance of the 
Sravakas in Vajrasana. 

26. rab-shi-bses-gnen. Tg contains three Tantrika works by him — rG xxv. 

3 ; lvi.3 ; lvi.4. 

27. ci-bder-gnas-pa. D 381 — placed as they liked ; name of a section of 
Tantrika Buddhists in the monastery of Vikramasila during Atisa’s 
time. V ‘he lived calmly.’ 



who, by meditating, received the vision of Yamari and brought 
the powerful and malignant 28 yaksa under control, obtained 
from him whatever wealth he wanted and distributed it to the 
needy. Employing the yaksa to work for him, he built to the 
south of *Nalendra a monastery called the Amrtakara 29 . At last 
he attained the vidyadhara state in mortal body. 

Now about Ksatriya Rahulabhadra. 

He studied in a centre of learning and received the degree of 
*pandita. But he was not very sharp in intellect. The acarya 
[Buddhajnanapada] conferred abhiseka on him and blessed him. 
For a long time he practised the Guhya-samaja on the bank of 
a river near the *Sindhu in the west, attained the vision of 
Pancagotra Tathagata 30 and became a direct siddha of Guhya- 
pati. He went to the Dravida country, instead of. 31 working 
for the welfare of the living beings only in Jambudvipa. There 
he delivered many sermons on the Guhyatantra. He obtained 
wealth from the Nagas and from this he used to pay everyday 
a golden *dinara as the daily wage to each of the five hundred 
workers employed in the construction of a temple. 

[ Foi 110A ] [Thus] he built a big temple of Guhya-samaja. 
He attained the vidyadhara state in the mortal body and entered 
the sea to subdue the Nagas. He still lives there. 

Acarya Buddhaguhya and Buddhasanti were disciples of 
acarya Buddhajnanapada during the first part of his life. They 
listened to many guhya-mantra- s in general from the acarya 
himself and from many other Vajradharas. They became 
special adepts in the three Tantra-s of kriya, caryd and yoga 
and attained siddhi in the yoga-tantra. 

Now about Buddhaguhya. 

He propitiated arya Manjusri somewhere in Varanasi. As 

28. S-ed snod-nas (pitcher). P-ed gnod-gnas (malignant). S tr 'attained 
control over all the treasures of the yaksa- s with excellent wealth’. 

29. bdud-rtsVi-byuh-gnas, lit. 'the source of nectar’. 

30. de-bshin-gsegs-pa-rigs-lha. V n : ‘Vairocana, Aksobhya, Amitabha, 
Ratnakara, Amoghasiddhi’. 

31. cher-ma-mdsad, lit. ‘not working extensively’. S tr ‘He extensively 
worked for the welfare of the living beings in Jambudvipa...’ 

/ _ 

Ch. 30. Period of King Sri Dharmapala 


a result, the picture of the deity smiled. The article for the 
siddhi — namely ghee from red and yellow cows— started boiling. 
The withered flowers blossomed again. So he knew these as 
marks of approaching siddhi. But he remained hesitant for a 
while, thinking whether first to swallow the ghee or offer the 
flowers. At that moment, a yaksini causing obstruction slapped 
on the face of the acarya, which made him unconscious for a 
little while. On regaining consciousness, (he saw) the picture 
of the deity covered with dust, the flowers withered and the 
ghee spilt on the ground. He wiped off the dust, put the 
flowers on the head [of the image] and swallowed the ghee that 
remained. This made his body free from all diseases, light and 
strong. Also his intellect became sharp and he was endowed 
with abhijnana. 

Without the aid of these articles and the picture of the 
deity, by meditation alone Buddhasanti [ Fol HOB ] attained 
the same qualities as Buddhaguhya. 

Then the two together went to the *Po.tala hill. At the 
foot of the hill, arya Tara sat preaching the Doctrine to the 
Nagas. But they saw only an old woman tending a big herd 
of cows. When they reached the middle of the hill, the goddess 
Bhrkuti was preaching the Doctrine to the group of Asuras 
and Yaksas. But they saw a girl tending a big herd of goats 
and sheep. When they reached the top of the hill, there was 
nothing but a stone image of arya Avalokitesvara. Thus it 
is said. 

But Buddhasanti thought, ‘Why should this place be full of 
such trivial objects ? So all these are due to the defects of my 
vision. They must be Tara and others.’ With this deep con- 
viction, he earnestly prayed to them. Thus he acquired as the 
general quality the miraculous power of transforming anything 
at will and also the extraordinary quality of boundless abhijnana 
and with this he learnt all the sastra - s that he never studied 
before. He realised the nature of everything as but void 
(literally, like the akasa ). 




But Buddhaguhya prayed with no such conviction and he 
attained only the miraculous power of moving without his feet 
touching the earth. Then the old woman instructed him, 'Go 
to the Ti-se [ICailasa] of the Himalayas and meditate there.’ 

On their way back 32 (from Potala), he asked Buddhasanti, 
‘What sort of siddhi did you attain ?’ He (Buddhasanti) told 
him all that had happened. He felt somewhat jealous to know 
that his companion had attained greater siddhi. Immediately 
he lost even the siddhi of moving without touching the earth. 
It is said that after expiating for it for a long time, he regained 
the siddhi. Then he preached the Doctrine for a few years at 
*Varanasi [ Fol 111A J and, being instructed by arya Manjusri 
as before, he went to the mount Ti-se , 33 meditated there and 
had the repeated vision of Vajradhatu-maha-mandala . 34 He 
could even speak with arya Manjusri personally as it were. 

He employed all the sub-human beings to his service and 
acquired the power of karma-sambhara 35 and the sadharana- 
siddhi- s. 

At that time, the Tibetan king Khri-sron-lde-btsan sent 
*Manjusri of dBus 36 and others to invite him (Buddhaguhya). 
But he did not go there, because the permission for this was 
refused by (the god) Manjusri . 37 So he preached to them (i.e. 
Tibetans) the three *Kri-yoga-s (kriya-yoga- s). 

He composed the Vajra-dhatu-yogavatara , 38 Vairocana- 
bhisambodhi-tantra-tika 39 and the Dhyanottara-patala-tika i0 . 

32. tshur- oiis-pa-na, lit. 'on the way back’. S tr 'reaching there’. 

33. one of Buddhaguhya’s work (rG lxviii.238) is said to have been 
composed in the Himalaya. 

34. rdo-rje-dbyiiis ( vajradhatu — see Tg rG lvii.1 & li.2). S Dharmadhatu. 

35. las-tshogs. V & S kriyci-gana. 

36. dBus, i.e. central Tibet. 

37. Tg contains Bhota-svami-dasa-Iekha (mDo xciv.39), a letter sent by 
Buddhaguhya to Khri-sroh-lde-btsan, the king of Tibet and his 
subjects, the Tibetan devotees. 

38. No work exactly with this title is traced in Tg — see Supplementary 
Note 60, 

39. Tg rG lxiv.1 and its auto-commentary rG lxiv.2. 

40. rGlxvi.l. 

Ch. 30. Period of King Sri Dharmapala 


There are many brief commentaries on his writings. Though 
he did not attain the parama-siddhi , his body became invisible. 

Though it is said that Buddhasanti also lived in Ti-se, it is 
clear that he went to *Urgyana. 

Evidently, acarya *Kamalasila 41 also lived during the period 
of this king. Therefore, I do not consider him as prior or 
posterior to this king. 

The thirtieth chapter containing the account 
of the period of king Sri Dharmapala. 

41. See Supplementary Note 62. 







*Masuraksita [? Vasuraksi], 1 a son-in-law of king *Dharma- 
pala, then ruled for about eight years. After him *Vanapala, 
a son of king *Dharmapala, ruled for about ten years. To 
their period belonged acarya Dharmottara 2 the logician, 
*Dharmamitra, *Vimalamitra, 3 *Dharmakara 4 and others. 

These two kings extensively worshipped the Doctrine. 
[ Fol HUB ] But since they ‘left no mark of their hands’ (i.e. 
did not construct any new monastery etc), they are not counted 
among the Seven *Palas. 

After them, *MahipaIa, the son of king *Vanapala, ruled 
the kingdom for fiftytwo years. Roughly speaking, the time 
of the death of this king was the same as that of the Tibetan 
king Khri-ral (Ral-pa-can). 5 

During the reign of this king lived acarya Anandagarbha, 6 
the Madhyamika-prasangika 7 Asvaghosa, 8 who wrote Samvrti 
and Paramartha Bodhicittabhavana-krama , 9 acarya Parahita, 10 

1. Here the text has Masuraksita, though in the Table of Contents the 
name occurs as Vasuraksi. V Masuraksita. 

2. chos-mchog. See Supplementary Note 63. 

3. See Supplementary Note 64. 

4. See Supplementary Note 65. 

5. A.D. 806-841. See A. Chattopadhyaya AT 250ff. 

6. kun-dga'-snih-po. See Supplementary Note 66, 

7. dbu-ma-thal- gyur-ba. S ‘follower of the Madhyamika’, 

8. rta-dbyahs. 

9. In Tg are attributed to Asvaghosa (who belonged to the period of 
king Mahapala of Bengal : Lalou 187) Paramartha-bodhieitta- 
bhavanakrama-varna-samgraha (mDo xxx.5 & xxxiii.54) and Samvrti- 
bodhicittabhavanopade'sa-varna-samgraha (mDo xxx.4 & xxxiii.55). 

10. gshan-la-phan-pa. See supplementary Note 67. 

Ch. 31. Period of MahTpala and others 


acarya Candrapadma 11 and others. It is further clear that 
acarya Jnanadatta 12 and Jnanakirti 13 and others also belonged to 
this period. Also lived in Kashmir during this period *Jina- 
mitra , 14 the expert in the Vinaya, *Sarvajnadeva , 15 *Danasila 16 
and others. It is clear that these three went also to Tibet . 17 
Siddha *Tillipa 18 also belonged to this period. His account is 
to be found elsewhere. 

Now about acarya Anandagarbha. 

Born in a Vaisya family in *Magadha, he belonged to the 
Mahasamghika sect. In philosophy, he was a Vijnana-madhya- 
maka . 19 He studied the five branches of knowledge 20 in 

He came to know that in *Bhamgala the disciples of siddha- 
raja **Prakasacandra were preaching all the Yoga-tantras and 
so he went there. He met many acarya - s like Subhutipalita 21 
and others and became a scholar in all the Yoga-tantras. Then 
he remained firm in the dvadasa-dhuta-gunad 2 meditated in a 
forest and had the vision of Vajradhatu-maha-mandala . 23 He 
also received instructions to compose sastra - s and could speak to 

1 1 . zla-ba-padma. 

12. ye-ses-byin. In Tgis attributed to him Arya-caturdhannaka-vyakhyana- 
tjka (mDo xxxiv. 1 1). 

13. ye-ies-grags-pa. In Tg are attributed to h\mTattvavatarakhya-sakala- 
sugata-vacasa-tatparya-vycikhya-prakarana (rG lxxii.5) and Paramita - 
yana-bhavanakrama-upadesa (mDo xxx.15 & xxxiii.79). 

14. See Supplementary Note 68. 

15. See Supplementary Note 69. 

16. See Note 10 of Ch 28. 

17. Jinamitra and Danasila were among the compilers of Mahavyutpatti 
(mDo cxxiii.44). For Sarvajnadeva, see Supplementary Note 69. 

18. Mentioned variously as Tailika-pada, Tilo-pa, Telo-pa, Taili-pada, 
snum-pa, dhe-li-pa See Supplementary Note 70. 

19. mam-rig- dbu-ma-pa. See Supplementary Note 12. 

20. panca-vidya-sthanani, viz. sabda-vidya, hetu-vidya, adhyatma-vidya , 
cikitsa-vidya and silpasthana-vidya. See Roerich SW 506n. 

21. rab-byor-bskyaiis. In Tg is attributed Homa-vidhi (rG lvii.10) to him. 

22. sbyaiis-pad-yon-tan-bcu-giiis — see D 939 on the dhuta-guna-s. S tr 'he 
practised the two highly renowned virtues’. 

23. S Mahadharmadhatu-mandala. 



the tutelary deity personally as it were. 

[ Fol 112A ] After he became an adept in magic spells, 
he easily acquired the power of all karma-sambhara- s. When 
he was about to attain sicldhi, his fame reached acarya *Prajna- 
palita, 24 who came from the madhya-desa to listen to the 
Doctrine from him. He then conferred abhiseka on him 
(Prajnapalita) and explained to him the Tattva-samgraha. For 
this acarya, he (Anandagarbha) composed the Vajrodaya. 25 

When he (Prajnapalita) expounded this in the madhya-desa, 
the king *Mahlpala asked him, 'From whom did you receive 
this text ?’ 

‘Do you have no - knowledge even of one who lives in your 
own kingdom ? I have received this from acarya Ananda- 
garbha, who resides in *Bhamgala.’ 

Full of reverence, the king invited him to the monastery of 
*Otsayana-cudamani near Jvala-guha 26 in the south of *Maga- 
dha. The number of the listeners to the Guhya-samaja became 
vast. He composed many sastra- s, like the Tattva-aloka-kan 27 
the great commentary on the Tattva-samgraha , 28 

King *Viracarya of *Odivisa, who was like a real brother to 29 
king *Mahipala, invited him to a vihara which was situated at the 
place where previously lived King *Muhja. He first composed 
the great commentary on the Srl-paramadi(-vivarana)d° He 
[Anandagarbha] also composed 31 a commentary on the Guhya- 
samaja and on many other Tantras. According to some of the 

24. See Supplementary Note 71. 

25. See Supplementary Note 66. 

26. ’ bar-ba'i-pluig . 

27. In Tg is attributed to acarya Anandagarbha Sarva-tathagata-tattvq- 
nama (rG lii-liii). 

28. Sarva-tathagata-tattvasamgraha-nama-mahay cma-sut ra — Sendai Cat 
No 479. Not to be confused with Santaraksita’s Tattva-samgraha 
(mDo cxiii.l), nor with another work having the title Tattva-samgraha 
and attributed to Ghanta-vajra (rG lxxxiv.7). 

29. pha-spun-du- gro-ba. pha-spun, lit. ‘brothers and sisters of the same 
father’ and du- gro-ba, lit’ 'one who moves’. S tr 'who moved about 
with MahTpala as a father moves with the son’. 

30. See Supplementary Note 66. 

31. ib. 

Ch. 31. Period of Mahipala and others 


Tibetans, he composed commentaries on one hundred and eight 
Yoga-tantras. But it is doubtful if there existed at that time 
even twenty Yoga-tantras in India . 32 Further, as correctly said 
by the scholars, there is no basis to say that he composed two 
commentaries on each of the Yoga-tantras, one big and the 
other small. Hence it is clear that it is wrong to consider the 
number to be even a hundred. 

[Fol H2B ] During this period lived an acarya called 
*Bhago , 33 who attained siddhi by the Vajramrta-tantra. 

Previously in Kashmir a *pandita called Gambhiravajra 34 

propitiated Vajrasurya by the Sri-sarva-buddha-samayoga- 

/ m 

tantra 35 in the crematorium of Sitavana. He had at last the 
vision of Vajra-amrta-maha-mandala and attained the 
sadharana-siddhi under its blessings. 

He prayed, ‘Please grant me the parama[-siddhi]\ 

‘Go to the *Urgyana country and there in a place called 
*Dhumasthira ask for it from a woman who has the complex- 
ion of an *utpala and who bears an emerald-like mark on the 

This being done, he received it [the siddhi ]. This dakini 
conferred on him the abhiselca of Catuh(-vajra)-amrta-man- 
dala. She herself explained to him the Tantras and gave him 
the treatises on these. Among these, he meditated on *Heruka 
and attained maha-mudra-siddhi. After this, he resided in 
*Malava. He came across eight beggars and, finding them 
fit, conferred abhiselca on them and led them to meditation. 
The acarya himself attained siddhi of eight vetala- s in the 
crematorium and gave a vetala to each of them. All of them 
also attained maha-siddhi. He also made a gift of his sadharana 

32. S tr 'But this is improbable, inasmuch as up to that period only 
twenty Yoga-tantras had originated in the arya-desa .’ 

33. In Tg is attributed to siddha-mahacarya Bhago Sn-vajramrta 
mahatantrarajasya-tlka (rG xxiv.3). 

34. zab-pa'i-rdo-rje. In Tg is attributed to mahamudra-siddhacarya 
Gambhiravajra of Urgyana a commentary on the Mahamudra-tilaka 
called Srl-guhyartha-prakasa-mahddbhuta-ndma (rG xx.2). 

35. dpal-sahs-rgyas-t/iams-cad-mJiam-par-sbyoi-ba'i-rgyiid. 



siddhi to others. Though there were many who attained siddhi 
for themselves, it is said that only the greatest among the great 
siddha - s could make a gift of their siddhi to others. 

Further, this acarya had once four disciples. He led 
each of them to meditation on the Catuh-amrta-mandala. 
[ Fol 113 A 3 He also preached sampannakrama to each of them 
and thus they attained Vajrakaya and became invisible. 
Later on acarya Amrtaguhya 36 became his disciple. He con- 
ferred abhiseka on him and preached to him the Tantras. 
After this he went to the realm of the gods to work for the 
welfare of the living beings. 

Acarya Amrtaguhya also attained siddhi and he was a 
maha-yogi. He attained the siddhi of the asta-kosa-kalasa and 
satisfied all the poor people. He received wealth from the 
god of the sky and maintained without interruption eight big 
centres for the Doctrine. 

There is no definite account of the king to whose period 
they belonged. But by collating the different reports, it becomes 
clear that they lived after king *Devapala. 

Acarya *Bhago was his (Amrtaguhya’s) disciple. He also 
attained vetala-siddhi. With its aid he succeeded in many 
auspicious kosa-kalasa-sadhana. He satisfied everybody all 
around and built a big temple of Pancagotratathagata near 
the city of *Prayaga and also a big temple of Vajramrta in 
*Karnata in the south. He preached the Tantras to *pandita 
Vimalabhadra 37 and many others. 

It is said that under the auspices of these acarya- s, this 
Tantra was widely spread also in *Magadha. 

The thirtyfirst chapter containing the account of 
the period of king Masuraksita [? Vasuraksi ] 
king Vanapala and the great king Mahipala. 

36. bdud-rtsi-gsah-ba, 

37. dri-med-bzah-po. In Tg are attributed to him S rl-vajramrta-pahjika 
(rG xxiv.l) and Vajramrta-tantra-tlka (rG xxiv.2). 

Ch. 32, Period of Mahapala & Samupata 




His (Mahipala’s) son king *Mahapala ruled for fortyone 


years. He mainly worshipped the Sravaka samgha in the 
*Odantapuri vihara. 

[ Foi 113 B ] He maintained there five hundred bhiksu - s and 

fifty preachers of the Doctrine. As an annexe to this {vihara), 

he built a vihara called *Uruvasa. Here also he provided five 

hundred Sravaka-sendhavas with livelihood, Though allowing 
*Vikramasila to retain its previous position, he made this the 
centre of great veneration. He established some centres for the 
Doctrine also in Sri *Nalendra and many centres for the 
Doctrine also in *Somapuri, *Nalendra* and *Trikatuka 
monasteries. . 

*Pito acarya 1 2 brought the Kalacakra Tantra during the 
latter half of the life of *Mahipala, but he spread it during the 
period of this king (Mahapala). 

The logician Alamkara-upadhyaya alias Prajnakaragupta 3 
also lived during this period. 

1. Though S-ed also contains this repetition of Nalanda, S omits it in 

his tr. i 

2. In the account of the spread of Kalacakra given in BA ii.753ff, ins- 
tead of Pito-acarya, we have the name of the Great Pindo-pa, who 
first obtained the Kalacakra from Sambhala (BA ii.761). D 782, on 
the authority of Taranatha’s bka' -babs-bdun-ldan-gyi-rmim-thar , 
mentions Pi-rto-pa as an Indian Buddhist who is said to have visited 
Sambhala. BA i. 37 1 mentions Bito-pada, a disciple of Buddhasri- 
jnana and BA i. 262 mentions Pito-pa as one of the five special 
(Indian) disciples of Atlsa. 

3. See note 65 of Ch 26. 




Also lived (during this period) *Yoga-pa , 4 Padmankusa , 5 
*Jetari 6 the senior, Krsnasamaya-vajra , 7 acarya *Thagana 8 and 

The account of *Pito acarya is to be clearly found elsewhere. 
It is clear that his disciple Kalacakrapada 9 lived sometime 
during the period of this king. 

After the death of this king, his son-in-law *Samupala ruled 
for twelve years. 

Now about acarya *Jetari among them. 

In *Varendra in the east there previously lived a feudatory 
chief called *Sanatana during the reign of king *Vanapala. 
His chief queen was very beautiful and intelligent. He also 
loved her dearly. Even at the time of her bath, he used 
to place her on a golden tortoise and allowed none to see her. 

This king received the abhiselca of Guhyasamaja from the 
brahmana acarya Garbhapada 10 and offered him as fee this 
queen, horses, gold, elephants, etc. 

4. S takes it as an adjective of Padmankusa and tr : ‘Padmankusa, well- 
versed in the Yoga’. But in the account of the 84 siddha- s, Yogi-pa 
(Ayogi-pa) is mentioned as the 53rd one : he was a doma by caste, 
belonged to Udantapuri (? Odantapuri) and a disciple of Sabara-pa. 
— see R. Sankrityayana Puratattva-nibandhabali 152. In Tg is 
possibly attributed to him Vayusthana-roga-pariksa-nama (rG xlviii. 

5. In Tg the Tibetan form of his name is given as padma-lcags-kyu and 
three Tantrika works are attributed to him (rG Ixix. 169-71), 

6. See Supplementary Note 72. 

7. nag-po-dam-tshig-rdo-rje. S Kalasamayavajra. In Tg one Tantrika 
work is attributed to Samaya-vajra or Krsna-samaya (rG xxxiv.3) 
and four to Krsnavajra (rG xxii.34 ; xxiii. 1 8 ; xlvii.44 & lxxxvi.71). 

8. In the account of the 84 siddha- s, Thagana-pa is mentioned as the 
19th : he was a sudra by caste, belonged to eastern India and was a 
preceptor of Santi-pa. BA ii. 847 mentions a brahmana Thagana. Tg 
contains one work (rG xxi.30) by maha-brahmana Thakkana or 
Thagana of Urgyana and three works (rG xxxv.3 ; xxxiv.16 & xlviii. 
16) are attributed to Thagana, the last of these being Dohakosa- 

9. See Supplementary Note 73. 

10. snih-po’i-shabs. In Tg are attributed to him Vajrayana-mulapatti- 
tika (xlviii. 144) and Kalpokta-marlci-sadhana (rG lxxi.228). 

Ch. 32. Period of Mahapala & Samupala 


[ Fol 114 A ] Gambhirapada had a son with auspicious 

marks born of her. At the age of seven he was sent to an 

elementary school of the brahmana- s. The other brahmana boys 

beat him saying, ‘You are born in a low family.’ When he 

asked the reason for this, they said, ‘Being a Buddhist Tantrika 

your father gave the Sudra queen a higher status and, while 
worshipping, he does not distinguish between the low and high 
castes and allows these to mix.’ 

Thus they persecuted him so much that he returned home 
weeping. On being enquired by the father, he said all that 
had happened. 

‘So they are to be subdued.’ Saying this he conferred the 
abhiseka of Manjughosa on him and led him to meditation 
with proper instructions. 

After the completion of about a year, he sank deep into 
the suddha-pratibhasa-samadhi 11 and had the signs of the approa- 
ching siddhi. Both inside and outside the cottage, the beam of 
golden yellow light was spread everywhere. When his mother 
brought food for him, she saw this and thinking that the 
cottage had caught fire started crying. This interrupted his 
meditation and the rays vanished. 

His father said : ‘He would have himself become equal to 
Manjughosa only if he could continue to remain in this suddha- 
pratibhasa [-samadhi] for seven days. But some obstruction is 
caused to this. Anyhow, he will have great intelligence and 
will have free access to all the spheres of learning. 5 

And it happened like that. He learnt without studying the 
scripts, all the fine arts, prosody, sabda-vidya etc. He became 
the lord of the great scholars by learning many branches of 
knowledge only with a single reading and by studying only 
once or twice even the subjects that were most difficult. 

11. V n 'tih-he-'dsin-gyi-gsal-snah. S mentions that here this should be 
taken to mean snah-ba-gsal-ba-nas-bya-ba'i-tih-iie-'dsin, i e. suddha- 
pratibhasa-samadhi mentioned in the Mahavyutpatti. In Tantras, this 
radiation is one of the highest states of samadhi, which ind’cates that 
the objective is approaching.’ 



[ Fol 114B ] He remained an upasaka throughout his life. 
With his father he studied whatever he (the father) knew — the 
Guhyasamaja, Cakrasamvara, Hevajra, etc. He also took resort 
to many other teachers. But he had the special privilege of 
listening to all the doctrines from Manjughosa himself. 

From the time of the death of his father brahmana Garbha- 
pada to the period of king *Mah!pala, he did not receive the 
*patra. 12 So he went round many places to worship at various 
temples and to compete with the *panclita-s in learning. Once 
he went to *Khasarpani. In front of the gate he saw the 
image of the fierce Acala and taking it for that of a raksasa, 
he had disrespect for it. In a dream he saw many Acalas 
coming out of the heart of the Great Sage and sup- 
pressing all the wicked people. So he wanted to atone for the 
sin of showing disrespect to the contrivance of the Buddha 
himself and, as a result, had a vision of Tara. 

She said, ‘Compose many treatises on Mahayana. That 
will remove your sin.’ 

Later on, during the period of king *Mahapala a good 
residence called *Vrksapuri and also the *patra conferring on 
him the status of a *pandita of *Vikramasila were offered to 
him. He delivered many sermons on the Doctrine and his 
fame spread more and more. He composed 13 short commen- 
taries on the Siksa-samuccaya, Caryavatara, Akasagarbha- 
sutra etc. In general, he composed about one hundred sastra - s 
on many siitra - s and tantra- s. 

Now about Krsnasamaya-vajra. 

He belonged to the lineage of acdrya Buddhajnanapada. 
[ Fol 115A 3 In a solitary place of *Ra-ra, 14 he hung up a 
picture of Hevajra and sat in deep meditation. After many 
years, when he himself intensely concentrated on the Prati- 

12. S-ed satra, P-ed patra — the letter conferring the title of pandita. V n 
‘S tr diploma and assumes that this is a corruption of the word patra.' 

13. See Supplementary Note 72. 

14. S Chagala, V ‘Rada ( ? Chagala).’ The word ra in Tibetan means 

Ch. 32. Period of Mahapala & Samupala 


bhasa-samadhi of the Mandala, his consort 15 saw a certain 
object lying reclined 16 in front of the picture. When she told 
this to the dcdrya, his meditation was interrupted. He touched 
the object lying reclined and found it to be a corpse. He 
realised that it was an article needed for the siddhi and gobbled 
it up without hesitation. After spending seven days in the 
sukha-sunyaia-samadhi , 17 when he woke up he had the direct 
vision of the Hevajra-mandala and attained unlimited power. 

The thirtysecond chapter containing the account 

of the period of kings Mahapala and Samupala. 

15. S ‘mother of knowledge’. This is because he reads the word as rig-ma 
(‘mother of Veda, Gayatr?, etc), which should better be read here as 
rigs-ma (consort). V consort. 

16. S unclean. But the text has vor-yor-ba (reclined), 

17. bde-stoii, an abbreviation of bde-ba-daii-stoii-pa-iUd—seQ D 669. 





After this, *Sresthapala, the eldest son of king *Mahapala, 
ascended the throne and died after three years. As he left ‘no 
mark of his hands’ [i.e. built no monastery etc] he is not 
counted among the Seven (Palas). 

On a rough calculation, the second half of the life of king 
*Mahapala synchronised with the ‘Subsequent Propagation of 
the Doctrine in Tibet’. 1 To this period also belonged brahmana 
Jnanapada. 2 It is said to have been the period also of the latter 
half of the life of Krsnacarya the junior. 3 

As the younger son (of Mahapala) had not yet attained 
seventeen 4 years, his maternal uncle *Canaka ruled during the 
intervening period. 

During his (Canaka’s) period* acarya *Santi-pa 5 and others 
were invited. From this period on, the designation Six Door- 
keeper -Scholars 6 was introduced. 

He (Canaka) ruled for twentynine 7 years and, in a war, won 
victory over the *Turuska king. 

[Fol 115B] The *Bhamgalas once revolted and came to wage 
war in *Magadha. The Bali-acarya of *Vikramasila prepared 
maha-bali 8 for Acala. When he put it into the *Ganga, many 
boats carrying the 'Turuskas from *Bhamgala were drowned. 

1. i.e. the revival of Buddhism in Tibet after the persecution by gLan- 
dar-ma ; the persecution took place in A.D. 901 (or A.D. 841). See 
A. Chattopadhyaya AT 282. 

2. ye-ses-shabs. 

3. nag-po-spyod-pa-chuh-ba. BA i. 372 mentions Balin-acarya, a con- 
temporary of Naro-pa and also known as Krsnapada, the Junior. 

4. S-ed bdun (seven), P-ed bcu-bdun (seventeen). Y & S seven. 

5. See Supplementary Note 74. 

6. i.e. of the Vikramasila-vihara. 

7. ni-su-rtsn-dgu (29). S twentyeight. V twentynine, 

8. gtor-chen — D 527. 

Ch. 33. Period of King Canaka 


The king had the honour of winning the war. He subdued 
them (i.e. the Turuskas from Bhamgala) and restored peace in 
the kingdom. 

After this, his nephew *Bheyapala, the younger son of king 
*Mahapala , 9 ascended the throne. He (Canaka) lived in 
*Bhati 10 a small island near the confluence of the *Ganga and the 
sea in the east of *Bhamgala and died there after five years. 

During this period, among the Six Door-keeper Scholars the 
eastern door-keeper was acarya Ratnakarasanti-pa . 11 His 
account is to be found elsewhere .’ 12 

Now about the southern 13 door-keeper Prajnakaramati . 14 
He was a scholar in all the branches of learning and had the 
direct vision of Manjusri. At the time of having debates with 
the tirthika- s, the moment he worshipped Manjusri and prayed 
to his picture, the appropriate answers to all the arguments 
offered by the tirthika - s used to occur to hirm It is said 

9. S-ed Mahapala, P-ed MahTpala, The former reading followed. 

10. V Bhati. 

11. See Supplementary Note 74. 

12. V n ‘According to the account of the 84 sicldha - s Santi was a 
brahmana by caste. During the time of Dharmapala, he was a teacher 
in BikramasTIa ( ? VikramasTla) and from there was invited to 
Ceylon by king Ghavin. After three years, on his way back to 
VikramasTla he met Kotali and gave him upadesa. After twelve years, 
when Kotali attained siddhi, he (Kotali) came to pay his respects to 
Santi. He found that his teaching could lead to nowhere and hence 
he took to sadhana. In twelve years he attained maha-mudra, lived 
for 700 years ( ? ! ! ) and went to heaven,’ 

13. Iho-sgo (southern gate). But BA i. 206— 'the six Gate-keeper Panditas 
of VikramasTla : at the eastern (gate) Santi-pa, at the southern gate 
VagTsvarakirti, at the western gate Prajnakaramati, at the northern 
gate maha-pandita Naro-pa, in the centre Ratnavajra and JnanasrT’, 
cf also the colophon of Prajnakaramati’s Abhisamayalamkarav rtti- 
pindartha (mDo vii.4), where he is mentioned as the western door- 
keeper {nub-kyi-sgo i.e. apara-dvara-kapataka) of VikramasTla. But 
see Tar Fol 1 17B. 

14. ses-rab-'byuh-gnas-blo-gros. In Tg are attributed to him Abhisamaya- 
lamkara-vrtti-pindartha (mDo vii.4), Bodhicai-yavatara-panjika (mDo 
xxvi.2) and Sisyalekha-vrtti (mDo xciv.37). 



that after this, when the debate resumed, his victory was a 

Misled by the name Prajnakara, I have found many to 
commit the mistake of confusing Prajnakaramati with Prajna- 
karagupta. 15 But it is well-known among the scholars that he 
(Prajnakaramati) was in rank a bhiksu while Prajnakaragupta 
was only an upasaka. 

Now about the western 16 door-keeper scholar acarya 
Vagisvarakirti. 17 Born in *Varanasi, he was by caste a Ksa- 
triya and was ordained in the sect of the Mahasamghika. 
[ Fol 116 A ] He received the name * Silakirti from the upa- 
dhyaya. When he became a profound *pandita in grammar, 
logic and in many other sastra- s, he received the Cakrasamvara 
from one *Hasavajra, 18 a follower of Jayabhadra 19 of *Kon- 
kana. While meditating somewhere in *Magadha, he received 
in dream his (Cakrasamvara’s) vision. He examined the 
prospect of attaining siddhi in Vagisvara-sadhana and found 
the answer in the affirmative. 

He meditated on the bank of the *Ganga and dropped a 
red *Karavira flower into the *Gariga, which emanated sound 
and illumination. In a moment it was carried away many 
yojana- s afar and floated back again. He swallowed it up 
with the water and became a great siddha of Vagisvara. He 
came to be called Vagisvarakirti as a result of acquiring the 
intelligence by which he could completely master everyday the 
words and imports of a sastra containing a thousand sloka-s. 
He became . a vast scholar of the siitra- s, tantra- s and all the 
other branches of knowledge and he found no difficulty in the 
three, namely exposition, disputation and composition. He 

15. ses-vab-byuh-gnas-sbas-pa, See Note 65 of Ch 26. 

16. nub-sgo (western door). But see note 13 of this chapter 

17. hag-gi-dbah-phyug-grags-pa. See Supplementary Note 75. 

18. BA i. 103 refers to the commentary on the Guhya-samaja by Vajra- 
hasa and to 'the chapter on the system of Vajra-hasa’. Tg contains 
a work (rG lxxv.12) attributed to Hasavajra. 

19. rgyal-ba-bzah-po. S & V Jinabhadra. Tg contains a number of works 
on Cakra-samvara by Jayabhadra of Ceylon — see note 1 39 of Intro- 
duction. & Fol 126B. 

Ch. 33. Period of King Canaka 


frequently received the vision of ary a Tara in particular, who 
solved all his problems. Thus he acquired the proficiency of 
defeating many tirthika rivals while going about many places 
and his fame grew more and more. 

The king invited him to *Nalendra and appointed him as 
the western gate-keeper of *Vikramasila. 20 He obtained wealth 
from Ganapati and always worshipped at many temples and 
samgha- s. He built many centres for the Doctrine. These 
included the eight centres for Prajnaparamita, four for the 
teaching of the Guhyasamaja [ Fol 116 B ] and one seat [?] 
each for the teaching of Hevajra, Cakrasamvara and *Maya 
[?] 21 and also one particularly for the Madhyamaka-pramana. 

He made various preparations of elixir 22 and gave these to 
others. By these one could reach the age of one hundred and 
fifty and the old man became young. In this way he caused 
welfare to about five hundred ordained monks and pious 
householders. He used to preach constantly the Vidya- 
sambhara, Prajnaparamita, Sutralamkara, Guhyasamaja, Heva- 
jra, Yamari, Lankavatara, etc, and many other sutra-s. He also 
delivered many sermons on the Doctrine. 

As he had a sharp intellect for silencing the tirthika- s, 
he defeated about three hundred rivals who came from 

20. S tr 'The king invited him to become the western gate-keeper of 
Nalendra and Vikramaslla.’ See note 13 of this chapter. 

21. S proposes to read the text somewhat differently: instead of bde- 
dgyes-gdan-gshi as bde-dgyes-gdan-bshi, S tr ‘Receiving treasure from 
Ganapati, he regularly brought offerings to many temples and 
samgha- s, established eight teaching centres of the Prajnaparamita, 
four centres for the teaching of the Guhyasamaja, one centre each for 
the teaching of the Tantras, namely Sambara, Hevajra and Catuh- 
pithP. Y tr is similar and he adds in note that there are works in 
Kg & Tg on Catuh-plthl Tantra. In P-ed, however, the word maya 
occurs in transliteration, instead of which S-ed has gsum (three). 

22. V n ’ bcud-len ; S mentions that in Tg there is a work on Mrtyu- 
vancana-upadesa ascribed to Vagisvara’. cf Tg rG xxvi.68 ; lxxxi.21 
& lxxxii.35. 




the west. He could make the water in a vessel boil by concen- 
trating. for a moment on it. When he consecrated (literally 
infused life : pranapratistha) an image, it used to move. 

Once he drew up a mandala for the sake of the king. A 
devastating flood came near the mandala. As he protected it 
with his concentration, the flood receded from its fringe. He 
showed many miraculous feats like these on different occasions. 

He was once having a discussion on the Doctrine with a 
bhiksu called *Avadhuti-pa. When he (Avadhuti) quoted 
Vasubandhu, he (Vagisvara) made sarcastic remarks on the 
use of corrupt ( apabhramsa ) words by Vasubandhu. In the 
same night his tongue swelled and he became incapable of 
preaching the Doctrine. He suffered from this for several 
months and on praying to Tara was told : ‘This is the result of 
your disparaging remarks on acarya Vasubandhu. Therefore, 
compose stuti-s for this acarya .’ Accordingly, as soon as he 
composed the stuti, he was cured of the disease. 

[Fol 117AJ He then worked in *Vikramasila for the welfare 
of all living beings for many years. In the latter part of his 
life, he went to Nepal. He remained mostly in meditation 
there, though he preached a little of the Tantra-yana. But he 
preached hardly any other aspect of the Doctrine. As he had 
many consorts most of the people thought that he was in- 
capable of maintaining the conduct of a monk. 

The king once built a temple of Cakrasamvara in *Santa- 
puri. After its consecration, he got many Tantrikas to assemble 
outside the temple for holding a big gana-cakra. He sent 
a messenger to the acarya, inviting him to act as the chief (of the 
gana-cakra). There was a voluptuous dancing girl at the 
entrance of the cottage of the acarya. There was also a black 
and violent woman. When (the messenger) asked, ‘Where is 
the acarya ?’, they said ‘He is inside the cottage.’ Then he 
entered the cottage and said, ‘The king requests you to come 
and act as the chief of the gana-cakra .’ 

‘Go back quickly. I shall soon be there.’ As he (the 
messenger) was returning quickly, the acarya along with his two 
consorts had already reached the cross-road near *Santapuri 

Ch. 33. Period of King Canaka 


and said, ‘We are waiting for you for a long time.’ 

When the main consecration followed by the big gana-cakra 
came to its end, there remained within the temple only three, 
i.e. the acarya and his two consorts. 23 He entered the temple 
with more than the share for sixty participants of the gana- 
cakra. The king thought : ‘There are only three within the 
temple. What then could be the use for so much provisions 
of the gana-cakra !’ So he peeped through the door 
[ Fol 117B ] and saw sixtytwo deities of Cakrasamvara-man- 
dala sitting there and enjoying the provisions of the gana- 

In the same place also sat the acarya who had attained the 
rainbow body. 

In the Tibetan account, Vagisvarakirti is said to have been 
the southern door-keeper and Prajnakara the western door- 
keeper. What I have written here is based on a consensus of 
three Indian sources. 24 

The northern door-keeper was *Naro-pa 25 . His account is 

to be found elsewhere. 26 

/ _ 

*Santi-pa, the omniscient of the Kali era ( kali-kala-sarvajna ) 
listened to the Doctrine from this acarya. 

Along with his disciples, acarya *Santi-pa was once engaged 

23. S tr ‘He remained inside the temple along with the father and 
mother’. The text has yab-yum which, though literally means ‘father 
& mother’, is also used in the Tantrika context as honorific for the 
Tantrika and his consort — see D 1129. 

24. See note 13 of this chapter. 

25. See Supplementary Note 76. 

26. V n ‘Naro-pa was a wood-seller in Pataliputra in eastern India. 
Having met the siddha Tailo-pa in a crematorium, he served him for 
12 years in spite of various quarrels with him and collected alms for 
him. Finally he brought for him the delicious food of sdobatapa (?) 
and received from him the initiation in VajravarahT. In Kg there are 
two works of this Tantra, viz. Kriya-vajravarahl (vol ga 215-222) and 
Jnana-vajvavarahi (vol na 82-95). In six months, Naro-pa attained 
siddhi and from his heart came out light, which remained visible for a 
month. He lived for about 700 years and went to heaven with this 



in an act of worship. He sent one of his disciples with offerings, 
who saw a terrible-looking yogi on the bali altar. He was 
panic-stricken and just threw the offerings, came back and 
reported it to the acarya. The acarya realised that this 
must have been *Naro-pa and so he invited him. He sat at his 
feet and received many abhisekas , sermons and explanations of 
the sermons etc. He bowed down before him again and again. 

Later on, when *Santi-pa was about to attain siddhi, *Naro- 
pa was begging with a skull as his begging bowl. A robber 
dropped a small knife into the skull. *Naro-pa cast his magic 
stare at it and it melted like ghee. He swallowed it and went 

There was a body of a dead elephant on the cross-road. He 
performed the rite of entering into it 27 and it walked to the 
crematorium. When *Santi-pa came across ‘it, *Naro-pa’s voice 
said, ‘Such is the mark of my being a. yogi. [ Fol 1 18 A ] 
Will not the great scholar also show some such mark V 

— f 

Acarya *Santi-pa said, ‘What can a person like me perform 
afterall ? However, if permitted by a person like you, I may 
perform something.’ 

Some people were approaching the place with pitchers full 
of water. By his magic spell, the water was transformed into 
liquid gold. He then distributed it among the monks and 

For some years *Naro-pa also acted as the northern door- 
keeper. After that he went over to carya. 2 8 He was succeeded 
by sthavira Bodhibhadra. 29 

(Now about Bodhibhadra). 

Born in a Vaisya family of *Odivisa, he was a perfect 
bodhisattva in his conduct ( carya ). He was a scholar of the 
Vidya-sambhara, Carya-sambhara and specially of the Bodhi- 
sattva-bhumi. He had a vision of dry a Avalokitesvara and 

27. S tr ‘He let it enter into a village’. The text has gr oil- jug, 'bringing 

life to a dead body’ — see D 250. 

28. S 'yoga', because S-ed has rnal-byor-pa (yoga). P-ed has spyocl-pa 


29. byah-bzah. See Supplementary Note 77. 

Ch. 33. Period of King Canaka 


directly listened to the Doctrine from him. 

Now about brahmana Ratnavajra , 30 the first great Central 
Pillar (of Vikramasila). A brahmana of Kashmir once pro- 
pitiated Mahesvara and it was predicted that all his descen- 
dants were going to be famous scholars. This came true. 
The first twentyfour of his descendants were tirthika- s. The 
twentyfifth of them was brahmana *Haribhadra, who, being 
defeated in a debate by the Buddhists, was converted into an 
insider. In this debate he staked his own creed. He became 
a *pandita with profound knowledge of the Doctrine. His 
son was brahmana Ratnavajra. 

[ Fol 118 B ] He (Ratnavajra) was an upasaka in rank. He 
studied in Kashmir up to the age of thirty and learnt by heart 
the sutra- s, t antra- s and ajl the branches of knowledge. He 
next came to *Magadha to continue his studies further. 
He meditated in Vajrasana and had the vision of Cakrasam- 
vara, Vajravarahi and many other deities. The king con- 
ferred on him the *patra of * Vikramasila. He expounded 
there mainly the Tantra-yana, the Seven Treatises on Pra- 
mana, the Five Works of Maitreya, etc. After working for 
the welfare of the living beings for many years, he went back 
to Kashmir. He defeated many tirthika- s in debate and 
converted them into the followers of the Law of the Buddha. 
He established a number of centres for the study of Vidya- 
sambhara, Sutralamkara, Guhyasamaja, etc. During the latter 
part of his life, he went to *Urgyana in the west . 31 

There lived a brahmana in Kashmir, who was a scholar of 
the tirthika philosophies. He had the vision of isvara (God). 
His own deity 32 (i.e. isvara) instructed him : ‘Go to *Urgyana 
and you will have great success.’ So he went to *Urgyana 
and met brahmana Ratnavajra. They entered into a debate 
by staking their creeds. Ratnavajra was victorious and con- 
verted him into the follower of the Law of the Buddha and 

30. rin-chen-rclo-rje. See Supplementary Note 78. 

31. V & S omit ‘in the west’, though the text has nub-phyogs (in the 

32. S-ed khoh-ra'i-lhas. P-ed khoh-rVi-lhas, The former followed. 



gave him the name *Guhyaprajna. He learnt the Tantra-yana 
and eventually attained siddhi. He was the person who went 
to Tibet and came to be known as the Red *Acarya. 33 

According to the Kashmiris, brahmana Ratnavajra received 
the rainbow body in *Urgyana itself. Ratnavajra’s son was 
*Mahajana 34 [ Fol 119A ] and his son was *Sajjana. 35 Tibetan 
religious tradition owes much to them. 

Now about *Jnanasrimitra, 36 the second great Central 
Pillar [of Vikramasila]. He was the author of sastra Free 
From The Two Extremities. He was also a very kind teacher 
of Sri *Atisa. 37 

He (Jnanasrimitra) was born in *Gauda. He was earlier a 
/ * 

*pandita of the Sravaka *Sendhavas and a scholar of their 
Tripitaka. Later on, he had reverence for the Mahayana 
and thoroughly studied all the sastra- s of Nagarjuna and 
Asahga. 38 He also knew many Guhya-tantras and, while 
listening extensively to the siitra- s and t antra- s, he always 
meditated on the Bodhicitta'. He had repeated visions of the 
three, namely bhagavan Sakyaraja, Maitreyanatha and Avalo- 
kitesvara. He attained the unlimited abhijnana. 

Once, while he was residing in *Vikrama(-sila), he told a 
novice monk, ‘Start immediately so that you can reach the city 
of *Gaya by to-morrow noon. A brahmana has invited there 
all the monks with the priests in charge of the temple of 
Vajrasana to a seasonal feast. The *Gandola containing the 
Mahabodhi will be damaged by fire. Take them along to put the 
fire out.’ 

He went to *Gaya and, as predicted, met the residents of 
Vajrasana. He said, ‘My guru has predicted thus. So please 

33. acarya dmar-po. See A. Chattopadhyaya AT 292. 

34. See Supplementary Note 79. 

35. In Tg is attributed to him Putra-lekha (mDo xciv.32). The colophon 
of this as well as of mDo xxiv.2 ; xliv.5 & 6 refer to Sajjana as the son 
of Mahajana and Mahajana as the son of Ratnavajra. their family 
being that of great Indian scholars. 

36. See Supplementary Note 80. 

37. See A. Chattopadhyaya AT 68, 93, 139, 295. 

38. V omits Asahga, though the text has thogs-med (Asahga). 

Ch. 33. Period of King Canaka 


return (to Vajrasana).’ Half of them did not believe him and 
stayed back. 

[ Fol 119B ]When he reached Vajrasana with the other half 
of them, the *Gandola of Vajrasana had already caught fire. 
Both the interior and the exterior were aflame. They extinguished 
the fire with prayer to the deity and thus the temple was saved 
from further damage. The acarya arranged for the restoration 
of the damaged paintings and the renovation of the wooden 

Moreover, in both *Bhamgala and *Magadha he renovated 
numerous older and damaged centres for the Doctrine. He 
also built many new ones. 

These Six Door-keeper Scholars belonged to the first half 
of king *Bheyapala’s reign. 

Though king *Canaka rendered great services to the Law, 
he is not counted among the Seven (Palas) because he did not 
belong to the line of the *Palas. 

From this period on, the study of logic became wide-spread 
in Kashmir. The logician Ravigupta 39 also belonged to this 

The thii'tythird chapter containing the 
account of the period of king Canaka. 

39. ni-ma-sbas-pa — cf Stcherbatsky BL i.44. 





Then king *Bheyapala ruled for about thirtytwo years. 
Fie maintained the older tradition, but excepting this did 
nothing significantly new for the Law. He conferred *patra- s 
on only seventy *pandita- s of *Vikramasila. So he is also 
not counted among the Seven *Palas. 

After the Six Door-keeper Scholars had passed away, during 

the period of this king, *Dipamkara *Srijnana, famed as 

Jo-bo-rje 1 dPal-ldan *Atisa ( prabhu srl afisa) was invited to 

be the upadhyaya (of Vikramasila). He also looked after 

*Odantapuri. Soon after this, the activity of the powerful 

*Maitri-pa 2 became wide-spread. When *Maitri-pa returned 
/ B 

from the Sri Parvata, the period of the Six Door-keeper 
Scholars like *Santi-pa was already over by a few years. 

[ Fol 120A ] In the confused account of the previous 
preachers of *Doha , 3 there is no substance. Further, in the 
corrupt history of *Doha, *Maitri-pa is called an incarnation 
of Krsnacarya. Depending on this, much confusion is created 
about Jvalapati and the caryd-dhara Krsna . 4 The firm belief 
resulting from a bias for such corrupt and confused account 
that there was somebody called caryd-dhara Krsna as distinct 
from Krsnacarya is completely baseless. The confusion will 
be removed by consulting the few brief treatises by acarya 

1 . lit. prabhu, the typical Tibetan form of referring to Atisa. 

2. V ‘Maitri-pa (Maitrinatha)’. cf BA ii. 841f — born in A.D. 1007 or 
1010 and passed into nirvana at the age of 78. 

3. Vn'S remarks that in Tanjur vol ci, there are several collections of 
Doha under the name Dohakosa. Besides, there are many Dohas 
ascribed to well-known celebrities. In vol hi, at the end of the 
account of the 84 siddha-s, there is a collection of Dohas followed by 
their explanations.’ 

4. ’ bar-ba'i-gtso-bo-spyod-chah-nag-po . 

Ch. 34. Period of Kings Bheyapala and Neyapala 


Amitavajra . 5 

King *Bheyapala’s son was *Neyapala. In the authentic 
biographies, it is stated that he became the king shortly before 
Jo-bo-rje left for Tibet. There also. exists a letter sent (by Atisa) 
to him from Nepal . 6 He ruled for thirtyfive years. Nine 
years after he became the king, the powerful *Maitri-pa 
passed away. 

This king worshipped one famous as the Maha-vajrasana , 7 
When an upasaka , his name was *Punyasri. His ordained name 
was *Punyakaragupta. 

To his period belonged *Amoghavajra , 8 *Viryabhadra 9 of 
the east with abhijnana, *Devakaracandra , 10 *Prajnaraksita u 
and also most of the direct disciples of *Naro-pa. 

9 9 

Of the direct disciples of *Naro-pa, the account of Sri Sri 
*Dombi-pa 12 and of *Kanta-pa are to be clearly found else- 
where . 13 

5. dpag-med-rdo-rje. Apart from a work on the Calcrasamvara (rG 
xiii. 53) in Tg is attributed to him a commentary on the Dohakosa 
of Krsnavajrapada (rG lxxxv.19). 

6. Vimala-ratna-lekha (mDo xxxiii,103 = xciv.33). Eng tr A. Chatto- 
padhyaya AT 520f. 

7. rdo-rje-gdan-pa-chen-po. 

8. See Supplementary Note 81. 

9. See Supplementary Note 82. 

10. In Tg three Tantrika works (rG xliii.93; lxi.3 & lxxxiii.31) are attributed 
to Devakaracandra. Lalou 167 equates the name to Sunyata-samadhi, 
to whom are attributed 3 works in Tg (rG xiv. 29; 31; Ixxvi. 87 [75]), 

11. In Tg 7 Tantrika treatises are attributed to him — rG xiii. 12-6 ; 20; 
Ixxiii. 12 : lxxxiii.69. 

12. The text has Tombhi-pa. 

13. S n ‘In the account of the 84 siddha- s, where the name of the last is 
Kha-ndi-pa, one can easily recognise the word Ichanda' . Y n 'Dombi 
was engaged in laundry-work in Salipura-nagara and received ordi- 
nation from a yogi. The upadesa- s that he received, in the termino- 
logy of his profession, are : with the hot water mudra wash the 
impurity of the body, with the water of words the tongue, and by 
union of father and mother the soul. In 12 years, he attained 




Now about *Kasori-pa. He propitiated Vajrayogini alone. 
She appeared through an opening of the cloud and asked, 
'What do you desire ?’ 

‘I have the desire to attain the same status as that of 

As he said this, she melted into his heart. [ FoS 12011 J 
Immediately he attained many siddhi- s. In the crematoriums 
even the tigers, jackals, etc worshipped him dancing around. 
People without fortune could see this from a distance. As they 
approached near, however, the scene vanished. 

Now about ' , ‘Ri-ri-pa. 14 


His textual knowledge was limited. Sn *Naro-pa gave him 
.few instructions on the utpanna and sampanna krama n of 
Cakrasamvara. He meditated on these, attained siddhi and 
acquired unfettered proficiency in all subjects. He could 
summon the rhinoceros and other wild animals of the forestand 
move about on their back. 

At that time came the Gar-log army. On the street some- 
where on the west of ^Varanasi, he performed a magical rite. 
When the Gar-log-s reached there, they saw only dead bodies 
and the ruins full of stones and wood and the soil upturned. 
So they went back. 

Both of them (Kasari-pa and Ri-ri-pa) attained the rainbow 

Now about *Prajnaraksita. 

He was a great *pandita monk. He listened to many 
theories on Pitr-tantra-s and Matr-tantra-s for twelve years 
from *Naro-pa and became a special scholar of Matr-tantra, 
particularly of Cakrasamvara. He learnt by heart the four 
systems of exposition ( catuh-tika-vidhi ), 16 and many systems 
of instruction ( upadesa-vidhi ) and many other systems. He 
meditated for five years in a small holy place near *Gdantapuri 
and had the vision of innumerable tutelary deities like 

14. S n 'perhaps a corruption of Tintini or Tidhivi’. 

15. V tr ‘ways of generation and accomplishment ( utsakrama and 
utpan.iakrama)' . 

16. viz. uha, apoha, raksa and agama. 

Ch. 34. Period of Kings Bheyapala and Neyapala 


Manjusri and those of the Carkasamvara-mandala and 
Kalacakra etc. It is said that he received as many as seventy 
abhiseka- s of the Cakrasamvara and became extremely power- 
ful. [ Fol 121A ] When *Vikramasila was once attacked by 
the *Turuska army, he made big offerings to Cakrasamvara and 
the army was struck by terrible thunder four times. This 
killed their chief and many brave soldiers and thus they were 

Eight tirthika rivals came to challenge him in debate. When 
he cast his magic stare from the seat of the debate, six of them 
turned dumb and two blind. Later on he released them. 

After working extensively for the welfare of the living 
beings mainly according to the Cakrasamvara, he passed away 
in a forest near *Naiendra, leaving the instruction for the 
disciples : ‘Do not remove my dead body for seven days.’ This 
was accordingly done and in seven days his relics vanished. 

*Ri-ri-pa was born in a low Candala family. He was 
highly delighted whenever he saw the great *Naro-pa. In 
profound reverence, his body used to become stiff and uncon- 
scious. He became a yogi. After acquiring immense wealth (as 
the preceptor’s fee), he received abhiseka of Cakrasamvara 
from *Naro-pa and meditated with intense concentration. 

When he meditated on the utpanna-krama , his vayu-citta got 
fixed on the madhyama. It is said that the bliss of enjoying 
the Candali brought an end to the residue of his previous 
karma. He soon attained the highest siddhi. Even while 
moving about as an attendant of *Naro~pa, he used to listen to 
the Doctrine. He remained mostly invisible and made himself 
visible only when necessary. 

Acarya Anupamasagara 17 also lived during this period. 

[ FoS 121 B ] He was a monk *pandita and, though a 
specialist of the Kalacakra, was vastly learned in all the 
branches of knowledge. He relieved himself of all distractions 
and in *Khasarpani intensely propitiated arya Avalokitesvara 
for twelve years. Still he had no sign of success. While 
asleep, he once received the prediction in dream : ‘Go to 

17. dpe-med-mtsho. 



*Vikramapun.’ Accompanied by his disciple Sadhuputra , 18 he 
went there. In the city he witnessed a grand dramatic perfor- 
mance that formed part of the seasonal festival . 19 As a result, 
he attained the samadhi and saw everything as maya. At mid- 
night his tutelary deity appeared in the from of *Avadhuti-pa 
and said, ‘Oh son, this is the ultimate truth ( tathata ).’ The 
moment this was said, he attained the maha-mudra-siddhi. 

He composed a few treatises for his disciples. It is said that 
all his disciples attained either the yoga-samadhi with its six 
components or the (miraculous) power of recollection. 

To this period also belonged the logician Yamari 20 . He was 
a great scholar in all the branches of learning and was a 
specialist in grammar and logic. Though his family consisted 
of only three persons inclusive of the son and wife, he was too 
poor to maintain it. 

A yogi from the east, on his way to Vajrasana, asked from 
him shelter for a night. So he told him about his own 
poverty. The yogi said, ‘Being a *pandita, you have contempt 
for the yogi and so you have not asked for any instruction. 
But I know the way (rite) to obtain wealth.’ 

‘So, please get me some.’ 

‘Keep ready the *Pi-cu-ra 21 fruits and sandal paste. On my 
way back from Vajrasana, I shall perform (the rite).’ 

On his way back, he conferred on him the blessings of 
Vasudhara. [ Fol 122A ] He propitiated (Vasudhara ) 22 and the 
same year the king made a gift of a large property to him. He 
also received the highly distinguished *patra of *Vikramasila. 
At about this period, a brahmana called Samkarananda 23 

18. Tg contains two works on Kalacakra (rG iv. 6 & 7) attributed to 
Sadhuputra and mentioned as written for mciha-pandita Dharmakara- 

19. S tr ‘a festival in the city, where dancing was going on in a grand 

20. Tg contains his enormous commentaries on Pramctnavartika (mDo 

21. see Monier- Williams 624. 

22. In Tg S ri-devl-vasudhara-stotra (rG lxxii. 48) is attributed to Yamari. 

23. See Note 66 of Ch 26. 

Ch. 34. Period of King Bheyapala and Neyapala 


lived in Kashmir. He was a scholar of the sastra- s in general 
and was specially proficient in logic. So he thought of compo- 
sing a new treatise on logic in order to refute the views of 
Dharmakirti. ManjusrI told him in a dream, ‘Dharmakirti 
was an ary a and so it is not possible for you to refute him. 
The faults that you imagine to be there in his views are due 
to your own wrong understanding.’ 

So he made amends and composed commentaries on the 
Seven Treatises. It is said that he became highly prosperous 
and happy. In the gloss on Dharmottara’s commentary it is said 
that Samkarananda belonged to a much earlier period. This 
mistake is the result of the error occurring in the footnote in 
Parahitabhadra’s 24 work. 

The thirtyfourth chapter containing the account 
of the period of kings Bheyapala and Neyapala. 

24. S misunderstands the name gshan-phan-bzah-po or Parahitabhadra, a 
scholar of Kashmir, to whom are attributed many works in Tg (mDo 
xlviii 1 ; rG xxvi.27; mDo xxiv.5) ; he is also mentioned as the transla- 
tor of many works, inclusive of Samkarananda’s Sambandha-parlksa- 
nusara (mDo cxii.2). S tr ‘in the gloss on the Good Illustra- 
tions for the Welfare of others’. V tr ‘As regards the commentary, 
it is said that in the statements and writings of Dharmottara, 
Samkarananda’s texts have appeared only because they have been 
inserted as commentaries as examples of service to others’. 





*Amrapala, the son of *Neyapala, ruled for thirteen years. 
During his period acarya *Ratnakaragupta 1 was the upadhyaya 
of Vajrasana. 

At the time of *Amrapala’s death, his son *Hastipala was 
too young to rule. So his four ministers, along with the child, 
ruled the kingdom for eight years. After that, *Hastipala 
ascended the throne and ruled for about fifteen years. After 
him, his co-uterine brother 2 *Ksantipala ruled for fourteen 
years. * 

During their period, lived *Ratnakaragupta in *Sauri. Some 
of the acarya - s already discussed under the account of the 
period of *Neyapala lived [ Fol 122B ] during the reign of 
these two kings, namely *Maitrl-pa and the disciples of 
*Dipamkara-srijnana, i.e. his ‘five spiritual sons’ 3 called the 
great *Pi-to-pa, *Dharmakaramati, 4 Ksitigarbha (Bhumigarbha), 5 

1. In Tg are attributed to him rG Iix.9 ; lxxi.96 ; lxx.8 ; lxxii.57 & 
mDo xxxiii.64. 

2. ma-spun — D 799 & J 330. V ‘brother from the mother’. 

3. cf BA i. 261-2: ‘The five special disciples of the Master were — the 
maha-pandita Pito-pa ; Dharmakaramati, the Lion of the Madhya- 
mika ; Mitraguhya ; Jnanamati and the pandita Ksitigarbha’. In 
Tar’s list, however, Jnanamati is absent and Madhyamakasimha (see 
note 6 of this chapter) appears as a separate name. 

4. In Tg is attributed to Dharmakaramati-pada rG lxxi.296. 

5. sa'i-snih-po, who accompanied Atlsa to Tibet. See A. Chatto- 
padhyaya AT 314. In BA ii,842 he is mentioned as an elder brother 
of Vajrapani, who was born in A.D. 1017 (BA ii.855ff). Tg contains 
two works (rG xlv.21 & xv.2) translated by him. V ‘Bhusuku’ and 
adds in note, ‘the heart of earth ( ? Ksitigarbha). S finds the form 
Bhusuku (Bhu-su-ku) as the name of the 41st siddha from among the 
84 mentioned in Tanjur’. Such conjectures about sa'i-snih-po are 
plainly baseless. 

Ch. 35. Period of Amrapala Hastipala and Ksantipala 


Madhyamakasimha 6 and Mitraguhya . 7 

This was the period when thirtyseven *pandita preachers 
of the Doctrine like *Jnanasrimitra and others worked for the 
welfare of the living beings. 

This was also clearly the period when *ManikasrI , 8 Bodhi- 
bhadra 9 in Kashmir, the *Pham-thin brothers 10 in Nepal, 
Jnanavajra , 11 Bharata-pani 12 and others worked for the welfare 
of the living beings. 

Also lived during this period Rahulamitra , 13 who wrote the 
principles of the Guhya-samaja-mandala on cloth, and *Naro- 
pa’s disciple known in Nepal as the Indian *Darika-pa, who 
wrote on *Lui-pa’s system of abhiseka. These (two) are some- 
times identified with Rahula, the direct disciple of Aryadeva, 
and the great siddha *Darika-pa (respectively). In spite of 
doubts, it is foolish to try to be categorical in matters concern- 
ing identification simply on the strength of imagination. 

*Sthirapala in particular, i.e. the great *pandita *Sthirapala, 
alias *Trilaksa , 14 elaborately explained the Prajnaparamita in 
*Vikramasila. There were moreover innumerable others who 

6. dbu-ma'i-sen-ge. In Tg is attributed to him Samk sipla-nana-dr sti- 
vibhaga (mDo xxix.6), a work summing up the different opinions 
expressed by the pandita-s in a grand debate. 

7. bses-ghen-gsait-ba. 

8. See Supplementary Note 83. 

9. See Supplementary Note 77. 

10. cf BA i. 227-8 ; 380-4 and ii.402. 

1 1 . "See Supplementary Note 84. 

12. See Supplementary Note 85. 

1 3. sgra-gcan-'dsin-bses-giien. 

14. ’ bum-phrag-gsum-pa . In Tg is attributed to him Arya-tara-stotra 
(rG lxxi.393) and he is also mentioned as the translator of rG 
lxviii. 19; lxxxii.70 & mDo vi — the colophon of the last work 
mentions him as maha-pandita Dhlrapala (Sthirapala), famed as 
dvi-laksa-granthalamkrta-griva, alias Trilaksa Sthirapala. V n ‘The 
Sanskrit name Sthirapala is given in the text itself, which also gives 
corresponding Tibetan name brtan-skyoh. To the latter, however, is 
also adjoined 'bum-phrag-gsum-pa (Trilaksa), which is not given in 
Sanskrit. S remarks that in Tg vol zu Tantras one finds the name 
'bum-phrag-gsum-pa, as that of a translator (and hence of a 
Tibetan ?)’. 



are considered as siddha *pandita-s. But it seems that none of 
them became very famous. 

During the period of these three kings the Law was 
nourished as before. But they are not counted among the 
Seven (Palas) because they did nothing spectacular (for the 

The thirtyfifth chapter containing the account of the 
period of Amrapala, Hastipala and Ksantipdla. 

Ch. 36. Period of King Ramapala 




King *Ramapala was the son of *Hastipala. [ FoS 123A ] 
Though he ascended the throne at an early age, he extended 
his power widely by virtue of his exceptional intelligence. 

Shortly after he became king, the great acarya *Abhaya- 
karagupta 1 was invited to act as the upadhyaya of Vajrasana. 
After many years, he was appointed as the upadhyaya of 
*Vikramasila and *Nalendra. By this time, the older tradition 
of these centres had changed. 

One hundred and sixty *pandita-s and about a thousand 

monks permanently resided in *Vikramasila. Even five thousand 

ordained monks assembled there for occasional offerings. In 

Vajrasana forty Mahayanis and two hundred Sravaka bhiksu- s 

were maintained by the king as the permanent residents. 


Occasionally even ten thousand Sravaka monks congregated 
therfe. In *Odantapuri also permanently lived a thousand monks 
belonging to both HInayana and Mahayana. Occasionally 
even twelve thousand monks congregated there. 

Among the Mahayanis of the time, the foremost was 
acarya *Abhayakara[gupta], Even the Sravakas had high 
regard for him as an expert in Vinaya. The account of this 
acarya is to be found elsewhere. Of particular significance 
was the reformation of the Law by him, and the. sdstra- s he 
composed were widely read in the later period. Among the 
Mahayanis of India are still found his sdstra- s as unaffected 
by the various distortions due to dialects etc of the inter- 
vening period. 

The two acarya- s, namely this acarya and acarya *Ratna- 
karasanti-pa, [ Fol 123B ] who came later, were comparable 
in qualities to the older maha-acarya- s like *Vasubandhu and 

1. See Supplementary Note 86. 




others, though by the influence of time there was difference in 
the magnitude of their contributions to the Law and in the 
welfare caused by them to the living beings. 

Already after the death of king *Dharmapala, the number of 
tirthika- s and mlechha- s gradually increased in the kingdom of 
*Bhamgala, in Ayodhya etc on the north of the *Ganga and 
in all the regions on the east and west of the *Yamuna — from 
*Varanasi to *Malava, *Prayaga, Mathura, *Kuru, Pancala, 
*Agra, *Sagari, *Dilli, etc. The number of tirthika- s became 
numerous in *Kamaru(pa), *Tirahuti, *Odivisa, etc. In *Maga- 
dha the Buddhists were greater in number than before, 
because of the increase of the samgha- s and yogi- s. It is 
remarked that this maha-acarya Abhayakara was practically the 
last among the most famous great acarya- s who fully nourished 
the Law with their scholarship, compassion, power and wealth. 
And this is true. Hence he is to be viewed as having transmitted 
the thoughts of the jina and his spiritual sons to the later living 
beings. Therefore, his works should be respected more than 
those of the acarya- s that came after the Six Jewels. His great- 
ness is obviously proved by his holy words. 

This king *Ramapala reigned for about fortysix years, 
inclusive of some years after acarya *Abhyakara[gupta] passed 

[ Fol 124A ] Before he died, his son *Yaksapala was placed 
on the throne. Three years after that *Ramapala died. After 
this, *Yaksapala ruled for only one year, when his minister 
*Lavasena usurped the throne. 

During their period, acarya *Subhakaragupta 2 was in 
*Vikramasila and in Vajrasana the chief was Buddhakirti . 3 

2. In Tg are attributed to him rG xiv.64 & lxvi.5. The cofophon of the 
latter mentions him as the preceptor of Sakyasri and that this work 
was composed in the Jagaddala-vihara. 

3. rdo-rje-gdan-na-rtsa-mi-sahs-rgyas-grags, i.e. Buddhakirti, the chief 
of Vajrasana. cf Roerich SW 498 : 'the famous tsa-mi-sahs-rgyas- 
grags-pa, a Tibetan-Sanskrit scholar who attained the high distinction 
of being appointed one of the dvara-pand ita- s of the vihara of 
Vikiamaslla, and some of whose Sanskrit compositions are still 
extant.’ See Tg rG lxxxvi.36 ; xxvi.90 ; lxxxiii. 11-19. 

Ch. 36. Period of King Ramapala 


According to the current account given by rGa lo[-tsa-ba ], 4 
*Abhayakara was still alive when he (rGa) was about to 
return to Tibet. He (rGa) first visited *Abhayakara but did 
not have the time to study under him for a long time. *Lava- 
sena was on the throne at the time of his going back to Tibet. 

After *Yaksa(-pala and Lava-) *sena , 5 many were born in 
the royal line, of the *Palas and some of them may be still 
living. But none of them became king. The *Pala dynasty 
is also called the Surya dynasty 6 while the line of the *Senas 
was originally the same as that of the Candras . 7 

The thirtysixth chapter containing the 
account of the period of king Ramapala. 

4. In Tg, rGa lo-tsa-ba, the translator of rG lxxxiii.25 & 26, is mentioned 
as mania Buddhaklrti. 

5. V & S Yaksa-sena, which occurs in the text, though obviously as a 

6. ni-ma'i-rigs. 

7. zla-ba'i-rigs. 





*Lavasena’s son was *Kasasena. His son was *Manitasena. 
His son was *Rathikasena. I have not come across any clear 
account of how many years each of them ruled. Anyway, the 
four of them taken together did not rule for more than about 
eighty years. 

During their period, the Law was nourished by many 
scholars and siddha - s like *Subhakaragupta, 1 *Ravisrijnana, 2 
*Nayakapasri, 3 *Dasabalasri 4 and, shortly after them, by 
Dharmakarasanti, 5 Sri Vikhyatadeva, 6 *Niskalaiikadeva, 7 
*Dharmakaragupta and many other followers of *Abhayakara. 

To the period of king *Rathikasena [ Fol 124B ] belonged 
many with strong moral vows, vajradhara - s and vast scholars 
of scriptures like maha-*pandita *Sakyasribhadra 8 of Kashmir, 

1. See note 2 chapter 36. 

2. In Tg is attributed to him two commentaries on sadahga-yoga (rG iv. 
.15 & 34) and one on arya-nama-samglti (rG v. 8). 

3. BA ii. 1053 mentions the Nepalese pandita NayasrT, a contemporary of 
DasabalasrI, under both of whom the Tibetan scholar sTehs-pa 
lo-tsa-ba (born A.D. 1 107) studied. 

4. In Tg mDo cxxviii.2 is attributed to Dasabalasrimitra. cf BA ii. 80 1 
& 1053. 

5. chos-'byuii~shi-ba. In Tg are attributed to him two works on Kala- 
cakra (rG iv.6 & 7). cf BA ii.761, 764 & 800. 

6. dpal-rnam-par-grags-pa'i-lha. Tg contains a work Pand ita-vikhya- 
tadeva-mahakavunika-siddhilabhakhyana (mDo cxxiii.39). cfBA ii.801. 
V Srlvisrutadeva. 

7. Apart from a number of translations, in Tg are attributed to him 
xlviii. 122-23 and lxxi.104, where his name is given also as Ajitamitra- 
gupta. cfBAii.1055: Chag dGra-bcom (born A.D. 1153) studied 
unde~ him. 

8. See Supplementary Note 87. 


Ch. 37, Period of the Four Sena Kings and others 

*Buddhasri 9 of Nepal, maha-acarya *Ratnaraksita , 10 the great 
scholar *Jnanakaragupta , 11 the great scholar *Buddhasrimitra, 
the great scholar *Samghamajnana, *Ravisribhadra, *Candra- 
karagupta and others. They were famous as the twentyfour 
great *mahanta-s. 

Among them, the account of maha-*pandita *Sakyasri is 
widely known and is to be accepted as such. *Buddhasri of 
Nepal acted for a short time as the sthavira of the Mahasam- 
ghikas in *Vikramasila. He returned to Nepal and extensively 
preached the Prajnaparamita, Guhyatantra, etc. From the 
point of view of practices, he lived ad libitum , 12 

Now about, the great dcarya *Ratnaraksita. 

/ f 

He was known as equal to *Sakyasri in the knowledge of 
the Prajnaparamita-yana and other general branches of learn- 
ing, though, *Sakyasri specialised in logic and he (Ratnaraksi- 
ta) in Tantra. The two were equal in their occult power and 
in receiving blessings. 

He (Ratnaraksita) was ordained in the Mahasamghika sect 
and was the Tantra-acarya of *Vikramasila. He had visions 
of many tutelary deities like Cakrasamvara, Kalacakra and 

When the Nagas and Asuras were once playing the musical 
instruments for worshipping Avalokitesvara in *Potala, the 
sound conveyed to him the essence of the doctrine of the sixteen 
sunyata- s. Everytime he conferred an abhiseka, he could in- 
fuse the spirit of the deity into the initiated . 13 His offerings 

9. In Tg is mentioned BuddhasrI as the corrector of the translation of 
rG lxxi.345 and Lalou 156 adds that BuddhasrT of Nepal went to 
Tibet in A. D. 1 198. cf BA ii.709, 1033, 1055-6: the Tibetan scholar 
Chag dGra-bcom (born A.D. 1153) studied under him. 

10. See Supplementary Note 88. 

11. Tg mentions him as author of rG xliii.82 ; lxxii.14 & 15. In BA i.260 
is said that after the death of Atlsa, Tshul-khrims-rgyal-ba (Jayasila) 
translated some works (rG xxi.13 etc) under him. The name is missing 
in V tr. 

12. ci-bder. See D 381. 

13. S tr ‘During abhiseka- s, he could infuse knowledge into logic.’ This 
is perhaps because of misreading t shad-la as tshad-ma (logic). 



were directly received by the daki/ri- s. He could immobilise 
mad elephants with magic stare. He predicted the fall of 
*Magad ha two years earlier. Some of his disciples with real 
faith in him went to Kashmir and Nepal. 

At the time of the fall of *Magadha, he went to the north. 
A wild buffalo attacked him near *Tirahuti. He subdued it 
with his magic stare [ Fol 125A ] and it began to lick his feet. 
It also carried him one yojana afar. 

After working extensively for the welfare of living beings in 
Nepal, he also went to Tibet for a short period. He composed 
the (Cakra-)sam vara-udaya-tika li . 

About *Jnanakaragupta : He had the direct vision of 

About *Buddhasrimitra : In a dream, he listened to the 
Doctrine from Vajravarahi. He acquired wonderful siddhi 
and with it could perform the feats like subduing an elephant 
with each hand. 

I find that all of them were scholars in all the branches of 
learning, had visions of the tutelary deities and attained the 
special merits of sampanna-krama. I cannot write more of 
them, because I have neither read nor heard in details about 
any of them. 

About *Vajrasri. He was a disciple of Dasabala . 15 He was 
already one hundred years old during this period and after 
this period he lived for another hundred years. He worked 
exetnsively for the welfare of the living beings and never looked 
old. In the south, he led many thousands of fortunate ones to 
liberation through the practice of the Tantra-yana. 

During the time of these four *Senas, the number of 
tirthika - s went on increasing even in *Magadha. There also 
came many Persian 16 followers of the mleccha view. To protect 
*Odantapuri and *Vikramasila, the king even converted these 
partially into fortresses and stationed some soldiers there. The 
Mahayanis did not have any special importance in Vajrasana, 

14. See Supplementary Note 89. 

15. stob-bc’i. 

16. stag-gzig — D 548. 

Ch. 37. Period of the Four Sena Kings and others 


though some of the yogl-s and Mahayanis continued to preach 
there. During a varsavasa , about ten thousand Sravaka 
Sendhavas congregated there. While the other centres for the 
Doctrine became practically extinct, though it is said that the 
number' of monks both in *VikramasIla and *Odantapuri 
remained as it was during the time of *Abhayakara. 

[ Fo! 125B JAfter the death of *Rathilcasena, the few years 
of *Labamsena’s 17 reign were peaceful. Then came the 
*Turuska king called the Moon 18 to the region of *Antaravedi 19 
in-between the *Gahga and the *Yamuna. Some of the 
monks acted as messengers for this king. As a result, the petty 
*Turuska rulers of *Bhamgala and other places united, ran 
over the whole of *Magadha and massacred .many ordained 
monks in *Odantapuri. They destroyed this and also *Vikrama- 

The Persians at last built a fort on the ruins of the *Odanta- 
vihara. *Panditd *Sakyasri went to *Ja-gar-da-la (Jagaddala) 
in *Odivisa in the east. He spent three years there and then 
went to Tibet. 

The great *Ratnaraksita went to Nepal. Some of the great 
*panditas like the great scholar *Jnanakaragupta, along with 
a hundred minor *pandita-s went to the south-west of India. 
The great scholar *Buddhasrimitra and Dasabala’s disciple 
*Vajrasri, along with many minor *pandita- s, fled far to the 
south. The sixteen [remaining] *mahantas including the 
scholar *Samghamasrijhana, *Ravisribhadra, *Candrakara» 
gupta, along with two hundred minor *panditas, went far to 
the east to *Pu-khah, 20 *Mu-nan, *Kamboja and other places. 
Thus the Law became almost extinct in *Magadha. 

There is no doubt that many siddha - s and sadhaka - s lived 
at this period. But since the karma of the people in general 

17. Both P-ed and S-ed Lavamsena in transliteration. V & S Lavasena. 
This is most confusing, because in Tar’s account Lavasena cannot be 
later than Rathikasena. 

18. zla-ba. V & S Candra. 

19. D. C. Sircar CGEIL 170. 

20. See chapter 39. 



was unalterable, all these could not be prevented. 

At that time, most of the *yogl followers of *Gauraksa 
(Goraksa) were fools and, driven by the greed for money and 
honour offered by the tirthika kings, became the followers of 
Isvara. 21 They used to say, ‘We are not opposed even to the 
*Turuskas.’ [ Fol 126A J Only a few of them belonging to 
the *Natesvari-varga remained insiders. 

*Lavamsena. His son was *Buddhasena. 22 His sdn was 
*Haritasena. His son was *Pratitasena. And others. They had 
to obey the *Turuskas and did not have much of royal power. 
According to their limited power, they also worshipped the 
Law a little. Particularly, during the period of Buddhasena, 
the great pandita *Rahulasribhadra resided at *Nalendra. 
There were then about seventy listeners to the Doctrine. 23 

After him lived *Bhumisribhadra and, after him, Upayasrl- 
bhadra and others. Sometimes during their period, *Karunasn- 
bhadra, *Munindrasribhadra and others also carefully nourished 
the Law of the Sage. 

After the death of *Pratitasena, their line came to an end. 

Some minor kings are sometimes mentioned as having res- 
pect for the Law, but I have not come across any original 
account of them. 

After about a hundred years of *Pratitasena 5 s death, 
*Cingalaraja 24 became very powerful in *Bhamgala. He brought 
under control all the ^Hindus and *Turuslcas up to *Dili (Delhi). 
He was originally a devotee of the brahmana- s. Under the 
influence of his queen, however, he changed his faith and 
became a devotee of the Buddhists. 

He made lavish offerings in Vajrasana, renovated all the 
temples there and properly rebuilt the upper four storeys of the 
nine-storied maha-gandola which was destroyed by the *Turu- 
skas. He established there a centre for the Doctrine under 

21. dbaii-phyug. 

22. cf Altekar in Roerich SW 472ff and Roerich SW 499f, 522. 

23. cf Roerich SW 548 : Chag lo-tsa-ba gives exactly this account. 

24. P-ed Cingala. S-ed Tsa-ga-la. V Chagala-raja. 

Ch. 37. Period of the Four Sena Kings and others 321 

pandita *Sariputra. 25 He made lavish offerings in the temple of 
*Nalendra, but built no big centre for the Doctrine. 

This king was very long-lived. After his death, one hundred 
and sixty years have passed away. 26 But I have not heard of 
any king of *Magadha [ Fol 126B ] who lived in this period 
and was a devotee of the Doctrine. I have neither heard of 
any with strong moral vow or of any well-versed in the 
Pi takes. 

Later on, king *Mukundadeva of *Odivisa occupied most 
of the territory of the madhya-desa. He established no centre 
for the Doctrine in *Magadha. In *Odivisa, he established 
the temple for the insiders and also a number of smaller 
centres for the Doctrine. Thus the Law was spread a little. 

Thirtyeight years 27 are known to have passed since the 
death of this king. 

The thirtyseventh chapter containing the 
account of the four Sena kings and others. 

25. In Tg are attributed to him rG lxxiv.3 ; lxxxii.25-6. 

26. Tar writes this in A.D. 1608. 

27. lb. 



Though in the Tibetan text itself there is actually no such 
division, Vasil’ev rightly comments that the History of 
Buddhism as narrated by Taranatha actually ends with the 
previous chapter. Taranatha also clearly says that in the 
remaining few chapters he is going to narrate certain 
minor details relating to the Doctrine. 

Ch. 38. Teachers of Vikramasila 




I shall now relate some other minor details. 

During the period of the five successive kings beginning 
with king Sri Dharmapala and till the period of *Canaka, a 
number of great Tantrika Vajracaryas looked after the Law at 
* Vikramasila. 

During the earlier period of the rule of king *Dharmapala, 
acarya Buddhajnanapada — and after him Dipamkara- 
bhadra 1 — looked after the Law. The account of this is to be 
found elsewhere. 

*Lanka-jayabhadra belonged to the period of king *Masura- 
ksita [? Vasuraksi]. This acarya was born in *Lanka, i.e. 
*Singala. There he became a bhiksu *pandita, versed in all 
the Sravaka Pitakas. Then he came to *Magadha, studied the 
Mahayana thoroughly and became a scholar particularly of the 
Guhya-tantra. He meditated on Cakrasamvara at * Vikramasila 
and received the vision [of the deity]. Once he went to *Konkana 
in the south. In this region there was the famous *Mahabimba 
caitya, which was unapproachable but the miraculous reflection 
of which could be seen in the sky. He lived in that country 
and preached the Guhya-tantra-yana thoroughly to some of 
the disciples. He composed the commentary on the Cakra- 
sambara etc, [ Fol 127 A ] and acquired such miraculous power 
that when attacked by a wild buffalo, he siniply raised the 
index finger at it and it dropped dead. 

Then he became the Tantra-acarya of *Vikramasila. He 


was succeeded by the brahmana acarya Sridhara , 2 whose 


account is to be found elsewhere. When he (Sridhara) acquired 
fame as a preacher of the Maha-maya in the south, he was 

1. See Supplementary Note 89. 

2. See Supplementary Note 90. 



invited to *Vikramasila. From the treatises on the Rakta 
and Krsna Yamari Tantra composed by him, it is clear that 
he belonged to the lineage of acarya Jnanapada. The Tibetans 
imagine that he was a direct disciple of acarya Krsnacarya, but 
the periods of their coming to the mortal world were different 
and hence he could have been his disciple when, in the later 
period, he received his vision. 

While practising intense meditation, brahmana Sridhara 
one morning went out to collect 3 flowers etc used for worship 
and saw a majestic yogi at his door. He recognised him as 
Krsnacarya, bowed down at his feet and prayed, ‘Please lead 
me to succeed in the Vidya-mantra. 5 He (Krsnacarya) gave 
him instructions of the Sarasvati-mantra-japa and vanished. 
Immediately, he had the vision of Sarasvati 4 on the north- 
western side of the mandala and soon attained siddhL 

He was succeeded by *Bhavabhadra. 5 Broadly speaking, 
he was also a scholar of all aspects of the Doctrine. He 
studied in particular Vijnana-vada 6 and acquired proficiency 
in about fifty Tantras. He received the blessings of Cakra- 
samvara in dream and also had the vision of Tara. He practised 
the Gutika-siddhi and attained success. [ Fol 127B ] Later on, 
he attained success in the practice of alchemy etc, which proved 
highly beneficial for himself and for others. 

He was succeeded by Bhavyakirti, 7 a profound scholar of 
the Tantrika scriptures. He is said to have attained unfettered 

He was succeeded by *Lilavajra, who attained Yamari- 
siddhi. It appears that the Bhairava-as ta- vetala-sadhana, which 
is extant in Tibetan translation, was composed by him. At 

3. S-ed gsig. P-ed gsegs-su (remove). The former reading followed. 

4. dbyahs-can-ma. D 913 : the goddess of learning of both the Hindus 
and Buddhists. 

5. See Supplementary Note 91. 

6. mam-rig. S 'the Nyaya system’. But see D 761. 

7. skal-ldan-grags-pa. Tg contains his commentary (rG xxxiv.l) on 
Nagarjuna’s Pancakrama, chapters 9-17 of his Pradlpodyotana-nama- 
tika (rG xxxi), [the first eight chapters of which are attributed to 
Aryadeva] and another of his work on Cakrasamvara (rG vii.l). 

Ch. 38. Teachers of VikramasTla 


this time, he heard the rumour of an impending *Turuska 
invasion and defeated their soldiers by drawing the Yamari- 
cakra. After reaching *Magadha, the soldiers became dumb 
and inactive and remained so for a long time. Thus they were 
turned away. 

He was succeeded by Durjayacandra, 8 whose account is to 
be found elsewhere. 

He was succeeded by Krsna-samaya-vajra, 9 whose account 
is already given. 

Then came Tathagata-raksita, 10 who attained power by the 
vidya of Yamari and Samvara. 11 He attained the special power 
of learning the languages of the different peoples and animals 
and also the sastra- s that he had never studied, immediately 
after concentrating on his different dhamani- s. 

Next came Bodhibhadra 12 , who was a great scholar of 
all the Guhya-mantras of both the insiders and outsiders. 
By rank he was an upasaka and he attained the direct vision 
of Manjusri. It is said that by virtue of his siddhi in Nama- 
samgiti, he attained samadhi on the name of each deity. 
[ Foi 128 A ] To this period belonged many with the name 
Bodhibhadra. In Tibet he [i.e. Bodhibhadra under discussion] 
did not evidently have much fame in the earlier period. 

He was succeeded by *Kamalaraksita. 13 In rank this acarya 
was a bhiksu. He was a scholar in all sutra- s and tantra- s, 
specially in the Prajnaparamita, Guhya-samaja and Yamari. 
When he attained siddhi of Yamari in the *Amda-giri 14 to the 
south of *Magadha, he was confronted with various miracu- 
lous obstructions. He meditated on sunyata and all these 
subsided. Then Yamari appeared before him and asked, ‘What 
do you desire ?’ 

8. See Supplementary Note 92. 

9. nag-po-dam-tshig-rdo-rje. cf BA i,360. In Tg are attributed three 
Tantrika works to him (rG xxxiv.3 ; lxxiv.21 & 28). 

10. See Supplementary Note 93. 

11. S tr ‘who attained control of Yamari and Samvara’. This is becapse 
the word mkhas-la does not occur in his edition. 

12. See Supplementary Note 77. 

13. See Supplementary Note 94. 

14. Y ‘Ahgiri (Ahga-giri)’. 



‘Please make me identical with yourself . 5 As he said this, 
he (Yamari) melted into his heart. After this, the moment he 
thought of anything, he succeeded in it, inclusive of the great 
siddhi- s. It is said that Yamari Vajradhara appeared before 
him every night and he used to listen to the Doctrine from 

He once thought of holding a gana-cakra in the crematori- 
um of *Vikrama. Along with many Tantrika disciples, he 
brought there the materials for sadhana carried by the 
yoginl- s . 15 On the way they encountered the minister of the 
*Turuska king of *Karna of the west, who was then procee- 
ding to invade *Magadha with five hundred *Turuskas. They 
(Turuskas) plundered the materials for sadhana . When, 
however, they came near the acarya and his attendants, the 
acarya became angry and threw at them an earthen pitcher full 
of charmed water. Immediately was generated a terrible storm 
and black men were seen emerging from it and striking the 
*Turuskas with daggers in hand. [ Fol 128 B ] The minister 
himself vomited blood and died and the others were afflicted 
with various diseases. Excepting one, none of them returned 
to their country. This made both the tirthika- s and *Turuskas 

He performed many other abhicara- s, but for which he 
could have attained the rainbow body. It is said that the 
abhicara- s caused some obstacles even for a great yogi like him. 

This acarya was a kind teacher also of Jo-bo-rje (Atisa) 
and Khyun-po-rnal-’byor-pa . 16 It is said that in the latter part 
of his life, he lived in a forest near *Nalendra, fully absorbed 
in meditation mainly on sampanna-krama. 

Except the first two of the twelve acarya- s, each of them 
acted as the chief of the centre for twelve years. Thus it is said. 

After *Kamalaraksita came the Six Door-keeper Scholars. 
After them separately came many acarya- s of Tantra. 

Dipamkara Jhana and others did not break the tradition 
of those who nourished the Law in the general sense [? without 

15. S tr ‘a few yogis'. But the text has rnal-byor-ma ( yoginl ). 

16. See Supplementary Note 95. 

Ch. 38. Teachers of Vikramasila 329 

being exclusively Tantrikas]. 

After the Six Gate-keeper Scholars, there was no continuity 

in the succession of upadhyaya- s for some years. Then came 

upadhyaya Dipamkara-sri-jnana. After him, there was no 

upadhyaya for seven years. Then Mahavajrasana 17 became 

the upadhyaya for a short period. After him one called 

*Kamalakulisa 18 became the upadhyaya. The name of the 

next upadhyaya was *Narendra-sri-jnana. He was succeeded 

by *Danaraksita. 19 After him *Abhayakara acted (as upa - 


dhyaya) for a long time. He was succeeded by *Subhakara- 
gupta.. [ Fol 129A ] Next was *Nayakapasri 20 and after him 
Dharmakarasanti, who was succeeded by *Sakyasri, the great 
*pandita of Kashmir. 

After him, there was the end of *Vikramasila. 

The thirty eighth chapter containing the 
account of the succession at Vikramasila. 

1 7. rdo-rje-gdan-pa-chen-po. 

18. cfBAi.372. 

19. cf BA i. 105. 

20. cfBAii.761, 764 & 800, V SunayakapasrI, and adds in note ‘S 
remarks that Tg mentions Sunayasri and Sunayasrimitra, who 
probably were one and the same person. 






Eastern India consists of three parts. Of these, *Bhamgala 
and *Odivisa belong to Aparantaka and are hence called the 
eastern Aparantaka. In the north-east, *Kamaru(-pa), *Tripura, 
*Hasama are called *Girivarta, i.e. surrounded by mountains. 
Proceeding further east from this region, (one reaches) *Nam- 
ga-ta on the slopes of the northern mountains. Bordering on 
the sea are *Pukhan, *Balaku, etc, — the country of the *Rak- 
han — and *Hamsavatl , 1 *Mar-ko etc, the country of *Mu- 
nan-s. Further, *Cak-ma , 2 *Kam-bo-ja etc. All these are 
collectively called *Ko-ki . 3 

From the time of Asoka, samgha - s were established in these 
*Ko-ki countries. Later on, these gradually grew large in 
number. Before the time of Vasubandhu, these were only of 
the Sravakas. Some of the disciples of Vasubandhu propaga- 
ted the Mahayana (in these places). For sometime, the 
continuity of this tradition just survived. However, from 
the time of king *Dharmapala on, there were in madhya- 
desa many students from these places. Their number went 
on increasing so that during the time of the four *Senas about 
half of the monks of *Magadha were from *Ko-ki. Thus, in 
these countries the Mahayana, was widely spread and the 
difference between the Hinayana and Mahayana disappeared, 
as it had happened in the kingdom of Tibet, 

From the time of *Abhayakara [ Fol 129B ] the influence 
of the Mantrayana went on increasing. As most of the scholars 
of the madhya-desa went to these countries after the invasion 
of *Magadha by the *Turuskas, the Law extensively spread 

1. V Pegu. 

2. V Campa. S-ed tsa-Iana, P-ed tsa-kct-ma. 

3. V n This name is probably derived from the Chinese word tszyao- 

Ch. 39. Spread of the Doctrine in the East 


At that time lived king *Sobhajata. He built many temples 
and established about two hundred centres for the Doctrine. 

Next came king *Simhajati . 4 He also helped the spread of 
the Doctrine, and the Law became more extensively widespread 
in all these countries. It is said that even now during the occa- 
sional congregations (there), the number of bhiksu- s reaches 
twenty to thirty thousand, not to speak of course of the 
numerous upasaka- s. 

From these countries came the later *pandita- s like Vana- 
ratna , 5 who visited Tibet. 

In the later period, there was a king there called *BaIa- 
sundara. Though in these countries, the Vinaya, Abhidharma 
and the Mahayana sastra- s were very popular, the Guhya- 
mantra-dharma — excepting a few like the Kalacakra and 
Trayavrttamala 6 — had become extremely rare. So he (Bala- 
sundara) sent about two hundred *pandita- s to maha-siddha 
Santigupta 7 and others in Dramila and *Khagendra in the 
south to learn the practice of the Guhya-mantra and restore 
these in these countries. His (Balasundara’s) sons *Candra- 
vahana now 8 resides in *Ra-khan, *Atitavahana rules *Ca-ga- 
ma (? Cakma), *Balavahana rules *Mu-han and *Sundara-ha-ci 
rules *Nam-ga-ta. (In these countries) the Law remains 
extensively spread till now according to the older tradition. 

The thirtyninth chapter containing the account of the spread 
of the Doctrine [Fol 130A] in the Ko-ki country in the east. 

4. V n ‘I have read saddajatf . 

5. See Supplementary Note 96. 

6. phreh-ba-bskor-gsum, 

7. shi-ba-sbas-pa. In Tg are attributed to maha-siddha Santigupta five 
Tantrika works (rG lxxiv.31 ; 50 ; lxxxiii.32 ; lxxxvi,88 & lxxiv.32). 

8. i.e. A.D. 1608 ? 





In the smaller countries [lit islands] like the *Singala- 

dvipa, Yavadvipa , 1 Tamradvipa , 2 Suvarnadvipa , 3 *Dhanasri- 

dvlpa and *Pa-yi-gu the Law was spread in an early period 

and remains widely prevalent till now. Though there are a few 

Mahayanis in the *Singala-dvipa, the large majority (of the 

monks there) are Sravakas. Even now, about twelve thousand 

bhiksu - s congregate there during the *Sri-paduka ceremony of 

(worshipping) the foot-print of the Teacher. Most of them 

are Sravakas. In *Dhanasri and *Pa-yi-gu, the Mahayanis 

are only a few in number. In the other smaller islands 


mentioned above exist only the followers of the Sravakas. 

In the Dramila country [lit island], the Law in its purity 
did not previously exist. It was first introduced by acarya 
Padmakara . 4 Dipamkara-bhadra also went there. After that, 
numerous Vajradharas from *Magadha, *Urgyana and Kashmir 
extensively spread the Mantrayana there for about a hundred 
years. The Tantras which were previously kept secret during 
the time of king *Dharmapala and were eventually lost in India 
and the Tantras brought from *Odiyana but lost in India 
survive here. Even now, the four classes of Guhya-mantra in 
their pure teachings are widely current here, as these were in the 
earlier times. Also partly survive here the Vinaya, Abhi- 
dharma and the Prajnaparamita-sastras. 

After the *Turuska invasion of *Magadha, in the southern 

1. nas'gliii. 

2. zahs-gliii. 

3. gser-glih. 

4. padma'byuii-gnas. In Tg are attributed to acarya Padmakara seven 

Tantrik" works (rG xlv.37 ; lxvi.9 ; lxix.110; lxx.47 ; lxxi.5 ; 145; 


Ch. 40. Introduction of the Law into smaller islands etc. 


parts of India like *Vidyanagara, *Kohkuna, [ Fol 130B ] 
*Ma-lyara and *Ka-lin-ga were established some centres for 
the Doctrine, though these were not very big and the number 
of the followers of the Doctrine was not very large. Yet there 
was no break in the tradition of the purity of the teaching and 

In *Kalinga, which is included in *Trilinga, there lived a 
famous *pandita called Narasurya. 5 

Similarly, from the time of the establishment of the Law in 
the south-western kingdoms by king *Karna until the *Turuska 
invasion of *Magadha, it (the Law) was widely propagated by 
*Jnanakaragupta 6 and others. Many centres for the Doctrine 
were established in the countries like *Maru, *Me-va-ra, *Cita- 
vara, *Bi-tu-va, *Abhu, *Saurastra, *Gujiratha etc. Even now 
many samglia - s survive in these places. 

In the later period, particularly because of the blessings of 
the maha-siddhesvara Santigupta, 7 the Law was revived in 
*Khagendra and the Vindhyacala. 

The samgha-s were elaborately worshipped during the time 

of king *Ramacandra. His son *Balabhadra built many 


temples and monasteries in *SrI *Ratnagiri, *Jita, *0-ja-na, 
*U-r-va-si, etc. He also established in all possible ways many 
centres for the Doctrine in these places. It is said that the 
number of even the newly ordained monks there is about two 

The Law in its purity, along with the study of both siitra 
and tantra, became widespread. 

The fortieth chapter containing the account of the introduction 
of the Law in the smaller islands and of its revival in the south. 

5. mi'i-ni-mar-grags-pa. 

6. V Dipamkaragupta. But the text has Jnanakaragupta in translitera- 

7. See note 7 of ch 39. 





I have not seen any comprehensive work on the royal 

[ Fol 131 A ] chronology of south India 1 and of the *Ko-ki 

countries. However, the work called the Garland of Flowers 2 

composed by the brahmana *Manomati — which contains a brief 

account of those kings that helped the spread of the Doctrine 

in the south and excellently worked there for the welfare of the 

living beings — gives the following account. 

During the period of *Suklaraja and *Candrasobha — the 

kings of *Ttanci in the south — the Garuda and other common 

birds of the small island were brought under control and 

these birds used to bring medicine, gems and various marine 

creatures. With these treasures, each of the kings worshipped 

two thousand monks . 3 A temple was later built for the birds 

and it was called the *Pankhi-tirtha 4 temple, where a few 

birds from the small island still come and live. 

During the period of the three kings Mahendra [? Mahesa], 


Ksemankara [? Samkara] and Manohara [? Manoratha], a 
thousand caitya- s were daily worshipped each with an umbrella 
(ckatra) and various other articles immeasurable in quantity. 

Further, during the time of the three kings *Bhoga-subala 
and his son Candrasena and his [Candrasena’s] son Ksemari- 
kara-simha [? Samkara-simha], each suppliant used to be paid a 
*dinara of alchemical gold. To the bhiksu-s and upasaka- s 
that approached them, they used to give articles worth five 

1. P-ed ‘the royal chronology of Kashmir and South India’. But S-ed 
omits Kashmir. The latter reading followed. 

2. me-tog-phreh-ba, evidently not the Puspa-mala (mDo lxxxix.1), which 
is a Vinaya work of the Sarvastivadins. 

3. V samgha- s. The text has dge-dun. See D 270f. 

4. See Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908) xxiii.392. 

Ch. 41. The Doctrine in the South 


hundred silver *pana- s. The place where they lived is not 
quite clear, though it appears that they belonged to *Konkuna. 


[ Fol 131 B ] Ksemankarasimha (? Samkara-simha) had 
three sons. The eldest of them was called *Vyaghraraja, 
because he had eyes and stripes like those of a tiger. He ruled 
*Tala-konkuna and built two thousand temples there. 

The second of them was called *Buda (Budha), i.e. the 
planet mercury. He ruled *Upara-konkuna and *Tu-lu-ra-ti. 
He used regularly to worship five thousand monks. 

The youngest of them was *Buddhasuca. Expelled from 
his own country, he eventually became the ruler of *Dravali. 
He used always to entertain ten thousand brahmana - s and ten 
thousand Buddhist teachers. 

Now, there was a young king called Sanmukha 5 in the Vindhya- 
cala region. He obtained inexhaustible food and clothes by attain- 
ing siddhi in the Vasudhara-mantra. This king thrice liquidated 
all the debts in the whole of the southern region. He gave one 
cloth to each of the poor people. It is said that for twenty 
years he provided about eighty thousand poor people and 
beggars and other paupers with clothes and food. 

Each of the kings of *Malyara belonging to the four gene- 
rations — namely Sagara, Vikrama, Ujjayana and Srestha— estab- 
lished five hundred centres for the Doctrine and built a corres- 
ponding number of temples. 

King Mahendra ruled in the *Karnata and *Vidyanagara 

regions. His son was Devaraja, whose son, again, was Visva. 

Under the royal command of these three kings, the ksatriya - s 

and brahmana - s were to worship only the Three Jewels. Each 

of them ruled for thirty years. King Visva had three sons. The 
/ . 

eldest of them called Sisu [ Fol 132 A ] ruled for three years. 
The second son Pratapa ruled for only, one month. Fifty 
temples were built by each of the two. Pratapa took the vow : 
‘I shall kill myself if I ever worship any god other than the 
Buddha.’ He had once to worship the *Siva-linga and so he 
threw himself into a pit full of sharp razors. The youngest 

5. gshon-nu-gdoh-drug. ? Kumara-sanmukha. V ‘The younj Six-faced 



son *Nagaraja-bhagavan left the country with ten thousand 
attendants and sailed eastwards to subdue the enemies near 
*Pu-khan. He conquered the place, worshipped the Buddha 
and worked elaborately for the Law. 

The account of king *Salavahana is already given. 

Brahmana *Balamitra was born in *Kalihga. He filled with 
caitya- s the land between the two seas. 

The triangular region of the south is like a long beak. The 
apex projects into the south and the base extends towards the 
madhya-desa. At the extremity of the apex is *Ramesvara. The 
sea on its eastern side is called *Mahodadhi and the sea on its 
western side is called *Ratnagiri. Although the line of demar- 
cation is not visible in the ocean, [ Fol 1323 ] as demarcated 
by the triangular region, however, the colour of the sea along 
the whole length of the southern coast looks different up to a 
long distance. The place of the meeting of the waves of the 
two sides appears to have a higher altitude. 

He (Balamitra) built a caitya in each city up to the point 
where met the *Mahodadhi and *Ratnagiri. This was predicted 
in the Manjusri-mula-tantra as : ‘The Doctrine will spread in 
the land up to the shores of the two seas...' 

Another brahmana called *Nagaketu made a lakh of images 
of the Teacher and offered ten forms of worship 6 7 to each of 

Further, there was the brahmana called **Vardhamala. He 
prepared ten thousand copies of the works containing the 
Words (of the Buddha), worshipped each of these in fifteen 
forms and regularly maintained four thousand bhiksu-s and 
upasaka- s who were to preserve, listen to and preach these. 

The Mahayana dcarya *Gaggari was a sruti-dhara and 
possessed the power of reading others’ thoughts. By his prea- 
chings, one thousand disciples attained the stage of dharma- 

6. V n ‘These ten forms of worship are regarded as : flowers, garlands, 
candles, ghee, clothes, decoration, umbrella, corn, banner and orna- 
ments’. cf D 439. 

7. chos-ia-bzod-pa. 

Ch. 41. The Doctrine in the South 


*Kumarananda was a *gomi upasaka. As a result of his 
preaching to five thousand upasaka-s, all of them became versed 
in the Prajna-paramita. 

There was a householder upasaka called **Matikumara. As 
a result of his preaching the Doctrine, about ten thousand in 
all — inclusive of the young boys and girls— attained samadhi 
in Mahayana. 

[ Fol 133 A ] Further, bhiksu **Bhadrananda, by the mere 
utterance of the Truth, used to cure the diseases of everybody in 
the city and save them from the influence of the evil stars. He 
used to live in the company of twenty monks of extremely pure 
moral conduct. It is said that when the other monks started 
harassing him, he flew to the Tusita with his mortal body. 

There lived two upasaka-s called **Danabhadra and *Lanka- 
deva. They painted ten thousand pictures of the Tathagata 
and made ten thousand images with each of the materials like 
stone, wood, clay and gems. They built an equal number of 
caitya- s and offered ten banners to each of these. 

For fifteen years, upasaka *Bahubhuja offered gifts of grain, 
food, clothes, gold, horses and cattle etc to the suppliants all 
around. At last he donated his male and female servants— even 
his son, his wife and his house — meditated in a forest and 
attained the stage of anutpattikadharma-ksanti. It is said that 
after preaching the Doctrine to his disciples he went to the 
Sukhavati with his mortal body. 

Then, there was the upasaka called bhattaraka Madhyamati. 8 
He used to go to the tirthika- s in their guise and, to start with, 
used to preach them their own scriptures. [ Fol 133B ] In 
the course of this, he surreptitiously preached the doctrine of 
anatma and maha-karuna-marga-krama. Thus their views 
were gradually changed without their being aware of it. In 
this way, he converted them into Buddhists. Since he could 
assume various forms simultaneously, he managed to lead 

8. dbu-ma'i-blo-gros. 




about ten thousand tlrthika- s to the Law of the Buddha. 

It seems that these acarya- s appeared shortly before 
Nagarjuna. It is at least certain that they lived during the period 
intervening between the beginning of the spread of the 
Mahayana and the time of Dharmakirti. The exact period of 
these above-mentioned acarya- s, however, cannot be definitely 

The fortyfirst chapter containing the account 
of the spread of the Doctrine in the south as 
related in the work ‘The Garland of Flowers ’ . 

Ch. 42. Some Discussion on the four sects 




All the samgha-s discussed so far were divided either in four 
or in eighteen sects . 1 To discuss these in brief : 

There is no difference of opinion as to the theories and 
practices of these eighteen sects. But there is difference of 
opinion as to how the division took place. 

According to the Sthaviras, the first division was that 
between the Sthaviras and Mahasamghikas. The Mahasam- 
ghikas, again, were divided into eight sub-sects, namely, the 
Mula-mahasamghikas , 2 Ekavyavaharikas , 3 Lokottaravadins, 
Bahusrutiyas, Prajnaptivadins, Caityakas, Purvasailas and 
Aparasailas. And the Sthaviras also were divided into ten 
sub-sects, namely Mula-sthaviras, [ Fol 134 A ] Sarvastivadins, 
Vatsiputriyas, Dharmottariyas, Bhadrayaniyas, Samnfitiyas, 
Mahisasakas 4 ( ? Bahusasakas), Dharmaguptikas , 5 Suijarsakas 
and Uttarlyas. 

According to the Mahasamghikas, the first division was into 
three, namely the Sthaviras, Mahasamghikas and Vibhajya- 
vadins. Then the Sthaviras, again, were divided into two, 
namely the Sarvastivadins and the Vatsiputriyas. The (Sarva-) 
stivadins also were divided into the Mula-sarvastivadins and 
the Sutravadins . 6 And the Vatsiputriyas were divided into 
Samrftitiyas, Dharmottariyas, Bhadrayaniyas 7 and Sanna- 
gariyas. The Mahasamghikas were divided into eight, namely 

J . S n ‘In the following account, I have mainly followed Vasil’ev. Der 
Buddhismus, p. 247fF, where in the notes, the Tibetan translations of 
the different names occur. I have also followed Stanislas Julien, 
Listes diverses des noms des dix-huits ecoles schismatiques qui sont 
sorties du Bouddhisme, in Journal Asiatique 1859 p. 327-361’. 

2. V Mahasamghika Proper. 

3. V Vyavaharika. 

4. mah-ston-pa — see BA i.27. 

5. V Dharmaguptakas. 

6. mdo-sde-smra-ba. V Sautrantikas. 

7. This name does not occur in V tr. 



the Mahasamghikas proper, Purvasailas, Aparasailas, Raja- 
girikas, Haimavatas, Caityakas, Siddharthakas , 8 and Gokulikas. 
The Vibhajyavadins were divided into four, namely the Mahisa- 
sakas, Kasyapiyas, Dharmaguptikas and Tamrasatiyas. 

According to the Sammitiyas, the first fundamental division 
was into the Mahasamghikas, Sarvastivadins, Vatsiputriyas and 
Haimavatas. Of these, the Mahasamghikas were divided into 
six, namely the Mahasamghikas proper, Ekavyavaharikas, 
Gokulikas, Bahusrutiyas, Prajnaptivadins and Caityakas. And 
the (Sarva-)stivadins were divided into seven, namely the Mula- 
sarvastivadins, Vibhajyavadins, Mahisasakas ( ? Bahusasakas ), 9 
Dharmaguptikas, Tamrasatiyas, Kasyapiyas and Samkrantikas. 
And the Vatsiputriyas were divided into four, [ Fol 134B ] 
namely Mula-vatsiputriyas, Dharmottariyas, Bhadrayaniyas 
and Sammitiyas. There was no subdivision of the Haimavatas. 

Following the view of the Sarvastivadins, it is said in Vinita- 
deva’s Samayabhedoparacanacakra 10 that the Purvasailas, 
Aparasailas, Haimavatas, Lokottaravadins and the Prajnapti- 
vadins were the five main branches of the Mahasamghikas. 
The Mula-sarvastivadins, Kasyapiyas, Mahisasakas, Dharma- 
guptikas, Bahusrutiyas, Tamrasatiyas and the Vibhajyavadins 
were called the Sarvastivadins. The Jetavaniyas, Abhayagiri- 
vasins, Mahaviharavasins were sthaviras. The Kaurukullakas, 
Avantakas and the Vatsiputriyas were the three branches of the 
Sammitiyas. (Thus these were) eighteen in all, differing among 
themselves in their places of residence, their theories and their 

In this view, the eighteen sects originated from the four 
principal ones. Many Tantras mention only four original sects. 
Though disagreeing with the view of the Vatsiputriyas, this 
principle of counting the four is acceptable. It is more so, 
because it is based on the statement of acarya Vasumitra . 11 

8. V Samkrantikas. V n 'Arthasiddhakas ?’ 

9. V Bahusrutiyas. 

10. by Vinitadeva — Tg mDo xc.13. 

11. See Samayabhedoparacanacakra by Vasumitra (Tg mDo xc.ll). 

Ch. 42. Some Discussion on the four sects 


In the Bhiksuvar sagrapr ccha, 12 the four original sects are 
mentioned according to this, though there are some differences 
like dividing the Mahasamghikas into six and [ Fol 135A ] the 
Sammitiyas 13 into five. However, the above view should be 

There are many discrepancies in the enumeration of the 
names given before. But most of these are cases of the same 
sects being mentioned under different names. Some real 
discrepancies are also to be found in these enumerations. 

The Kasyapiyas, for example, were none but the dissenting 
disciples of the later arhat Kasyapa ; they are alsq mentioned 
as the Suvarsakas. Similarly, the Mahisasakas, Dharma- 
guptikas, Tamrasatiyas, etc were thus called according to the 
names of their respective Sthaviras. The Samkrantikas, Utta- 
riyas, Tamrasatiyas are but the same sect (under different 
names). So also were the Caityakas and Purvasailas (but 
names of) the same sect and they were the followers of the 
wandering mendicant Mahadevad 4 From them branched off the 
Siddharthakas and the Rajagirikas. Accepting this view, these 
two cannot be counted among the eighteen (sects). The 
Lokottaravadins and Kukkutagirikas 15 (bya-gag-ri-pa) were the 
same. The Ekavyavaharika is also said to have been the 
general name of the Mahasamghikas. The Kaurukullaka is 
translated (into Tibetan) as Sa-sgros-ripa. The Vatsiputriyas, 
Dharmottariyas, Bhadrayaniyas and the Sannagariyas are to 
be roughly taken as being the same. 

The samgha-s of the arya-desa and the smaller islands are 
to be clearly regarded as originating from and belonging to the 
four principal and distinct sects. The scriptural works of the 
eighteen sects [ Fol 135 B ] still survive. But there is practi- 
cally none following any one of these theories today who do 
not mix these up with those of others. 

It is clear that during the period of the seven *Pala kings 

12. Tg mDo xc.21 — attributed to Padmakaraghosa. But see BA i. 30 & n 
attributed to Padmasambhava. 

13. V Vatsiputriyas. 

14. Iha-chen-po. V n ‘see supra ch 9’. 

15. V Kaukutapada. 




only seven of these sects survived. Among the Sravaka- 

sendhavas this tradition still survives. 

Broadly speaking, the four (original) sects exist in their 

purity. Besides these, . there survive only two branches of the 

Sammitiyas, namely the Vatsiputriyas and Kaurukullakas, two 

of the Mahasamghikas, namely the Prajhaptivadins and 

Lokottaravadins and two branches of the Sarvastivadins, 

namely the Mula-sarvastivadins and the Tamrasatiyas . 16 

The sect earlier known as the Darstantikas was that of the 

Sautrantikas which branched off from the Tamrasatiyas. Hence, 

it is not to be separately counted among the eighteen. 


In the older days, when the Law of the Sravakas alone 

was current, there surely existed the followers of the views of 

these different sects. Since the spread of the Mahayana, 

all the Mahayana-samghas belonged to one or the other of 

these sects, though ' these upheld the Mahayana alone and 

were not influenced by the different views of the earlier 

sects. Similarly the Sravakas also for a long time upheld 
their own views in their purity and only later their views 
were influenced by those of the others. 

In spite of adhering to the views of either the Hinayana or 
Mahayana, all of them wanted to remain pure in the practices 
and applications of the Vinaya. Nevertheless, the division into 
the four sects is to be understood as resulting from the 
differences in the understanding of the practices of the Vinaya. 
As it is said, 

‘The sayings of the Buddha are to be properly 
understood as blissful in the beginning, in the 
middle and in the end, and as being charac- 
terised by the three marks and as delivering 
the threefold teaching.’ 

[ Fol 136A ] Following this, profound reverence (for the 
sayings of the Buddha) should be aroused in everybody. 

The fortysecond chapter containing 
some discussion on the four sects. 

16. V n 'The seven schools — if the author had this number in mind — 
should probably be taken as Sthaviras’. 

Ch. 43. Origin of Mantra-yana 




Now, I find some conceited people who, in spite of being 
full of doubts, consider themselves to be extremely ambitious. 
However, their muddled view of the different origin of the 
Mantra-yana 1 needs to be examined. 

Generally speaking, each of the Sutras and Tantras has 
its respective source-book ( nidana ). 2 Hence, the history of 
the Sutras is certainly different from that of the Mantra-yana. 
Let us not discuss each of these separately. Speaking in 
general, the Sutras and Tantras cannot be differentiated in 
respect of their place, time and teacher. As to how these 
reached the human world, (it is to be understood) that most 
of the Tantras appeared simultaneously with the Mahayana- 
sutra- s. Many of the profound Yoga and Anuttara Tantras, 
being separately obtained 3 by the different siddhacarya- s, app- 
eared gradually. As for example, Sri *Saraha obtained the 
Buddha-kapala , 4 *Lui-pa obtained the Yogini-samcarya , 5 *Lva- 
va-pa and Saroruha obtained the Hevajra, Krsnacarya obtained 
the Samputa-tilaka , 6 *Lalitavajra obtained the three parts of 
the Krsna-yamari , Gambhiravajra 7 obtained the Vajramrta , 8 
*ICukuri-pa obtained the *Mahamaya, *Pito-pa obtained the 
Kalacakra . 9 

Earlier, it was wrongly claimed by some that the account 
of the origin of the Mantra(-yana) was contained in the 

1. siiags-kyi-theg-pa. 

2. gleh-gshi. 

3. spyan-drahs. Lit. invited. 

4. sahs-rgyas-thod-pa. 

5. rncil-byor-ma-kun-spyod. 

6. kha-sbyor-thig-le. 

7. zab-pa’i-rdo-rje. 

8. rdo-rje-bdud-rtsi. 

9. dus-kyi-khor-lo. 



commentary on the Sahaja-siddhi. 10 But there exists a history 
of the Sahaja-siddhi by the great scholar Bu-ston, who compiles 
in it the account available in all the commentaries 11 on the 
Sahaja-siddhi. [Fol 136B ] In this he shows that these (commen- 
taries) contain only the history of Sahaja-siddhi, but not of 
the Guhya-mantras in general. 

’Gos lo-lsa-ba gshon-nu-dpal, 12 though fully aware of all 
these, wanted to bring life into the dead issue and gave an 
elaborate account of the Sahaja-siddhi. Let us even assume 
that the farmer Padmavajra mentioned in it is the same person 
as *Padmavajra the Great. 13 However, connecting on this 
basis the history of Sahaja-siddhi with that of Sapta-siddhi 14 
and presenting all these as a wonderful account of the origin 
of the Mantras in general is baseless and fanciful. (Both) 
Sahaja-siddhi and Sapta-siddhi were practised only by some 
of the guhya Tantrikas. But this was not true of all. Hence 
it is extremely confusing to speak of their lineage alone as the 
lineage of Mantra(-yana) in general. 

So there must have been an amazing account of the history 
of the Mantra(-yana) as such, which is not practised by the 
vast majority of the Tantrikas of India and Tibet and the line- 
age of which cannot and should not be considered as their line- 
age. I say this merely as a joke. 

Following this, and depending mainly on fancy, some 
people invent an account of the first preaching of the Mantra- 
(-yana) based on incomplete and incorrect citations from the 
Tattva-samgraha 15 and the Krodha-trailokya-vijaya-nirmita- 
bhasa , 16 originating from Vajracuda. 17 

Accepting such a version of the commentary on the Sahaja- 

1 0. lhan-cig-skyes-grub-kyi-'grel-pa. 

11. See Supplementary Note 97. 

12. j.e. the author of The Blue Amnals. 

13. see BA i. 363. 

14. grub-pa-sde-bdun. 

15. de-hid-bsdus-pa. 

1 6. khro-bo-khams-gsum-rnam-rgyal-sprul-bsad. 

17. rdo-rje-rtse-mo. 

Ch. 43. Origin of Mantra-yana 345 


siddhi, one has to consider wrongly king Sdravajra 18 as the 
preceptor of *Aryadeva and to identify human Sukhalalita 19 
with ‘the Yogini born of the Nagas’ 20 and to include her in 
the lineage of arya-visayaka 21 etc. Further, identifying dakini 
Subhaga 22 with Matibhadra, 23 it is baseless and empty babble to 
say that she belonged to the lineage of the Four Precepts. 24 

[ Fo! 137A ] It is well-known among the scholars that Sri 
Dhanya-kataka was the place where Mantra-yana was origi- 
nally preached. But what is written in the glosses by some 
older Tibetan scholars in defiance of this is unknown in India. 
To write that this place — the name of which should be known 
even to the foolish Tibetans — was called Saddharma-megha- 
visalaganja 25 is due only to a bias for what is baseless and to 
the tendency of placating (the older scholars). This is nothing 
but the way in which the fools befool other fools, Sensible 
persons do not take it as a serious statement at all. 

The account in the commentary on the Sahaja-siddhi re- 
presents the correct tradition and its upadesa may also contain 
some significance concerning all the Tantras. But why should 
the preachings and sastra- s of Sahaja(-siddhi) be considered 
as preachings and sastra- s of Laksmi 26 (Laksmmkara) alone ? 
Besides, (the commentary on) Sahaja-siddhi composed by 
*Dombi *Heruka enumerates seven or eight siddhi- s. 

Though the traditions of these are different in both India 
and Tibet, there is also some similarity between these. But 
it is ridiculous to be misled by this similarity and proudly 
proclaim that the two are identical. 

18. dpcC-bo'i-rdo-rje. 

19. bde-ba'i-rol-pa-mo. 

20. cfBAi.361. 

21. ’ phags-skor 

22. skal-ba-bzah-mo. 

23. blo-gros-bzah-mo. 

24. gdams-iiag-bka'-bshi. 

25. chos-bzah-sprin-gyi-ycth-rdsoh, V ‘The Castle of the Cloud of Faith’. 

26. dpal-mo. 




The origin of the Mantra-yana is to be understood on the 
basis of its sastra- s and by compiling the original account 
coming from their traditions. All these are briefly stated 
my rin-po-che’i-'byuh-gnas-lta-bu’i-gtamf 1 which should be 

Who can give a full adcount of all the siddha-s of the 
arya-desal [ Fol 137B ] It is said that only the siddha-s of 
the Tara-mantra system belonging to the period of Nagarjuna 
alone numbered five thousand. The number of the followers 
of *Darika-pa and Krsnacarya reaches beyond comprehen- 
sion. Thus it is to be understood. 

The fortythird chapter containing a brief 
discourse on the origin of the Mantra-yana. 

27. i.e. Ratnakara-sadrsa-katha. 

Ch. 44. History of Image-Makers 




In the ancient period, the human artists possessed mira- 
culous power and their artistic creations were astounding. In 
the Vinaya-vastu etc, it is clearly said that the statues made 
and pictures drawn by them created the illusion of being the 
real objects. For about a hundred years after the parininana 
of the Teacher, there were many artists like them. 

As afterwards there was none of them any more, the 
celestial artists appeared in human guise and made eight 
wonderful images for worship in *Magadha, like those of the 
Mahabodhi and Manjusri-dundubhisvara . 1 The caitya - s of 
the eight sacred places and the inner boundary walls of Vajra- 
sana were built by the Yaksa artists during the\ period of 
Asoka and the Naga artists built many (images) during the 
time of Nagarjuna. 

The (images) thus made by the Deva-s, Naga-s and Yaksa-s 
created the illusion of the real objects for many years. In the 
later period, under the influence of time such creations were 
no more and there remained practically none with the know- 
ledge of the technique concerned. 

After that, for a long time there developed the traditions 
of different artistic techniques depending on the individual 
talents of various artists. There remained no uniform tradition 
of the technique (of image-making). 

[ Fol 138 A ] Later on, during the period of king Buddha- 
paksa there lived an artist called *Bimbasara, who produced 
the most wonderful architectural sculptures and paintings : 
these could be compared to those of the celestial artists of the 
earlier period. 

Numerous artists became his followers. This artist was 
born in *Magadha. Therefore, the artists following his school 

1. ’ jam-dpal-rha-sgra . D 367— an epithet of Buddha Amoghasiddha. 



were said to belong to the school of the madhya-desa art, 
wherever they might have been born. 

During the period of king Sila, there was an extraordinarily 
skilled icon-maker called *Srigadhari, who was born in the 
region of *Maru. He made many sculptures and paintings 
in the tradition of the Yaksas, The school following his 
technique is known as the school of old western art. 

During the time of king *Devapala and Sri *Dharmapala, 
there lived a highly skilled artist, called *Dhiman in the 
*Varendra region. His son was called *Bitpalo. These two 
followed the tradition of the Naga artists and practised various 
techniques like those of metal-casting, engraving and painting. 
The tradition of the technique of the father became 
different from that of the son. The son used to live in 
*Bhamgala. The cast-images made by the followers of both of 
them were called the eastern icons, wherever these followers 
might have been born. 

In painting, the tradition of those that followed the 
father was called the tradition of eastern paintings, while those 
who followed the son were known as belonging to the school 
of the madhya-desa painting, because this was widespread 
mainly in *Magadha. 

In Nepal also the earlier tradition of art was similar to the 
old western (style of Indian art). The paintings and bell-metal 
castings (of Nepal) of the middle period are said to belong to 
the Nepalese school, though these resemble the eastern (Indian 

No distinct (tradition) is found (in Nepal) in the later 

[ Fol 138B ] In Kashmir also was followed the tradition of 
the early central art and of the old western [Indian] art. In the 
later period one called *Hasuraja introduced new technique 
both in sculpture and painting. It is now called the art of 

Skilled image-makers abounded in every place wherever 
the Law of the Buddha flourished. In the regions that came 
under the influence of the mleccha- s declined the art of image- 

Ch. 44. History of Image-Makers 


making and the regions under the influence of the tirthika- s 
had only inferior image-makers. That is why, practically 
nothing survives today of the tradition of those mentioned 

In "Tu-khan and southern India still thrives the tradition 
of image-making. But it is clear that their tradition of art did 
not reach Tibet in the past. 

In the south, there exist numerous followers of the three, 
namely **Jaya , 2 **Parojaya and **Vijaya. 

The fortyfourth chapter containing 
the history of the image-makers. 


2. V Nijaya. 




The account compiled here, if well understood, will remove 
all the baseless and erroneous ideas. Thus, some of the highly 
renowned scholars of Tibet say that Nagarjuna and others 
came immediately after the seven hierarchs (of the Law) of 
the Teacher. They think that the *Candra kings ruled shortly 
after king Asoka and they claim that during the reign of the 
fourteen kings — namely the seven *Candras and the seven 
*Palas — lived all the acarya- s from *Saraha to *Abhayakara. But 
since this period was too short to allow all these to have 
happened and finding the periods preceding and following 
the acarya- s become extremely brief, they extend the duration 
of the life of all [ Fol 139 A ] and thus try to extend the period 
as a whole. 

Now, it may be asked what the sources of this compilation 
are. In Tibet there exist many fragmentary narrations as well 
as compilations of the history of the Doctrine. But I have not 
seen anything chronologically complete. 

I have not written anything except that which is absolutely 
authentic. I have gone through the work containing two 
thousand verses compiled by *pandita Ksemendrabhadra of 
*Magadha, 1 in which is narrated the history of the incidents up 
to the period of king *Ramapala. Besides, I have listened to 
some *pandita teachers (of India). I have followed here 
mainly all these and have moreover read the work called the 
* Buddhapurana containing one thousand and two hundred 
verses and composed by the Ksatriya *pandita Indradatta. 2 In 
this are exhaustively mentioned the incidents of the period up 
to the four *Sena kings. The account of the succession of the 
acarya- s by the brahmana *pandita *Bhataghati is similar in 
length. I have extensively used here both these works. 

These three authorities are practically unanimous excepting 
on certain minor points related to the dates of the different 

1 . magadha' i-pand ita sa-dbah-bzah-po. 

2. dbah-pos-byin. 

On the sources & Epilogue 


individuals. I find them mainly describing the way in which 
the Law was spread in the kingdom of Aparantaka. But I have 
not read or heard of any detailed account of how the Law was 
spread in Kashmir, *Urgyana, Thogar, south India, *Ko-ki 
and the smaller islands. Hence I could not write about these 
(in details). 

The account of the different incidents of the later period 
(given by me) [ Fol 139B ] have not come down in writing. In 
spite of being transmitted only orally, these are authentic. I 
have also included here the narratives from The Garland of 
Flowers . 


This pleasing garland made by suitably stitching 
the wonderful account with the string of simple 
words is being dedicated to decorate the necks 
of the highly intelligent persons. It is designed 
to invoke great reverence for those excellent 
persons who worked for the Law of the Jina. 
This will also help to differentiate the baseless 
works (from the correct account). This will 
greatly enhance the reverence for the Doctrine 
by helping the correct understanding of the 
extremely important and admirable activities of 
those scholars and siddha - s that upheld the Law. 
Its purpose is to arouse reverence for the saints 
and their Path and thus finally to attain Buddha- 
hood by following the True Doctrine. 

Such is the purpose of this composition. By its 
merit let all the living beings attain the anuttara 
Buddhahood following the path of the practice 
of virtue. Let them be decorated with merit in 
all forms. 




With the purpose of causing welfare to the living beings 
and on the request of some seekers of the Truth, rGyal-khams- 
pa Taranatha has composed this work at the age of thirty- 
four 1 in the Earth-Male-Monkey year 2 or the Brhaspati year 
at the Brag-stod-chos-kyi-pho-bran (The Religious Palace of 
Brag-stod). It is called the dGos-’dod-kun-’byun and contains 
the clear account of how the True Doctrine — the precious, the 
glorious and the sources of all glories — was spread in the 


[ Fol 140A ] Let the precious Law spread in all directions 

for a long time. Thus was written the authentic history of 

Buddhism in India by the all-knowing Taranatha of Jo-nan. 

Since the printing blocks of this work were damaged and 

worn out at the rTag-brtan-phun-tshogs-glin (The Perfect 

and Eternally Firm Island) of Jo-nan, in the Fire-Dog year 

of sixteenth rab-byun 3 is prepared a fresh block-printing 

under the state management at the great printing house at 

Shola [i.e. the administrative section of the palace of the Dalai 

Lama at the base of Potala in Lhasa] by the profound desire 

for working for the Law and the welfare of the living beings 

on the part of the great *pandita sTag-brag, the preceptor of 
/ . 

Saranyanatha-sasana-palaka (i e the Dalai Lama). Let this 
bring welfare to all the living beings. 

1 . lo-sum-cu-so-bshi-pa. 

2. i.e. A.D. 1608. S n ‘In the year 1608 or 1610, inasmuch as the 
chronology of the Tibetans as known through Csoma is two years in 
arrear of the Chinese ; cf Schlaginweit BT 278’. But, thanks to the 
work of P. Pelliot and others, the uncertainty about Tibetan calendar 
is now removed — see A. Chattopadhyaya .AT 563ff. 

3. i.e. the year A.D. 1946. 


Supplementary Notes 



Przyluski’s thesis (LEA I>60) concerning the growth of the 
later legends about the patriarchs has some interesting light 
to throw on the possible sources on which Taranatha depends 
particularly in the earlier chapters of his work. 

As Buddhism outgrows the narrow circle of the early 
Magadhan communities and expands to the north-west, the 
need is felt for new legends to justify the authority of the new 
communities and the mahatmya of their new centres. The 
most prominent of these new centres are Mathura and 
Kashmir. Mathura is the centre of the Sarvastivadins and 
Kashmir that of those who call themselves the Mula-sarvastiva- 
dins. The typical literary product of the monks of Mathura 
is the Asokavadana and the most archaic form of this, accord- 
ing to Przyluski, is the Asoka-raja-sutra, now preserved in 
Chinese translation as A-yu-wang-king. The typical literary 
product of the monks of the north-west (Kashmir) is the Vinaya 
of the Mula-sarvastivadins (henceforth referred to as VMS). 

The first point to be noted about Taranatha’s account is his 
total indifference to Upali. Upali’s name occurs nowhere in his 
History, though, according to the Pali sources and the Vinaya 
of the Mahasamghikas (Przy 52), Upali is the first to be 
entrusted with the responsibility of the Law. As against this, 
both Asokavadana and VMS claim that the Buddha entrusts 
Kasyapa or Mahakasyapa (who presides over the First Council) 
with the responsibility of the I^aw and that Ananda succeeds 
Mahakasyapa. Evidently, therefore, Taranatha’s account of the 
patriarchs —beginning as it does with Kasyapa and Ananda — 
draws on the tradition recorded in the Asokavadana and VMS. 

Przyluski argues that this shift of emphasis from Upali to 
Ananda is indicative of a shift of emphasis from the Vinaya to 
the Sutra. In the First Council, Ananda recites the Sutra 
while Upali the Vinaya. Thus, Ananda is the first of the bahu- 
sruta- s, Upali the first of the sila-dhara - s (Przy 54). This differ- 
ence between the traditions of the bahu-sruta - s and sila-dhara - s 



becomes one of basic importance for the subsequent history of 
Buddhism. The Asokavadana — therefore, the Mathura school of 
the Sarvastivadins — strongly champions the former. Hence is 
the importance attributed in it to Ananda and this to the exclu- 
sion of Upali. Further, the same work describes the Buddha as 
first going to Mathura and then to Kashmir, and this as 
accompanied by Ananda. As accompanied by Upagupta, 
again, Asoka is described in the Asokavadana as making the 
grandest offering to the stupa of Ananda. All these are 
indicative , of how Ananda, Upagupta and the region of 
Mathura are glorified in the Asokavadana. But the devotion 
to Ananda is probably more fervent during the Mathura 
phase than during the Kashmirian period (Przy 29). Thus the 
Mula-sarvastivadins of Kashmir — also champions of the tradi- 
tion of the bahu-sruta- s — show the tendency of pushing Ananda 
to the background, inasmuch as the VMS describes the Buddha 
making journey to Mathura and Kashmir accompanied by 
Yaksa Vajrapani instead of Ananda. 

From this point of view, Taranatha’s -glorification of 

Ananda is indicative of the influence of the Mathura school. 

This is further indicated by his account of the conversion of 

Upagupta by Sanavasika, also an apostle of Mathura. By 

contrast, VMS attributes this conversion to Madhyantika, the 

apostle of Kashmir, (though, notes Przyluski, the text 

contradicts itself by also quoting a prophecy concerning the 


conversion of Upagupta by Sanavasika : Przy 4). At the same 
time, Taranatha’s account of the conversion of Kashmir by 
Madhyantika is fully in accord with the tradition recorded in 
the VMS. 

Taranatha disapproves of the view of including Madhyan- 
tika in the list of the hierarchs and admits of only seven in the 
line of succession. The tradition of admitting only seven hier- 
archs accepted by Taranatha occurs in the Vinaya-ksudraka, 
which is also quoted by Bu-ston ii. 1 08 : ‘Kasyapa, Ananda, 
Sanavasika, Upagupta, Dhitika, Krsna and Mahasudarsana — 
these are the seven hierarchs.’ This is exactly the list of the VMS 
only with this difference that the VMS adds Madhyantika to it. 

Supplementary Notes 


Interestingly, the Asokavadana, which from the point of 
view of Przyluski’s argument need not show any special zeal 
of including Madhyantika in the list of the hierarchs, does 
include him : where it differs from the VMS is that it is yet 
to add to the list the names of Krsna and Mahasudarsana. 
These two names are perhaps later added by the monks of 
Kashmir, particularly because of Sudarsana’s connection with 
Kaniska (Tar Fol 31 A, Przy 53). 

Though the list of the seven hierarchs given in the Vinaya- 
ksudralca seems to acquire decisive authority for the Tibetan 
scholars, Bu-ston ii. 108, true to his great erudition in the 
later Buddhist literature, goes on quoting other sources on 
the patriarchs, showing thereby that some of these sources 
vitally differ in enumerating the names of the patriarchs — a 
circumstance which by itself is indicative of these lists being 
the results of after-thought prompted largely by the later 
and local needs — but indicating further the more striking 
point that according to some of these sources the later 
custodians of the Law are definitely considered as exercising 
authority only in certain restricted regions. Thus Bu-ston 
ii. 1 09 : ‘It is said in the Mahakaruna-pundarlka in answer to 
the question, “Who is to be the guardian of the Doctrine 
after the Teacher has passed away ?”, — “Oh Ananda, the monk 
Kasyapa and thyself, ye two are to guard the Highest Doctrine 
for 40 years and more. Then, in the city of Mathura on the 
mountains Gandhamadana and Mahaparsva, in the grove 
called Pankavati, there is to appear the monk Slanavasa, and, 
in the same place, the monk Nandin. — On the mountain 
Usira, there are to appear 44,000 monks. In the city of 
Pataliputra, in the Margarama, there will be a monk called 
Asvagupta and, in the same city, in the grove of the ducks, the 
monk called Uttara. — In the country of Anga, during the 
five years’ feast, 13,000 Arhats are to arise. — In the city of 
Suvarnadrona, two monks called Vijna and Safijaya, in the 
city of Saketana — the monk Mahavirya, and on the northern 
border-land of Gandhara— -the monk Kasyapa, are to appear. 
All these monks are to be greatly renowned for their miraculous 



achievements, their great power of faculties . . . These are to 
be the propagators of my Teaching.” 5 

Modern scholars are on the whole inclined to view the later 
legends of the hierarchs exercising -an overall authority on 
the later Buddhist communities as being without any historical 
foundation (see N. Dutt AMB 16ff and Przyluski 1-60 in 
particular). ‘It should be observed/ remarks N. Dutt, ‘that 
though the Theravadins speak of the line of disciples {acariya- 
parampara) from Upali to Sariputta, there is no idea of 
patriarchal succession. In the Majjhima Nikaya it is expressly 
stated that in the Buddhist Samgha there is no recognised head. 
The Tibetan and Chinese traditions have, in fact, given currency 
to the idea of patriarchal succession.’ Observes Przyluski (p.50), 
‘Kern has shown in his History of Buddhism that the lists of 
patriarchs contradict one another.’ There is ‘no common ele- 
ment in this matter’ in the Sinhalese tradition and in the tradi- 
tions recorded in the works translated into Chinese and Tibetan. 
For this and other reasons Kern suspects ‘the lists of patriarchs 
and regards these as apocryphal.’ Przyluski adds, ‘One may go 
further ; it is doubtful that at any time after the Nirvana of the 
Buddha the authority of a single savant had been recognised by 
all the Buddhists together. This happens to throw doubt on 
the very existence of the patriarchate.’ 

Nevertheless, as Przyluski says, the study of the later 
legends of the patriarchs is not without its own interest, for 
these have light to throw on ‘the real tendencies of the 
important rival communities, namely the Sthaviras, the Sarva- 
stivadins and the Mahasamghikas.’ 

Here is how Przyluski (p.52f) sums up the different accounts 
of succession that we come across in the different sources : 

Works written in Pali : Upali, Dasaka, Sonaka, Siggava, 
Candavajji, Tissa, Moggaliputta. (‘The series continues after 
the conversion of Ceylon’). 

Vinaya of th,e Mahasamghikas : the first five savants are — 
Upali,, Dasabala, Jyotidarsaf?), Jita(?), Sense-protected (? 

Asokavadana : Mahakasyapa, Ananda, Sanavasa and 

Supplementary Notes 


Madhyantika, Upagupta and Dhitika. 

VMS : Mahakasyapa, Ananda, Sanika and Madhyantika, 
Upagupta, Dhitika, Krsna and Sudarsana. 

Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuen-lcing (Nanjio 1340: a work that ‘be- 
longs undoubtedly to the Sarvastivadin group’ — Przy 53) 
enumerates 23 patriarchs, beginning with the list of the Asoka- 
vadana, though omitting Madhyantika. 

Thus, while the lists of the Sthaviras and Mahasamghikas 

begin with Upali and Dasaka, those of the Sarvastivadins 

begin with Mahakasyapa and Ananda. Przyluski (p. 54) argues 

that of these two lists, the second is earlier, because 

all the accounts of the First Council — inclusive of those of the 

Sthaviras and Mahasamghikas — mention Kasyapa and not 

Upali as presiding over the Council. Thus, the first tendency 

to formulate a definite list of patriarchs manifests itself among 

the Sarvastivadins. 


Now, ‘Sanavasa is the apostle of Mathura ; Madhyantika is 

the ascetic who converts Kashmir. Both were extolled 

among communities of the west and it had to be early 

acknowledged that they were the disciples of Ananda’ (Przy 55.) 

This becomes the pattern of the entire western communities. 


Upagupta being the immediate disciple of Sanavasika, the 
spiritual family of Ananda is formulated as follows : 

Ananda succeeded by Sanavasa and Madhyantika and 
Sanavasa succeeded by Upagupta. 

‘The bifurcation of the genealogical line after Ananda was 
an inconvenient complication.’ This is sought to be solved 
by ‘the process of arbitrary simplification.’ Thus, the author 
of the Asokavadana, failing to separate Sanavasa and Upa- 
gupta (both monks of the Nata-bhata monastery), is obliged 
to narrate the life of Madhyantika before Sanavasa, violating 
thereby ‘the chronological order’, since ‘the conversion of 
Madhyantika is posterior to the entry of Sanavasa into the 
faith’. The author of the Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuen-king solves the 
problem by simply dropping the name of Madhyantika. 

‘The History of Taranatha,’ observes Przyluski (p.56), ‘is 
more complex and hence more instructive. The Tibetan 



chronicler who appears to have had access to diverse sources 
endeavours sometimes to notice the synchronism of events.’ 
While ‘following the development of Buddhism in the west, 
Taranatha does not lose sight of the eastern communities.’ 
Thus, on the one hand he follows the series of the Sarvastiva- 
dins (Mahakasyapa, Ananda, Sanavasika, Upagupta, Dhitika), 
while on the other hand he ‘informs us that king Mahendra 
and his son Camasa reigned in the country of Aparantaka 
during the partiarchate of Upagupta, and during the same 
epoch Arhat Uttara lived in the east. The inhabitants of 
Bagala built the monastery of Kukkutarama for the latter, and 
the greatest disciple of Uttara was Arhat Yasas.’ 

Now, according to the Pali Cullavagga, among the monks 
that sat in the Second Council (ofVaisali) are Sabbakama, 
Uttara, Sanavasi and Yasas. Further a story of the Second 
Council— which, according to Przyluski (p. 57) was somehow 
‘inserted’ into the VMS but which nevertheless includes 
‘archaic fragments anterior to the... very formation of Sarvastiva- 
din group’ — mentions that ‘at the time of the Council of 
Vaisali, Yasas had as his teacher Sarvakama, who himself was 
a disciple of Ananda. During the same time, the ascetic 
Uttara lived in the town of Lieu-chuan (Srughna). (Przy 56) 

From these evidences Przyluski concludes that ‘Madhyan- 

tika at Kashmir, Sanavasa and Upagupta at Mathura, and 
Uttara, Sarvakama and Yasas in the east, were all personages 
pretty nearly contemporary (Przy 56).’ Of these, Madhyantika, 
Sanavasa and Upagupta are the heads of the Western Church ; 
Sarvakama, Uttara and Yasas are the heads of the Eastern 
Church. The authors wanting to glorify the Western Church are 
the first to draw up for this purpose a rigid list of patriarchs by 
totally eliminating the heads of the Eastern Church. 

From the point of view of this argument we have to con- 
clude that though Taranatha is fully aware of the developments 
in the eastern region evidently on the basis of some other 

tradition (see Supplementary Note 2 : on the possible implica- 


tions of Tar’s reliance on the Sravaka-pitakas and Ksemendra’s 
works), when it comes to the question of formulating the list 

Supplementary Notes 


of the patriarchs he wants to subscribe to the tradition recorded 
in the Asokavadana and the VMS and at the same time, for 
reasons not yet clear to us, drops the name of Madhyantika 
from the list. 


‘We are yet in the dark’, remarks N. Dutt (AMB 19) 
‘about the part played by Asoka in the propagation of Buddh- 
ism... Throughout his exhortations, so far as they have'been 
found in the Edicts, there is not the slightest hint of his actively 
helping the propagation of Buddhism. His Edicts refer to the 
dhammavijaya as opposed to conquest by arms, but by dhamma 
he does not mean Buddhism. His dhamma consisted of maxims 
for leading an ideal life and performing meritorious acts which 
make a person happy in this world as well as the next. The 
Edicts do not contain a single reference to Nirvana or Sunyata, 
Anatma or Duhkha, while on the other hand they speak of 
heaven, and happiness in a heavenly life, which was never an 
ideal of early Buddhism, for it considered existence in any of 
the three dhatus, Kama, Rupa and Arupa, to be misery 
(< duhkha ).’ 

It is difficult to overlook the main point of this argument, 
howevermuch violently it may go against the usually accepted 
idea of Asoka being a committed Buddhist [see e.g. Vincent 
A. Smith in ERE ii.l25f]. At the same time, without admitting 
Asoka’s patronage of Buddhism in some form or other, it is 
impossible to explain the tremendous enthusiasm with which 
the later Buddhists wanted to look back at him. This is not 
denied by N. Dutt. ‘But it must be admitted,’ he continues, 
‘that when an emperor like Asoka shows a bias for a particular 




religion and even proclaims himself to be a Buddhist upasaka 
and pays visits to the monasteries or sacred places of the 
Buddhists, the religion automatically receives an impulse, and 
its propagation by the Buddhist monks then becomes easy. So 
we may regard Asoka as a passive propagator of Buddhism, 
and, during his rule, the religion probably made its way 
throughout his kingdom, also reaching places beyond his 
dominion.’ (AMB 19-20). 

The result was the fabrication by the later Buddhists of an 
enormous mass of legends about Asoka. These legends became 
all the more complicated, because the later Buddhists — themselves 
divided into different sects and having their centres in different 
regions — went on spinning these often with the specific 
purpose of glorifying their own centres with little scruple for 
history and sometimes even reckless of the question of internal 
consistency of these legends. 

One has only to glance through the travel-notes of the 
famous Chinese pilgrims — Fa-hien, Yuan-chuang and I-Tsing — 
to see how the country became eventually full of legends con- 
cerning Asoka. Nothing was too extravagantly fanciful— too 
quaint or too grotesque — to their authors, so long as these 
served their basic purpose of glorifying the Doctrine by way of 
glorifying its great patron. 

Like these Chinese pilgrims, Taranatha himself is a devout 
follower of later Buddhism and, therefore, is expected to 
show no more critical attitude to these legends than the 
Chinese pilgrims. Nevertheless, Taranatha is also confronted 
with a special problem. The Chinese pilgrims recall these 
legends piecemeal, usually in connection with what is shown 
to them as the monuments built by Asoka in the different 
parts of the country. They have therefore no problem of 
bringing all these into a systematic or orderly form. For 
Taranatha, however, it is quite different. A history of Buddhism 
in India is evidently inconceivable for him without a substan- 
tial account of Asoka. At the same time he finds himself 
confronted with an enormous mass of the legends about Asoka, 
which he has to retell in a brief chapter and at least with some 

Supplementary Notes 


semblance to a logical sequence. For this purpose, he has got 
to be selective ; he has to rely more on some of the sources and 
reject some others. 

What interests us in particular about his account of Asoka, 
therefore, is the question of his sources for it. 

Unlike most of his other chapters, the one on Asoka is 
concluded by Taranatha with the enumeration of the main 
sources on which it is based. These are : 

1) the Avadana texts, 

2) a historical work (now lost to us) by sa-dban-bzan-po, 

3) the Kalpalata and 

4) the Sra vaka-pi takas. 

Sa-dban-bzan-po is usually taken as the Tibetan form of the 
name of the celebrated Kashmirian writer Ksemendrabhadra 
who lived in the Uth century, though there are some 
difficulties about this identification. Thus, 

i) Taranatha himself knew his sa-dban-bzan-po as a 
pandita of Magadha (Fol 139A). 

ii) the Indian equivalents of sa-bdan-bzan-po given in Tg 
are Mahindrabhadra or Bhumindrabhadra, which also better 
correspond to the literal meaning of the name given in Tibetan 
[see our note 36 of Ch 4], 

iii) the Tibetan equivalent given in Tg of Ksemendra’s name 
is dge-ba’i-dban-po (and not sa-dban-bzan-po) [see our note 
60 of Ch 6]. 

, Przyluski himself does not note these difficulties and argues, 
‘The historical work of Ksemendra mentioned by Taranatha 
has not come down to us for all we know. But there 
cannot have been any doubt regarding the identity of its 
author. He is the celebrated Kashmirian writer who lived in 
the eleventh century’ (Przy LEA 108). 

The work referred to as the Kalpalata is taken by Przyluski 
to be the Avadana-kalpalata by the same Ksemendra and on 
which Taranatha evidently depends for certain features of the 
Asoka legends. 

Przyluski argues that since Taranatha depends so much on 
Ksemendra for his version of the Asoka legends, tne general 



tendency of Ksemendra himself has some important light to throw 
on Taranatha’s account of Asoka, and though Ksemendra’s major 
historical y/ork (presumably containing a full biography of 
Asoka) is lost to us, Ksemendra’s general tendency can be well- 
judged from his surviving work, namely the Avadana-kalpalata. 
‘Drawing heavily from earlier literature, he had never any 
scruple about mixing up heterogeneous traditions. Pallavas 
70-72 of the Avadana-kalpalata refering to Sanavasa, Madhyan- 
tika and CJpagupta, appear to be inspired by the section on the 
lives of the saints in the Asokavadana while the next two 
Pallavas are borrowed from quite a different redaction of the 
Asoka-legend. Written in the north-western region of India 
during an epoch when Buddhism was in full decadence, the 
Avadana-kalpalata is the meeting ground of two traditions. 
With a biography of Asoka drawn from a canonical text it 
mixes a number of narratives inspired by the Asokavadana. 
Similarly, in the body of Taranatha’s comparatively modern 
account we can point through the medium of Ksemendra, to a 
class of much earlier Writings.’ (Prz. 108-9) 

But what is the significance of Taranatha’s reference to the 
Sravaka-pi takas ? Przyluski answers : ‘Just as a section of the 
Asokavadana has ultimately been incorporated into the Samyuk- 
tagama of the Sarvastivadins, it is possible that another redaction 
of the Asoka-legend — the same that Taranatha summarises — 
has been inserted into the canon of another sect. This is what 
the reference to the Sravaka-pi takas appears to imply.’ (p. 108). 
What, then, was this ‘other sect’ ? Przyluski thinks that it had 
presumably its centre in Campa or the eastern regions between 
Magadha and the sea (p. 112), for certain peculiarities of 
the Asoka-legends as told by Taranatha show a preference for 
this region. 

To sum up Przyluski’s argument (pp. 112 & 123): The 
stories forming the Cycle of Asoka-legends were originally ela- 
borated by the Buddhist communities in the neighbourhood of 
Pataliputra. From there it spread to two opposite directions, 
viz. a) towards the west, taking roots first at Kausambi (the 
centre of the Sthaviras) and then at Mathura (the centre of the 

Supplementary Notes 


Sarvastivadins) and finally in Kashmir (the centre of the Mula- 
sarvastivadins) ; and 2) towards the east in the region between 
Magadha and the sea, near Campa ; ‘it was there enriched by 
new elements from the folk-lore of the neighbouring provinces... 
it has been incorporated into the canon of the local sects 
[Sravaka-pi taka-s] and transferred afterwards to Kashmir 
where it was set in verse by Ksemendra.’ (p. 1 12). 

Drawing heavily as he does on the Sravaka-pi takas and on 
Ksemendra’s work, though at the same time relying on the 
Asokavadana, Taranatha gives us a conglomeration of the 
Asoka-legends that developed differently in the different regions. 
Thus, Taranatha’s version of 1) the youth of Asoka, 2) his 
conversion, 3) subduing the Nagas, 4) erection of the stupa-s, 5) 
conveying the assembly of the monks and 6) offerings to the 
samgha-s ‘correspond in spite of acute differences to chapters 
1, 2, 3 and 6’ of the Chinese translation of the Asokardja-sutra 
(which, according to Przyluski, contains the Asoka-legends in 
their earliest forms). At the same time, in Taranatha’s account 
arhat Yasas ‘belongs to the basic framework of the legend’, 
while Pindola and Upagupta, the saints specially eulogised by 
the monks of Kausambi and Mathura respectively, are cons- 
picuously absent : Taranatha nowhere mentions the name of 
Pindola and he speaks of no connection between Asoka and 
Upagupta, though the writers of Mathura are specially anxious 
to emphasise such a connection. (Prz. 69). 

In the following characteristics also, the Asoka-legends of 
Taranatha show a decisive influence of the eastern regions (i.e. 
derived from the Sravaka-pi takas of Campa)., Thus : a) Taranatha 
says that Asoka was the son of a king of Campa, ‘a singularly 
audacious alteration of historical truth’ which ‘could have been 
imagined only by a story-teller belonging to a country east of 
Magadha’ (p. 111). Again, though according to the Asokava- 
dana, Asoka subdues during his youth the Khasas and the 
country of Taksasila, in Taranatha’s narrative he subdues the 
Khasas and the people of Nepal, here too the tradition devia- 
ting towards the east. 

At the same time, argues Przyluski, such eastern elements 



introduced by Taranatha into his account of Asoka are 
indicative of a more developed form of the Asoka-legends. Thus, 
while -in the Asokavadana the Naga kings of Ramagrama do 
not oblige Asoka by allowing him to take the relics of the 
Buddha, in Taranatha’s work the account of subduing the 
Nagas is elaborately told and the gradual progress of Asoka’s 
power fully illustrated. To begin with, Asoka is the master 
only of the region between the Vindhyas and the Himalayas 
without any control over the Nagas. ‘But his power increases 
along with his merits and he finishes by bringing under his sub- 
jection the whole universe including the Naga kings of the ocean 

Judged by the versions of Taranatha and the Avadana- 

kalpalata, the legend inserted in the Sravaka-pi takas is thus 
more developed than that of the Asoka-sutrd’ (Przy.l 10). 

C. D. Chatterjee (in JAIH i. 1 14f) comes out rather sharply 
against Przyluski’s thesis that the earliest form of the Asoka- 
legends is to be found in the Asoka-raja-iutra (which survives 
for us only in a Chinese translation : A-yu-wang-king ) . On the 
contrary, argues Chatterjee, the tendency to fabricate such 
legends finds its earliest expression in the Kalpanamanditika of 
Kumaralata (c. A. D. 150), the founder of the Sautrantika 
school and a native of Taksasila. The author of the Asoka- 
rdja-sutra presumably collected the Asoka-legends from 
Kumaralata’s work. But ‘the legends of emperor Asoka, as 
recorded in both these works are so fantastic and imaginary 
( kalpanamandita ) that they are faraway from the bonds of 
sober history. Asoka-legends also appear in certain Pali 
chronicles and commentaries composed in Ceylon ; but they 
are not so obviously fabricated and preposterous as we find 
them in the Avadana texts composed in Sanskrit’, {ib.), ‘Such 
fabricated stories in the Avadana texts, as also in the Kalpana- 
manditika, only tends to show that the evolution of Asokan 
legends, as delineated in them, took place at a period that is far 
remote from the time of the ruler, to which they relate’ 
(ib. 126). 

Supplementary Notes 



According to the Pali Cullavagga (xii.l.l ; Eng. tr SBE 
xx.386f), the Ten Prohibitions violated by the monks of Vaisali 
are: 1) carrying salt in a horn, 2) taking meals when the 
shadow is two fingers broad, 3) going to another village and 
taking a second meal there, 4) observance of the uposatha 
ceremonies in various places in the same parish, 5) obtaining 
sanction for a deed after it is done, 7) drinking butter-milk 
after m 9 als, 8) drinking toddy, 9) using a rug without a fringe 
and 10) acceptance of gold or silver. 

According to the Vinaya-ksudraka (quoted by Bu-ston ii.91), 
these are : 1) exclamation of astonishment (aho !), 2) rejoicing, 
3) digging ground, 4) using the sacred salt, 5) eating on the 
way, 6) taking the food with two fingers, 7) eating not at due 
time, 8) taking intoxicating drink, 9) making a new rug without 
stitching to it a patch of an old one and 10) begging for gold 
or silver. 

Vasil’ev gives another list from the Chinese translation of 
the Vinaya of the Mahisasakas. cf also BA i.24. 

But whatever might have been the actual list of these 
prohibitions, there are grounds to think that by violating these 
the Vaisali monks were working for their material prosperity. 
As it is said in the Vinaya-ksudraka, ‘.And from the city of 
Dhanika there came an arhat called Yasas with five hundred 
attendants who had made a turn through the country. Having 
arrived at Vaisali, they found that the monks had a large 
income, and they themselves obtained a great share. Having 
asked the reason of this, they came to know that the ten prohibi- 
ted points were admitted’, (quoted by Bu-ston ii.91). 

Connected with these Ten Prohibitions is the question of the 
Second Council. Bu-ston ii.95-6 asserts that the alms-giver of 
this Second Council was the pious king Asoka ( mya-han-med ), 
that it took place after 100 years of the Buddha’s nirvana with 
the aim of the exclusion of the ten inadmissible points, and that 
it was the Council of 700 arhat-s mobilised mainly by Yasas 



and culminating in the expulsion of the Vaisall monks. 
Taranatha’s account of the Second Council agrees with all 
these excepting one vital point. Taranatha asserts that the 
Second Council was organised 'at the Kusumapuri-vihara under 
the patronage of king Nanda ( dga' -byed ), a Licchavi by birth 5 
(Fol 22A). Thus, both Bu-ston and Taranatha are referring 
to the same Council, though, according to the former, its 
patron was Asoka, while, according to the latter, a Licchavi 
king called Nanda or dga’-byed. 

Vasil’ev, therefore, asks in the note : Could this word dga 
byed be a Tibetan translation of Piyadasi ? In other words, he 
suggests the possibility of construing from the Tibetan form in 
which the name is given by Taranatha an epithet of Asoka, so 
that the discrepancy between the two accounts is somehow or 
other removed. But the problem is not so easily solved, for 
Taranatha also asserts that this dga' -byed is Licchavi by birth. 

In the statement of Taranatha, therefore,. Kern sees only a 
tissue of errors (see Filliozat SAI 6), moreover because, as Kern 
thinks, by the Kusumapuri-vihara is to be understood Kusuma- 
pura or the town of Pataliputra, where the Ceylonese sources 
place the Third Council. 

However, Filliozat argues that this is misunderstanding the 
real point of Taranatha. As a matter of fact, the problem of 
the Second Council is connected with that of the two Asokas 
and hence also with the two chronologies. ‘The longer one, 
that of the Pali tradition, places the Second of the Great 
Councils under the first Asoka, Kalasoka, at Vaisall, one 
hundred years after the death of the Buddha, .and the Third of 
the Great Councils at Pataliputra under the second Asoka 
[Asoka Maurya], two hundred and thirtysix years after the 
death of the Buddha. The shorter chronology, in its most well- 
known form, places a Council at Vaisall or at Pataliputra a 
hundred years after the death of the Buddha under a unique 
Asoka. 5 

In the background of this, Filliozat proposes to understand 
the real significance of the statement of Taranatha : ‘Taranatha 
is perfectly in accord with the Sinhalese sources in stating that 

Supplementary Notes 


at the time of the Second Council, the reigning king at Patali- 
putra was a Licchavi. The Vamsatthappakasim, commenting on 
the Mahavamsa iv.6, in fact calls Kalasoka, who was reigning 
at Pataliputra (cf Mahavamsa iv.31), the son of Susunaga of the 
Licchavi family. From the outset one must ask if Nandin 
{dgd’-byed) of Taranatha should not be identified with Kala- 
soka. Bu-ston had spoken of Asoka, while Taranatha has given 
the Tibetan equivalent of Nandin, and on the other hand 
nandin, or The Happy One, is the synonym of Asoka, “without 
chagrin”. Taranatha, far from furnishing an aberrant fact, thus 
corresponds well with the Pali sources. We have already 
remarked that to the Kalasoka of the Pali sources, corresponds, 
in the Asokavadana, Kakavarnin, whose name is a synonym of 
Kala, since it means “the colour of a crow”, whereas kala 
signifies “black”. In Taranath awe simply find a synonym of 
the other part of the name of Kalasoka. Kalasoka is the same 
as Kakavarnin and Nandin at the same time, and Taranatha, 
who simultaneously knew both Nandin and Asoka Maurya, 
thus knew, as did the Pali sources, two Asokas, Kalasoka 
and Asoka Maurya. The distinction between these two Asokas 
does not have to be a fallacious doubling by the Pali tradition 
of Theravada of a single Asoka. From this it follows that the 
hypothesis of the real existence of two Councils under these 
two kings becomes now considerably reinforced, and it will 
have to be admitted that the sources that knew only one of 
these’ kings and councils are those which are in error. 5 (Filliozat 
SAI 6-7). 

Such a solution of the problem, however, leaves a number of 
points unexplained. First, Taranatha shows no awareness at all 
of any Council having been convened under the patronage of the 
pious king Asoka or Asoka Maurya. Instead of that, he passes 
on to the account of the Third Council held under the patro- 
nage of king Kaniska ( Fol 31ff). Secondly, Taranatha 
himself is fully aware of the difficulties of the two chronologies 
connected with the question of the Second Council and he 




tries to solve the problem at best with some questionable 
success ( Fol 22Bf ) : the suggestion of counting a half year as 
one year and the pedantic discussion on the meaning of the 
word yadacit. Thirdly, the sources like Mahavamsa with which 
Taranatha is alleged to agree mention the venue of the Second 
Council as Valukarama and not Kusumapuri-vihara. And 
so on. 

In view of these difficulties, therefore, it appears to be safer 
to think that Taranatha, being a very late compiler of the 
Buddhist legends, allows various traditions to get mixed up in 
his account, though he tries somehow or other to evolve a 
rationalised version of the Second Council out of these. In this 
circumstance, instead of either summarily discarding Tara- 
natha’s version of the Second Council as fanciful (Kern) or of 
fully defending it (Filliozat), we can perhaps try to understand 
the peculiar problem with which Taranatha finds himself con- 
fronted. This is best done by recalling the different traditions 
of the Second Council as recorded in the ' different Buddhist 
sources. Vallee Poussin in ERE iv. 183 sums these up : 

‘According to a tradition fully developed in Cullavagga xii 
and common at least to several sects, there was held in the year 
100 or 1 10 after the nirvana a Council to examine and condemn 
ten extra-legal practices of the monks of Vaisali’. Cullavagga 
gives the date as 100 years after the Buddha’s nirvana ; but it 
is completely silent about the reigning king and also about - any 
subsequent Council. According to the tradition of the Mahi- 
sasakas, Dharmaguptikas and Sarvastivadins, the Council 
took place 1 10 years after the nirvana, though these traditions 
also are equally silent about the reigning king and about any 
subsequent Council. . Fa-hien and Yuan-chuang (see Watters 
ii. 73ff) also mention the time of the Vaisali Council as 110 
years after the nirvana. Thus, Bu-ston’s date of 100 years 
after the nirvana agrees more with the tradition recorded in the 
Cullavagga, while Taranatha’s date of 1 10 years agrees more 
with the other traditions. 

‘Pali later sources (Sinhalese sources) know the name of 
the sovereign, Kalasoka, and they add that the Vesalian 

Supplementary Notes 


schismatics (Vajjiputtakas) in their turn held a Council, the 
Great Assembly, whence issued the sect Mahasamghika, “of the 
great assembly”, — while the Mahasamghikas are said by other 
sources to maintain that this Great Assembly was held 
immediately after the Rajagrha Council.’ 

Incidentally, Taranatha does not speak of the Great 
Assembly convened by the expelled monks of Vaisall and 
Watters ii. 76-7 comments : ‘Very little is told in any treatise 
about the effect of the Council’s action on the Sinning Brethren, 
but we are left to infer that they submitted to authority and 
returned to orthodox practices. There is nothing whatever to 
indicate that they seceded and formed a great sect or 

Vasumitra, the famous author of the treatise on the sects, 
asserts that 100 years after the nirvana, a Council was held in 
Pataliputra under the patronage of Asoka ; but the agenda of 
this Council was the consideration of ‘the five points’ of 
Mahadeva and Bhadra and that this ‘Council resulted in the 
division between the Church and the Mahasamghika sect.’ 

Bhavya relates the tradition of the Sammitiyas that a 
Council was held 137 years after the nirvana at Pataliputra 
under the patronage of kings Nanda and Mahapadma (to 
consider the 'five points’). According to the same authority 
the Sthaviras say that a Council was held 160 years after the 
nirvana at Pataliputra under the patronage of Asoka to 
consider certain controversial questions and that it resulted in 
the Mahasamghika schism. 

Taranatha, however, does not at all connect the Second 
Council with the ‘five points’ of Mahadeva and Bhadra. 
According to him, the confusion created by these ‘five points’ 
were cleared up in the Third Council held under the patronage 
of king Kaniska. 

‘Sinhalese sources : a Council in A. B. (After Buddha) 236 
at Pataliputra under Asoka (Dharmasoka), which proclaimed 
the orthodoxy of the Vibhajjavada (‘doctrine of the distinction’) 
to which belongs the Pali or Sinhalese Church and authenti- 
cated the last of the Pali Abhidhamma treatises, the Kathavatthu .’ 



On the basis of the above, Vallee Poussin proposes to reach 
the following conclusions : 

1. Though the Sinhalese sources identify the Vaisali 
monks expelled by the Second Council with those that founded 
the Mahasamghika sect, there is no evidence in favour of this 
identification. Other sects claim that the Mahasamghikas 
originated out of the dispute over ‘the five points’ and it is 
certain that ‘they admitted the five points’. The Mahasamghi- 
kas themselves claim their sect to be ancient and orthodox. 

2. ‘There was a tradition of the Vesalin Council on Ten 
Points ; date uncertain, no mention of king.’ 

3. There was also a ‘tradition of a council on “some 
controverted question” more precisely on “five points” ; date 
uncertain and probably no mention of king.’ 

4. In spite of the claim of the monks of Ceylon that their 
Kathavatthu is an ancient text ‘preached mysteriously by the 
Buddha,’ the text is actually comparatively modern. 

5. Because Asoka was viewed later as the second mover 
of the Dharma-cakra, it was natural to try to place all the 
important events concerning the history of Buddhism as taking 
place under him. The later monks did this. They were also 
eager to describe Pataliputra as the place of the meetings. 
‘Our northern documents are scanty and conflicting, but they 
give the impression that there was no certain tradition of the 
date of Asoka : 100, 110, 137 or 160 After Buddha are figures 
out of which no chronology can be extracted.’ 

6. ‘Sinhalese tradition places the Vaisali Council in 100 
(after Nirvana) under Kalasoka and the Pataliputra Council in 
236 under Dharmasoka. Besides the “northern” figures for 
Asoka (100, 1 10, 137, 160 years after Nirvana), there was a 
fourth figure 237 After Buddha (17 or 19 years after his 
coronation in 217, 219 After Buddha). We are not con- 
cerned with the question whether these were fanciful or tradi- 
tional computations. In fact, the authors of the ecclesiastical 
history “concocted” in Ceylon admitted this figure without 
troubling themselves very much to adjust it to some other 
chronological details of their own ; and as they maintained the 

Supplementary Notes 


canonic date of Vaisall and were at a loss to name the sovereign 
reigning in 100 After Buddha, they imagined a Black Asoka 
(Kalasoka)— a mere idolum libri .* 


Though this legend of the erotic attachment of Tisyaraksita 
or Tisyaraksa for Kunala is persistently told in the Avadana 
texts, C. D. Chatterjee in JAIH i. 125f draws our attention to 
a completely- different version of the story of Tisyaraksa as 
preserved in the Mahavamsa : ‘It tells us that the wicked 
Tisyaraksa, who was the last chief queen of Asoka, grew 
impatient at her husband’s paying regular visits to the Bpddhi- 
tree and lavishly spending money for its worship and also at 
the bestowal of the costliest gifts upon it on these occasions. 
Being of perverted mentality, she began to compare in her mind 
how much her husband was spending on the Bodhi-tree 
and how much on her. Thus, torturing herself in her own 
mind, she became extremely jealous of that sacred tree and 
conspired with some officers, who were loyal to her, for its 
destruction. The Bodhi-tree undoubtedly showed signs of 
withering away because of the mischief done, but was resusci- 
tated after some time through the mystic power of some 
members of the Samgha.’ In the Avadana texts, by contrast, 
‘Tisyaraksita’s traditional wickedness has been sought to be 
proved... by representing her as a notorious woman given to 
sensual pleasure, who, failing to get any response from her 
stepson for her illicit love, ultimately got him blinded in taking 

Cf also G. M. Bongard-Levin & O, F. Volkova, The Kunala 
Legend p. 6 for another version of the legend given by the Jaina 
poet Hemacandra : ‘The legend of Kunala is presented in quite 
a different light in the Jain tradition reflected in Hema- 
candra’s work, the Parisistaparvan. First, there is no mention 



of Tisyaraksita, one of the main characters of the legend, who 
is present in all the versions of the legend cycle known to us. 
Instead of the passionate and insidious Tisyaraksita, who took 
revenge on Kunala for her rejected love, Hemacandra mentions 
only one of Asoka’s wives, who blinded Kunala with, the help 
of forgery in order to assert the right of her son to the 
throne. It shows that the basic conflict — the clash between 
Tisyaraksita and Kunala rejecting her love — which can be 
traced throughout all the versions of the legend, acquires quite 
a different aspect with Hemacandra : Kunala is presented as 
an eight-year old child and the conflict is caused not by 
amorous passion but by the desire of one of the king’s wives to 
make her son the heir to the throne instead of Kunala. Heina- 
candra’s narration of the legend seems to fall into two parts : 1) 
the blinding of Kunala and the sending of his rival — the queen’s 
son — to Ujjain ; 2) the birth of Kunala’s son, Kunala’s wander- 
ings, his coming to Pataliputra and the appointment of 
Kunal&’s son — Samprati — the heir to the throne. In the 
Parisistaparvan, Taksasila— the principal scene of action in the 
legend — is not even mentioned. Nothing is said about the 
rebellion. Ujjain, the capital of north-western India, and not 
Taksasila, occupies the central place in the story. According 
to Hemacandra, Kunala was brought up there. The king’s 
forged order to blind Kunala was sent to Ujjain. From Ujjain, 
the blind Kunala set out for the capital of the empire... All 
this makes it possible to suppose that in his version of the 
legend, Hemacandra relied not on the northern versions of the 
legend, which served as the basis for Divyavadana, Ksemendra 
and Taranatha, but on some other — probably southern — 
version, which, unfortunately has not reached us. Hemacandra 
does not mention the episode of the restoration of Kunala’s 
eyesight as the reward for his .virtuous behaviour. Another 
thing was more important for the Jaina chronicler : to show 
how Samprati (who, according to the Jain tradition, was a 
zealous follower of Jainism) made his way to the throne... In 
the sources of the northern Buddhist tradition Kunala is des- 
cribed as an object of the action of karma, as an embodiment 

Supplementary Notes 


of Buddhist virtue and as a true follower of Buddhist dhamma ; 
in the Jain Parisistaparvan the plot develops more vigorously : 
there are no homilies on Buddhist morals and more room is 
allotted to the story of how the blinded Kunala was unable to 
become the heir to the throne and how Samprati became heir 
tn his place. That is why Hemacandra does not describe how 
eyesight was restored to Kunala’. 


Watters i. 267-270 : ‘According to the Abhidharma work, 
Mahadeva was the son of a Brhamin merchant of Mathura. 
While still a very young man, he took advantage of his father’s 
prolonged absence from home on business and formed an 
incestuous connection with his mother. When his father 
returned, Mahadeva murdered him, and soon afterwards he 
fled with his mother. Finding that a Buddhist arhat had an 
inconvenient knowledge of his guilty life, he promptly killed the 
arhat. Then finding that his mother was not true to him, he 
murdered her also. By thus taking the lives of his parents and 
an arhat, he had committed three unpardonable offences ; in 
the technical language of Buddhism he had “made three imme- 
diate karma- s”, three anantarya karma -s. Stung by conscience 
and haunted by fear, he now skulked from place to place until 
he reached Pataliputra. Here he resolved to enter religion, 
and he easily persuaded a monk of the Kukkutarama-vihara to 
have him ordained. He now devoted all his energies and 
abilities to his new profession and having zeal and capacity, he 
soon rose to be the head of the establishment, and the leader 
of a large party in the church at Pataliputra. His intellectual 
abilities were much above those of the ordinary brethren, but 
his orthodoxy was doubtful, and his moral character was not 
above suspicion. Mahadeva claimed to have attained arhat- 
ship, and he explained away circumstances which seemed to be 
destructive of his claim. In answer to queries from younger 



brethren, he enunciated five dogmas, or tenets which led to 
much discussion, and at length to open dissension. These tenets 
were: 1) an arhat may commit a sin under unconscious temp- 
tation, 2) one may be an arhat and not know it, 3) an arhat 
may have doubts on matters of doctrine, 4) one cannot attain 
arhat-ship without the aid of a teacher, 5) the “noble ways” may 
begin by a shout, i.e. one meditating seriously on religion may 
make such an exclamation as “How sad !” and by so doing 
attain progress towards perfection. These five propositions 
Mahadeva declared to be Buddha’s teaching, but the senior 
Brethren declared them to be Mahadeva’s invention and 
opposed to the orthodox teaching. There were at the time four 
“sects” or “parties” of Buddhists at Pataliputra, and these had 
bitter controversies about the five propositions. When dispute 
ran high the king, on Mahadeva’s suggestion, called an 
assembly of all the monks to have an open discussion and vote 
on the subject, the king being a friend and patron of Mahadeva. 
When the assembly was summoned it was attended by a number 
of senior Brethren, who were arhats, and by an immense 
number of ordinary ordained members of the church. The 
superior Brethren argued and voted against the five propo- 
sitions, but they were far outnumbered by the inferior members 
who were all friends of Mahadeva. When the discussion and 
voting were over the wrangling stJH continued, and the king 
ordered all the brethren to be embarked in rotten boats and 
sent adrift on the Ganges ; by this means he thought it would 
be shewn who were arhats and who were not. But at the 
critical moment five hundred arhats rose in the air, and floated 
away to Kashmir. Here they dispersed, and settled in lonely 
places among the vales and mountains. When the king heard 
what had occured he repented, and sent messengers to coax the 
arhats to return to his capital, but they all refused to leave. 
Hereupon he caused five hundred monasteries to be built for 
them and gave the country to the Buddhist church. These five 
hundred arhats introduced and propagated the Sthavira school 
in Kashmir and the majority of inferior brethren at Pataliputra 
began the Mahasamghika school. 

Supplementary Notes 


‘It will be noticed that in this account we have neither the 
name of the king nor the date of the schism. But in the 
I-pu-tsung-lun and the Shi-pa-pu-lun the king is Asoka, and the 
time above hundred years after Buddha’s decease. Additional 
information on the subject will be found in Wassiljew’s 
Buddhismus and in Schiefner’s Taranatha. In the Shan-chien-lu- 
vibhasa and in the passages of the Pali works referred to in 
connection with Madhyantika we find mention of a Mahadeva 
at Pataliputra. But this man lived apparently a good and pious 
life, and he was sent by Tissa as a missionary to the Andhra 
country. He preached (or composed) the Devaduta-sutra,.. and 
seems to have been successful in propagating Buddhism. This 
may be the Mahadeva of the northern treatises, the popular 
and influential abbot of Pataliputra. But the latter dies, and 
is cremated with peculiar circumstances at the capital, and 
there is no mention of his mission to Andhra. On the other 
hand it seems possible that the Brethren, sent away in different 
directions as apostles, were men who had taken prominent 
part in the controversies which had arisen among the Buddhists 
of Pataliputra. All accounts seem to agree in representing 
their Mahadeva as a man of unusual abilities and learning ; and 
the story of his great crimes as a layman, and his unscrupulous 
ambition as an abbot related in the Abhidharma treatises are 
probably the malicious inventions of enemies.’ 


Watters i. 278 : ‘It is to the statements made by our pilgrim 
about Kaniska’s Council that we are indebted for nearly all 
our information about the Council.’ Yuan-chuang’s account 
(Watters i. 270f) is as follows : ‘Our pilgrim next proceeds to 
relate the circumstances connected with the great Council 




summoned by Kaniska. This king of Gandhara, Yuan-chuang 
tells us, in the four hundredth year after the decease of Buddha, 
was a great and powerful sovereign whose sway extended to 
many peoples. In his leisure hours he studied the Buddhist 
scriptures, having a monk everyday in the palace to give him 
instruction. But as the Brethren taught him different and 
contradictory interpretations, owing to conflicting tenets of 
sectarians, the king fell into a state of helpless uncertainty. 
Then the Venerable Parsva explained to His Majesty that in 
the long lapse of time since Buddha left the world, disciples of 
schools and masters with various theories had arisen, all hold- 
ing personal views and all in conflict. On hearing this the king 
was greatly moved, and expressed to Parsva his desire to 
restore Buddhism to eminence, and to have the Tripitaka 
explained according to the tenets of the various schools. Parsva 
gave his cordial approval of the suggestion, and the king 
thereupon issued summons to the holy and wise Brethren in 
all his realm. These came in crowds, from all quarters to 
Gandhara, where they were entertained for seven days. They 
were far too numerous, however, to make a good working 
Council, so the king had recourse to a process of selection. 
First all had to go away who had not entered the saintly 
career — had not attained one to the four degrees of perfection. 
Then of those who remained all who were arhats were 
selected and the rest dismissed ; of the arhats again those 
who had the “three-fold intelligence” and the “six-fold 
penetration” were retained ; and these were further thinned 
out by dismissing all of them who were not thoroughly versed 
in the Tripitaka and well learned in the “five sciences”. By 
this process the number of arhats for the Council was reduced 
to 499. Yuan-chuang goes on to tell that the king proposed 
Gandhara as the place of meeting for the Council, but that 
this place was objected to on account of its heat and dampness. 
Then Rajagaha was proposed, but Parsva and others objected 
that there were too many adherents of other sects there, and 
at last it was decided to hold the Council in Kashmir. So the 
king and the arhats came to his country and here the king 

Supplementary Notes 


built a monastery for the Brethren. When the texts of the 
Tripitaka were collected for the making of expository Com- 
mentaries on them, the Venerable Vasumitra was outside the 
door in monk’s costume. The other Brethren would not admit 
him because he was still in the bonds of the world, not an 
arhat. In reply to his claim to deliberate, the others told him 
to go away and come to join them when he had attained arhat- 
shipi Vasumitra said he did not value this attainment a spittle— 
he was aiming at Buddhahood and he would not have any 
petty condition (“go in a small path”) ; still he could become 
an arhat before a silk ball which he threw in the air fell to 
the ground. When he threw the ball, the Devas said to him 
so as to be heard by all — “Will you who are to become 
Buddha and take the place of Maitreya, honoured in the 
three worlds and the stay of all creatures,-— will you here 
realise this petty fruit ?” The Devas kept the ball and the 
arhats made apologies to Vasumitra and invited him to 
become their President, accepting his decisions on all disputed 
points. This Council, Yuan-chuang continues, composed 
100,000 stanzas of upadesa- sastra-s explantory of the canonical 
sutra- s, 100,000 stanzas of Vinaya-vibbasa-sastra-s explana- 
tory of the Vinaya, and 100,000 stanzas of Abhidharma- 
vibhasa-sastra-s explanatory of the Abhidharma. For this 
exposition of the Tripitaka all learning from remote antiquity 
was thoroughly examined ; the general sense and the terse 
language (of the Buddhist scriptures) were again made clear 
and distinct, and the learning was widely diffused for the 
safe-guiding of disciples. King Kaniska had the treatises, when 
finished, written out on copper-plates, and enclosed these in 
stone boxes, which he deposited in a tope made for the purpose. 
He then ordered the Yaksas to keep and guard the texts, and 
not allow any to be taken out of the country by heretics ; those 
who wished to study them could do so in the country... Kaniska 
renewed Asoka’s gift of all Kashmir to the Buddhist church.’ 

However, to the Tibetan historians of much later period 
came down a confused account of various traditions concerning 
what they knew the Third Council, and Bu-ston simply 



compiles these without much of critical comment. Thus, 
Bu-ston ii.96f : ‘(The account of this third rehearsal) is not to 
be found in the Vinaya and therefore we meet here and there 
with disagreeing points. According to some, 137 years after 
the Teacher had passed away, at the time when kings Nanda 
and Mahapadma were reigning, and when the elders Maha- 
kasyapa, Uttara and others ,were residing at Pataliputra, 
Mara the Evil One, having assumed the form of a monk named 
Bhadra, showed many miraculous apparitions, sowed disunion 
amongst the clergy and brought confusion into the Teaching. 
At that time, when the elders Nagasena and Manojna were 
living, (the clergy) became split into (various) sects. On the 
63rd year (after this division had taken place), the Teaching was 
rehearsed by the elder Vatsiputra. According to others, 160 
years after the Teacher had passed away, at the time when king 
Asoka began to reign in the city called Kusumavistara (?), the 
Arhats were reading the word of the Buddha in (4 different 
languages), viz. Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Paisacika. 
Accordingly, the pupils (of the different Arhats) formed separate 
fractions, and this gave origin to the division into the 18 sects. 
In the philosophical views (of the different sects) there were 
many disagreeing points which brought confusion into the 
Church. — It was for this reason that Arhats and ordinary 
learned monks, having assembled in the monastery of 
Jalandhara, rehearsed (Scripture) for a third time. This took 
place 360 years after the Teacher had passed &way. We read 
however in the Karuna-pundanka the following prophecy : — 
One hundred years after I have passed away, there will appear 
in Pataliputra a king named Asoka of the Maurya dynasty. 
This king will cause to worship the 84,000 monuments containing 
my relics in a single day. And in the Prabhavati it is said : — 
Thereafter the king Dharmasoka died, and the arhats, in order to 
put an end to the .practice of reciting (Scripture) in Prakrit, 
Apabhramsa and in a dialect of intermediate character, 
gradually rehearsed (the canonical texts) according to other 
methods. These new texts were like the sutras which were 
compiled in Sanskrit. (Thereafter) the Teaching assumed 18 

Supplementary Notes 


different forms. — I am of the opinion that (the statement 
of the authority just mentioned) disagrees with the texts I have 
quoted before. 

‘Others (speak about the 3rd council) as follows : — The aim 
of it was to clear the doubts of the 18 sects as regards the 
spurious texts of scripture. The time was 300 years after the 
Teacher had passed away. The place was the country of 
Kashmir and the monastery of Kuvana, and the alms-giver was 
Kaniska, the king of Jalandhara. The members of the council 
were 500 Arhats with Purnika at their head, 500 Bodhisattvas, 
Vasumitra and others, and 250 or 10,000 ordinary Panditas. 
After a recitation (of the texts) had been made, it was settled, 
that the texts acknowledged by the 18 sects were all of them 
the Word of the Buddha.’ 

Though neither in the account of Yuan-chuang nor in those 
quoted by Bu-ston is there any part being played by Asvaghosa 
in Kaniska’s Council, the Life of Vasubandhu. (see Watters 
i. 278) assigns a prominent role to Asvaghosa in this 


The following works are attributed to Vararuci in Tg : 
Mahakala-sadhana. rG xxvi.78 ; lxxxii.69 ; lxxxii.74-5 ; lxxi.81 
Mahakala-stotra. rG xxvi.88. 

Mahakala-abhiseka-vidhi. rG xxvi.80 
Mahakali-devi-stotra-astaka. rG xxvi.91 
Mahakala-karma-guhya-sadhana. ( by mahasmasana-siddhi- 
sampanna maha-brahmana Vararuci) rG lxxxii. 71 
Mahakala-bali-vidhi. rG lxxxii.76 
Mahakala-stotra. rG lxxxii.77 ; 82 
Mahakala-stotra-mala. rG lxxxii.78 
Devi-kali-stotra. rG lxxxii. 84 ; 85 
Karmakara-stotra. rG lxxxii. 9 1 
Yaksa-kala-stotra. rG lxxxii.92 



Mahakala-kila-sadhana. rG lxxxii. 1 03 
Mahakala-stotra-aksepa. rG lxxxiii.3 ; mDo cxvii.2 
Satagatha. mDo cxxiii.30 


The following works are attributed in Tg to Saraha ; alias 
Rahula, Rahulabhadra and Sarahapada. 

Vajrayogini-sadhana. rGxiv.71 

Buddhakapala-tantrasya panjika jnanavati-nama. rG xxiv.4 
Buddhakapala-sadhana. rG xxiv.7 
Sarva-bhuta-vali-vidhi. rG xxiv.8 

rG xxiv.9 

Doha-lcosa-giti. rG xlvi.9 
Doha-kosa-nama-carya-giti. rG xlvii.4 
Doha-kosa-upadesa-giti. rG xlvii.5 
Kakhasya-doha. rG xlvii.7 
Kakhasya-doha-tippana. rG xlvii.8 
Kaya-kosa-amrta-vajra-gita. rG xlvii.9 
Vak-kosa-rucira-svara-gita. rG xlvii.10 
Citta-kosa-aja-vajra-gita. rG xlvii. 1 1 
Kaya-vak-cittamanasikara. rG xlvii. 12 
Tattva-upadesa-sikhara-doha-giti. rG xlvii. 17 
Saraha-gitika. rG. xlviii. 14 ; 15 
Mahamudra-upadesa-vajra-guhya-giti. rG xlvii. 100 
Trailokya-vamsakara-lokesvara-sadhana (Oddiyana-udbhava- 
lcrama). rG lxx.25 ; 26 ; lxxi.66 ; 122 ; 123 
Adhisthana-mahakala-sadhana. rG lxxxii, 107 
Mahakala-stotra. rG lxxxiii.5 

Sarahaprabhu-maitripada-prasnottara. (mahabrahmana Saraha- 
padaprabhu Maitrlpada mahamudra-prasnottara) 
rG lxxxv.18 

Supplementary Notes 


Dvadasa-upadesa-gatha. rG xlvii.15 
Svadhisthana-krama. rGxlvii.16 

Bhavana-drsti-carya-phala-dohakosa-gitika. rG xlviii.5 


The most remarkable of the recent studies in Nagarjuna being 
K. Venkata Ramanan NP, the points discussed in it about the 
life of Nagarjuna are summed up below. 

K. Venkata Ramanan NP 336 points out that our main 
sources for the traditional account of the life of Nagarjuna 
are : 

In Sanskrit : 1. Lahkavatara (Sagathaka) 

2. Manjusrimulakalpa 

3. Harsacarita (Bana) 

4. Rajatarahgini (Kalhana) 

In Chinese : 1. Biography of Nagarjuna attributed to 

2. Yuan-chuang’s account (Watters ii. 100-2 ; 
200 - 8 ) 

In Tibetan : 1. Account of the 84 Siddha-s, where Nagar- 
juna is mentioned as the sixteenth. 

2. Bu-ston ii. 122-1 30 

3. Taranatha’s work, (though in the present 
History Tar does not discuss the life of 
Nagarjuna, because, as he says, he has 
discussed it elsewhere) 

4. Sum-pa’s dPag-bsam-ljon-bzan. 

The different versions of the life of Nagarjuna given in these 
are so full of palpable legends — often in violent disagreement 
with each other — that a review of these leads Max Walleser 
( Life of Nagarjuna from Tibetan and Chinese Sources, Asia 
Major 1923) to ‘strike a very sceptical note not only in regard 
to the different and sometimes conflicting traditioxial accounts 



of the life and work of this Buddhist master but also in regard 
to the very question of his having ever existed.’ (Venkata 
Ramanan NP 25). As against this Venkata Ramanan (NP 25ff) 
argues that certain works are indisputably to be attributed to 
Nagarjuna and this proves his historicity. ‘Furthermore the 
recent archaeological discoveries at Amaravati corroborate to 
some extent certain broad facts about Nagarjuna’s life on which 
his traditional biographies agree, these facts being his friend- 
ship with a Satavahana king and his having spent the latter 
part of his career in the monastery built for him by this king 
at Bhramaragiri (Sri-parvata).’ 

The traditional account agrees that Nagarjuna was born as a 
Brahmin in south India, though, on the question of what led 
him to the Buddhist Order, the Chinese sources differ from the 
Tibetan ones. After entering the Order, he is said to have 
thoroughly studied the Buddhist scriptures then available. But 
he failed to be satisfied with these and started searching for 
more texts. Thus he eventually obtained the Prajnaparamita- 
sutras (Kumarajiva’s Vaipulya-sutras) from a Naga. These 
texts fully satisfied him and he devoted the rest of his life to the 
propagation of their teachings. ‘As regards the Naga from 
whom Nagarjuna is said to have obtained the Prajnaparamita- 
sutras, Kumarajiva speaks of the Naga chief (Mahanaga), who 
led him into the sea and opened up for him the Treasury of the 
Seven Jewels (Saptaratnakosa). Nagarjuna read the Vaipulya 
(Mahayana) Sutras, which the Mahanaga selected for his 
reading, and having read them he deeply penetrated into their 
meaning. He told the Mahanaga that what he already read 
there was ten times of what he had read in Jambudvipa, and 
eventually brought away with him a boxful of them.’ 

Nagarjuna’s friend, the Satavahana king to whom Nagar- 
juna wrote the Suhrllekha (Tg mDo xxxiii.32=xciv.27) and the 
Ratnavall (see JRAS 1934 pp. 307-325 ; 1936 pp. 237-252, 423- 
435), according to Venkata Ramanan, was presumably Gautami- 
putra Satakarni, who ruled, according to one view, during A.D. 
106-130, and according to another view, during A.D. 80-104. 
Yuan-chuang says that Nagarjuna was a contemporary of 

Supplementary Notes 


Asvaghosa, who, again, was a contemporary of Kaniska. 
According to the Rajatarangini , Nagarjuna was a contemporary 
of Huska, Juska and Kaniska. The first two names probably 
referred to Huviska and Vajeska, the contemporaries of 
Kaniska II,. who was ruling in the year 41 after the accession of 
Kaniska I. ‘If the latter’s accession is assigned to 78 A.D., 
the Kaniska II should be considered as ruling in 119 A.D.; and 
if the later date be accepted for Gautamiputra, he would be a 
contemporary of Kaniska II.’ Still Venkata Ramanan thinks 
that, assuming Nagarjuna to have lived a long life (about 100 
years), the possibility of his contemporaneity with Kaniska I 
need not be rejected. Concludes Venkata Ramanan, ‘it could 
perhaps be taken as a highly probable working hypothesis that 
the upper and the lower limits of the philosophical activity of 
Nagarjuna lay somewhere between 50 A.D. and 120 A.D.’ 

‘ As for the Tibetan sources, Venkata Ramanan p. 336 
comments that these ‘mix up the two Nagarjunas, the Madhya- 
mika philosopher at the beginning of the Christian era and the 
Siddha Nagarjuna coming some four hundred years later.’ This 
confusion ‘hardly pertains to the Chinese sources which are 


In Tg about 180 works — on all sorts of subjects— are 
attributed to Nagarjuna. Bu-ston i.50f, however, mentions 
six main treatises of Nagarjuna : ‘The six main treatises of the 
Madhyamika doctrine (by Nagarjuna) demonstrating, that 
which is expressed by the siitra - s directly or otherwise, the 
essential meaning (of the Doctrine). These works are : 




‘The Sunyata-saptati, expounding the theory of the relativity 
of all elements of existence, devoid of the extremities of 
causality and pluralism, and 

‘The Prajna-mula, denying the reality of origination 
from self and non-self ; 

‘These two works ( are to be regarded as) the fundamental 
or principal. ‘Next come : 

The Yukti-sastjka,-— containing a logical vindication (of 
the theories). 

‘The Vigraha-vyavartani, refuting the challenges of antago- 

‘The Vaidalya-sutra, demonstrating the methods of 
controversy with adversaries and logicians (in general) and 

‘The Vyavahara-siddhi, showing that from the point of view 
of the Absolute Truth -Non-substantiality — and from the 
empirical standpoint — worldly practice— go along together.’ 

On the basis of a critical survey of the works associated 
with the name of Nagarjuna in Chinese and Tibetan traditions, 
K. Venkata Ramanan NP 36-7 concludes that the works that 
can be attributed to Nagarjuna are : 

T. Texts that constitute chiefly a critical examination of 
other schools, specially of the Sarvastivada doctrjne of 
elements : i) Madhyamaka-sastra ( Madhyamika-karika ), ii) 
Vigraha-vyavartani, iii) Ekasloka-sastra and iv) Dvadasa- 
mukha-sastra. v) Sunyata-saptati also perhaps belongs to this 

‘II. Texts chiefly expository : i) Pratitya-samutpada- hrdaya- 
sastra, is an exposition of the twelve-linked chain of the course 
of phenomenal existence, which constitutes the subject-matter 
of Karika xxvi ; ii) Yukti-sastjka is a short compendium on 
the basic tenets of Mahayana ; iii) Bodhisattva-patheya-sastra 
is a short exposition of the factors of the Great Way. 

‘III. Commentaries or/and Records of Oral Instruction 
(Upadesa) : i) Mahd-prajna-paramita-'sastra and ii) Dasabhumi- 
vibhasa-sastra are the two important works that belong to this 
class ; iii) Bhava-sahkranti-sastra and iv) Arya-dharmadhatu- 
garbha-vivarana also perhaps belong here ; v) perhaps Vaidalya 

Supplementary Notes 


which has a sutra and a prakarana also belongs here. 

‘IV. Devotional verses, i) Niraupamya-stava, ii) Loka- 
t'lta-stava, iii) Acintya-stava, iv) Stutyatita-stava, v) Para- 
martha-stava, yi) Dharmadhatu-stava. 

‘V. Letters : i) Suhrllekha and ii) Ratnavali . 

‘VI. To these there can perhaps be added the collection of 
sutras (Sutra-samuccaya) on the authority of Santideva’s 
Bodhicaryavatfira ; the work is, however, not extant.’ 


In Tg are attributed a large number of Tantrika works to 
Aryadeva : rG xxiii. 3 ; 6 ; xxx ; xxxi ; xxxiii. 8-13 ; xlviii. 117 ; 
Ixxiv. 29 ; 41 ; lxxxiii. 70-74 ; 76 ; xxiii. 5 ; 7 ; 8 ; lxviii. 10. 
Of these, Bu-ston ii. 131 considers the following to be really 
the works of Aryadeva : Carya-melayana-pradipa (rG xxxiii. 8), 
Citta-avarana-visodhana (rG xxxiii. 9), Catuh-pitha-tantra- 
raja-mandala-upayika-vidhi-sara-samuccaya (rG xxiii. 6), Catuh 
pitha-sadhana (rG xxiii. 3), Jnanadakini (rG xxiii. 5), Ekadruma- 
panjika (rG xxiii. 7) and doubtfully also Pradipa-uddyotana- 
abhisamdhi-prakasika-vyakhya-tika (rG xxx & yxxi). 

These apart, to Aryadeva are attributed in Tg the following 
works : 

Arya-prajna-paramita-mahapariprccha-nama. mDo cxxviii.8 
Hastabala-prakarana-nama. mDo xvii.22=xviii.3 
Vrtti on above, mDo xvii. 23=xviii.4 
Catuhsataka-sastra-karika. mDo xviii.l 
Skhalita-pramathana-yukti-hetu-siddhi. mDo xviii.2 
Jnana-sara-samuccaya. mDo xviii.6 
Madhyamaka-bhramaghata. mDo xviii.5 

The colophon of the last mentions that it was composed 
at the grand vihara of Nalanda at the request of Jambudvipa- 
raja Sukhacarya, alias Udayl, Sadvaha. 




Obermiller (Bu-ston ii. 135n) : £ In the work of Tson-kha-pa’s 
pupil Khai-<iub (mKhas-grub) called ston-thun-bskal-bzan-mig- 
’byed (Tsan edition Vol i, 37a 1 sqq) we have a short account 
concerning the Madhyamika acarya- s and their different points 
of view. It is said as follows : — The standpoint of Nagarjuna 
and Aryadeva was that of the Prasangikas. However (in their 
works) no direct discrimination between the Svatantrika and 
Prasangika points of view and no refutation of the former has 
been made. Subsequently, the teacher Buddhapalita composed 
his commentary on the Mula-madhyamika and explained the 
theory of Nagarjuna and Aryadeva from the Prasangika 
standpoint. After that the teacher Bhavaviveka likewise 
composed a commentary on the Mula-madhyamika (the Prajna- 
pradipa ) and made many refutations concerning the points 
commented by Buddhapalita. It is he who has first founded 
the Svatantrika system. The followers of each of these two 
(schools i. e. of Buddhapalita and Bhavaviveka) are accordingly 
called by the earlier Tibetan authors “the Madhyamikas 
adhering to the different fractions” (paksa-grahino-madhya- 
mikah). Bhavaviveka has moreover composed independent works 
of his own, namely the main aphorisms of the Madhyamika- 
hrdaya with the auto-commentary Tarkajvala. In this he has 
expounded the Svatantrika theories and the activity of the 
Bodhisattvas in detail. Thereupon the teacher Jnanagarbha 
composed the Svatantrika work Madhyamika-satya-dvaya (or 
Satya-dvaya-vibhahga). This teacher, as well as Bhavaviveka 
are the representatives of the system which maintains the reality 
of external objects from the empirical standpoint and does 
not admit the existence of introspective perception ( sva-samve - 
dana ). Thereafter the teacher Santiraksita composed the 
Madhyamika-alamkara and laid the foundation to another 
school of the Madhyamikas which denies the empirical reality 
of the external world, acknowledges the introspective perception, 

Supplementary Notes 


but on the other hand does not consider consciousness to 
have an ultimate reality (differing in this from the Yogacara- 
vijnanavadins). The Madhyamika-aloka and the three 
Bhavana-krama of Kamalasila, as well as the texts of Vimukta- 
seria, Haribhadra, Buddha-jnanapada, Abhayakaragupta, etc 
agree with Santiraksita in the main standpoint (which is that 
of the Yogacara-madhyamika-svatantrika, whereas Bhavaviveka 
and Jnanagarbha express the point of view of the Sautrantika- 
madhyamika-svatantrikas). As we have seen, Bu-ston counts 
Jnanagarbha among the Yogacara-madhyamikas.’ 


In Tg the following works are attributed to Nagabodhi, 
alias Nagabuddhi, Nagabuddhi-pada, Nagamati etc. 
Samaja-sadhana-vyavasthavali. rG xxxiii.14 
Kramantarbhava-upadesa-nama-prakarana. rG xxxiii.17 
Karmantavibhanga. rG xxxiii.16 
Guhyasamaja-mandalopayika-vimsavidhi. rG xxxiii. 15 
Pancakrama-tika-manimala-nama. rG xxxiv.2 
Sarvatathagata-stava. rG lxxiii.3 
cf Bu-ston ii. 132 


In Tg the following works are attributed to SSkyamitra : 
Mahamudra-yoga-avatara-pindartha. rG lxxii.68 
Arya-bhadra-carya-pranidhana-raja-tika. mDo xxxviii.4 
Carya-melayana-pradipa-nama-tika. rG xxxiv.8 
Kosala-alamkara-tattva-samgraha-tika. rG 1-li 
Arya-vajra-krodha-mahabala-sadhana. rG lxxi.32 



Tg contains the following : 

Sii-sahaja-upadesa-svadhisthana-nama. Text expounded by 

Maha Sahara. rG xiii.4 

Sri-sahaja-sambara-svadhisthana-nama. Text expounded by 
Maha Sahara. rG xiii.5 

Rakta-vajra-yogini-sadhana by Sri Sabaresvara. rG xiv.26 
Sri-vajra-yogini-sadhana by Sabaresvara. rG xiv.28 
Dohakosa-nama-mahamudra-upadesa by Sri Maha Sahara 
Saraha. rGxlvii.13. 

Sardha-panca-gatha by acarya Nagarjunagarbha. Text ex- 
pounded by bhattaraka Sabara at Sri-giri. Afterwards 
transmitted to Karma-pada and at last to bhattaraka 
Naro-pa. rGxlvii.19. 

Sri-sabara-stotra-ratna by Sri Vanaratna-pada. rG lxxxvi.12. 


The following works are attributed to Matrceta in Tg. 
nama, bsTod.29. 

Tri-ratna-mangala-stotra. bsTod.30 

Samyak-sambuddha-keta-stotra (Mahakavi Maticitra) bsTod. 31 
Ekottarika-stotra, bsTod. 32 

Sugata-pancatrimsat-stotra-nama-ratnamala-nama. bsTod. 33 
Tri-ratna-stotra. bsTod. 35. 

Misraka-stotra-nama (Matrceta and acarya Dignaga) bsTod. 41 
rG xxvi.21. 

Arya-taia-stotra. rG Ixxi.392 
Maharaja-kaniska-lekha. mDo xxxiii.34=xciv.29 
Catuh-vipaiyaya-(parihara)-katha. mDo xxxiii.48=xciv.!4 

Supplementary Notes 


Kaliyuga-parikatha. mDo. xxxiii.49-cxiv.15 
Astanga-hrdaya-samhita-nama (Pitrceta) mDo. cxviii.4 
Astahga-hrdaya-nama-vaiduryaka-bhasya (Pitrceta). mDo. 


Following are in brief the results reached by M. Anesaki 
(in ERE ii.l59f) and F. W. Thomas (in ERE viii.495f) about 
Asvaghosa and Matrceta. 

Anesaki on Asvaghosa : The Tibetan colophon of the 
Buddhacarita and the Life of Vasubandhu mention him as a 
native of Saketa. The latter source further asserts that Asva- 
ghosa was summoned to Kabul by Katyayaniputra to cooperate 
in the compilation of the Mahavibhasa— -a compilation which 
according to Yuan-chuang took place under ( the patronage of 
king Kaniska. The Records of the Patriarchs also mentions 
Asvaghosa as a contemporary of Kaniska. ‘We are told that 
Asvaghosa was a learned but haughty man, who was at last 
converted to the Buddhist faith in the non-entity of the pheno- 
menal world.’ The agent in his conversion was Purnayasas, a 
disciple of Parsva, who is said to have presided over the 
compilation of the above-mentioned great commentary 
( Mahavibhasa ). After ‘his conversion, Asvaghosa worked 
eagerly for the propagation of the Buddha’s teaching in 
Kusumapura (modern Patna), not only as a preacher, but also 
as a poet and musician. When that town was taken by the 
army of Candana Kanistha, the king of the Yueh-chis, Asva- 
ghosa was carried away to their country in the north as a 
portion of the tribute paid to the conqueror by the Magadhans.’ 
These traditions about Asvaghosa, authenticated as these are by 
the oldest sources of our knowledge of him, maybe accepted 
as more or less dependable. ‘But when we take up many other 
writings which bear his name, we find ourselves in the dark as 



to the identity of the person. And the matter is made no 
clearer by the Tibetan tradition, which applies many epithets 
to him. This tradition dates from the 16th cent, and itself 
seems to be the result of confusion.’ 

Thomas on Matrceta : ‘Matrceta is the name of a Buddhist 
author identified by the Tibetan historian of Buddhism, Tara- 
natha, with Asvaghosa’. However, only Taranatha identifies 
the two, while the much earlier Chinese pilgrim I-Tsing ‘plainly 
distinguishes the two authors.’ The main ground of this identi- 
fication is that ‘both writers stood in relation to Kaniska’. But 
‘nothing is more certain concerning Asvaghosa than that he was 
a figure at the court of Kaniska, whereas we have an epistle 
from Matrceta declining, upon grounds of old age and sickness, 
to visit the king. Perhaps this is the reason why Taranatha, 
identifying the two poets, makes an untenable distinction 
between Kaniska of Asvaghosa and Kanika of Matrceta.’ 

18. SURA 

The following works are attributed to Sura in Tg. : 
Paramita-samasa. mDo xxxi.6 

Subbasita-ratna-karandaka-katha. mDo xxxiii.47=xciv.l3 
.Jataka-mala. mDoxci.l 
Bodhisattva-jataka-dharma-gandi. mDo xciv.2 
Supatha-desana-parikatha. mDo xciv.20 


The following works are attributed to Asvaghosa in Tg. : 
Sata-pancasatka-nama-stotra. bsTod.38 
Gandi-stotra-gatha. bsTod.40 

Supplementary Notes 


rG xxvi. 72 

Vajrayana-mulapatti-samgraha. rG xlviii. 135 
Stlrulapatti. rG xlviii. 136 

Manidvipa-mahakarunika-panca-deva-stotra. rG lxviii.35 
Guru-pancasika. rG lxxii. 17 

Dasa-akusala-karma-patha-nirdesa. mDo xxxiii.39=xciv.23 
Soka-vinodana. mDo xxxiii.41=xciv.22 
Astaksana-katha. mDo xxxiii.46=xciv.l2 
Parinamana-samgraha. mDo cxxxvi.36 

Buddhacarita-nama-mahakavya (Suvarnaksl-putra bhiksu acarya 
mahakavi vadin bhadanta Asvaghosa of Saketa-desa, 
probably Ayodhya). mDo xciv.l 
Vajra-sattva-prasnottara. (acarya Srighosa, probably Asva- 
ghosa) rG lxxxv.52 

20. LUI-PA 

The following works are attributed to Lui-pa in Tg : 
Bhagavad-abhisamaya. rG xii.8 
Vajra-sattva-sadhana. rGxiii.l 

Tattva-svabhava-dohakosa-gitika-drsti-nama. rG xlviii. 2 
Luhipada-gitika. rG xlviii. 27 
Buddhodaya. rG xlvii.41 

The above text revised by Tankipada. rG lxxiii.62 


The following works are attributed to Asanga in Tg : 
Yogacarya-bhumi ( col : panca-bhumyadivarga-yogacarya- 
bhumi-bahubhumika-vastu alias yogacara ) mDo xlix 




Yogacarya-bhumau Sravaka-bhumi. mDo 1 
Yogacarya-bhumau Bodhisattva-bhumi. mDo li 
Yogacarya-bhumi Nirnaya-samgraha. mDo lii-liii.l 
Yogacarya-bhumau Vastu-samgraha. mDo liii.2 
Yogacarya-bhumau Vinaya-samgraha. mDo liv.l 
Yogacarya-bhumau Paryaya-samgraha. mDo liv.2 
Yogacarya-bhumau Vivarana-samgraha. mDo. liv.3 (According 
to the colophon of the present text the Pancabhumi- 
varga [sa-sde-lha] is composed by arya Asanga) 
Dharmakaya-asraya-asamanya-guna-stotra. bsTod. 7 
Prajna-paramita-sadhana. rG lxxi.246 
Arya-maitreya-sadhana. rG lxxi.345 
Arya-sandhi-nirmocana-bhasya. mDo xxxiv.l 
Buddha-anusmrti-vrtti. mDo xxxiv.2 
Dharma-anusmrti-vrtti. mDo xxxiv.3 
Samgha-anusmrti-vyakhya. mDo xxxiv.4 
Mahayana-uttara-tantra-sastra-vyakhya. mDo xliv.6 
Mahayana-samgraha. mDo lvi. t 
Abhidharma-samuccaya. mDo lvi. 2 
Dhyana-dipa-upadesa-nama. mDo lxi.4 


The following works are attributed to Maitreya in Tg. 
Mahayana-sutra-alamkara-karika. mDo xliv.l 
Madhyanta-vibhanga. mDo xliv.2 
Dharma-dharmata-vibhanga. mDo xliv.3 
Dharma-dharmata-vibhahga-karika. mDo xliv.4 
Mahayana-uttara-tantra-sastra. mDo xliv.5 
sastra. mDo i.l 

cf Bu-ston i.53f : ‘The works of the Lord Maitreya, which are — 
the Sutralamkara, the Madhyanta-vibhanga, the Dharma- 
dharmata-vibhanga, the Uttara-tantra. Some authorities say 

Supplementary Notes 


that the first two of these four (treatises) belong to the Abhi- 
dharma Code, the latter two to the Sutra Code, and the 
Abhisamayalamlcara to the Vinaya Code. I however see no 
reason (for such a classification). The Sutralamkara contains 
an exposition of all the Mahayanistic doctrines in abridged 
form.. .The Madhyanta-vibhanga : Anta — “extremity”, means 
the extremities of realism and nihilism, or otherwise those of 
eternalism and materialism. Madhya — “the middle”, is the 
middle way shunning both these extremities. The treatise, as 
it gives an analysis ( vibhahga ) of both these points, is called 
Madhyanta-vibhanga... The Dharma-dharmata-vibhahga : Dharma 
are the elements of existence that belong to the phenomenal 
world and are influenced by defiling agencies. Dharmata is the 
true essence of all the elements— nirvana. The work, being an 
investigation of these two principles, bears the name, Dharma- 
dharmata-vibhahga. The Uttara-tantra is called so, because it 
is the highest ( uttara ) of the series ( tantra ) of the Mahayanis- 
tic teachings, it consequently contains the highest of doctrines... 
Having adjoined (to these four works) the Abhisamayalamkara 
(mentioned before), we shall have all the five treatises of 


The following works are attributed to Vasubandhu in Tg. : 
Pratityasamutpadadi-vibhanga-nirdesa. (commentary on Kg. 

mDo vol. tsha xviii.ll) mDo xxxvi.l 
Tri-ratna-stotra. bsTod 37 
Arya-sanmukhi-dharani-vyakhyana. rGlxviii.l 
Sapta-guna-parivarnana-katha. mDo xxxiii.43=xciv.8 
Sila-parikatha. mDo xxxiii.44=xciv.9 
Sambhara-parikatha. mDo 
Pancavidha-kama-guna-upalambha-nirdesa. (mDo xxxiii.59= 

Sapta-guna-varnana-katha. mDo xxxiii.85 



Buddha-anusmrti-tika ( commentary on Tg mDo xxxiii.56) mDo 

Eka-gatha-bhasya (commentary on Kg mDo vol. sa xxviii.23) 
mDo xxxiv.8 

Arya-caturdharmaka-vyakhyana (commentary on Kg. mDo 
vol. za xxii.8) mDo xxxiv.10 

Arya-gayaslrsa-nama-sutra-vyakhyana (commentary on Kg. 
mDo vol. ca v.4) mDo xxxiv.12 

Arya-dasa-bhumi-vyakhyana (commentary on Kg. Phal-chen 
31 vol ji xxxvii.l) mDo xxxiv.14 

Arya-aksayamati-nirdesa-tlka (commentary on Kg. mDo vol. 
ma xvi.4) mDo xxxv 

Arya-bhadracarya-pranidhana-tlka. mDo. xxxviii.6 
Sutra-alamkara-bhasya (commentary on Maitreya’s Mahayana- 
sutra-alamkara-karika. Tg mDo. xliv.l). mDo. 

Madhyanta-vibhanga-tika (commentary on Maitreya’s Ma- 
dhyanta-vibhanga mDo. xliv.2) mDo xlv.l 
Dharma-dharmata-vibhanga-vrtti '(commentary on Maitreya’s 
Dharma-dharmata-vibhanga. mDo xliv.3). mDo 

Mahayana-samgraha-bhasya (commentary on Asanga’s Maha- 
yana-samgraha. mDo lvi.l) mDo lvi.3 
Vivrta-gudhartha-pinda-vyakhya (incomplete commentary on 
the first part of Asanga’s Mahayana-samgraha. mDo 
lvi.l). mDo lvi.5 

Trimsaka-karika=Vijnaptimatrata-siddhi = Sarvavijnana-matra- 
karika. mDo lviii.l 

Vimsaka-karika = Vahyartha-nirodhaka-vimsaka. mDo lviii.2 
Vimsaka-vrtti=Vimsaka-sva-vrtti. mDo lviii.3 
Tri-svabhava-nirdesa. mDo lviii.4 
Panca-skandha-prakarana. mDo lviii.5 
mDo lviii.6 

Vyakhya-yukti. mDo lviii.7 
Karma-siddha-prakarana. mDo lviii.8 

Supplementary Notes 


Mahayana-sata-dharma-prakasa-mukha-sastra = Dharma-vidya- 
dvara-sastra [col. A : Vasubandhu (acc. to Chinese 
index). A : Srimad Dharmapala (acc. to Tibetan 
tradition)] mDo lviii.9 
Abhidharmakosa-karika. mDo Ixiii.l 

Abhidharmakosa-bhasya (col. auto-commentary). mDo lxiii.2 

Gatha-samgraha-sastra-nama. mDo lxxii.4 
Gatha-samgraha-sastrartha-nama (col. auto-commentary). mDo 

cf Bu-ston i.56f : ‘The eight treatises of Vasubandhu are as 
follows. The Trimsaka-karika-prakarana, teaching that all the 
elements of existence are but modes of one conscious principle. 
The Vimsaka-karika prakarana, a vindication of this theory by 
means of logic. The Pancaskandha-prakarana, a vindication of 
the theory of the five groups of elements which is the founda- 
tion of logic. The Vyakhya-yukti, vindicating the possibility of 
studying and preaching (the Doctrine), in conformity with the 
theory of idealism. The Karma-siddhi-prakarana, vindicating 
the acts of the three media (from the same standpoint). These 
five works are independent. Next come interpretations of 
other works as follows : — The commentary on the Sutralam - 
kara , vindicating the practice of the six transcendental virtues. 
The commentary on the Pratitya-samutpada-sutra, vindicating 
the twelve-membered formula of the evolution of individual 
life, and the commentary on the Madhyanta-vibhanga , a vindi- 
cation of the three aspects of reality. Such are these eight works, 
according to the tradition. Some authorities say that since 
this teacher has composed many more treatises — including the 
commentary on the Dasabhiimaka-sutra etc — the limitation of 
their number to eight is incorrect, and so is likewise that of 
twenty treatises connected with the teaching of Maitreya. Those 
that insist on a definite number with regard to the latter, count 
the five volumes of the Yogacarya-bhuml, the two summary 
works, the five books of Maitreya and the eighi treatises (of 



Vasubandhu). The treatises elucidating the practical part of 
the doctrine are the Bodhisattva-samvara-vimsaka, etc.’ 


V n : ‘viz. the Madhyanta-vibhanga-tika and Dharma- 
dharmata-vibhanga-vrtti. Both are available in Tanjur (vol bi). 
cf Journal Asiatique 1849, p.405, No. 455. Madhyanta-vibhanga 
considerably differs' from the Sutralamkara and belongs to a 
much later period. The word dharma means everything 
belonging to samsara and by dharmata— nirvana. The author 
[Tar] wants to say that either the number of prakarana-s is 
less or they have been lost. We have already noted above 
that for the Tibetans the five books, unknown to the Chinese, 
are the teaching of Maitreya. Besides, among the Yogacara 
canonical works, they enumerate the seven works of Arya 
Asanga : the five sections of the Yogacarya-bhumi considering 
these as separate works, the Abhidharma-samuccaya and 
Mahayana-samgraha. After this, came the five prakarana-s 
or original works (rab-tu-byed-pa) of Vasubandhu. These 
are : 1) Vyakhya-yukti, 2) Karma-siddhi-prakarana, 3) 
Vimsaka, the twenty-sloka treatise on idealism, 4) Trimsaka, 
about the emptiness of dualism of self, 5) Panca-skandha- 
prakarana, on the five skandha-s. Besides, among the same 
prakarana-s, however, are also enumerated 1 ) commentary on 
Sutralamkara, 2) commentaries on the two vibhanga-s (according 
to some). According to others (Bu-ston) these two commen- 
taries are taken as one work and the other one is the 
commentary on Pratitya-samutpada.’ 


The following works are attributed to Darika-pa in Tg. : 
(ni)-nama. rG iv.3 

Supplementary Notes 


Cakra-samvara-sadhana-tattva-samgraha-nama. rG xii.9' 
rG xii.10 

nama. rGxii.ll J 

Yoganusarinl-nama-vajrayogim-tika. rG xiv.43 
Vajrayogini-puja-vidhi. rG xiv.45 
Kankala-tarana-sadhana. rG xiv.46 
Oddiyana-vinirgata-maha-guhya-tattva-upadesa. rG xlvi.6 
(A : a disciple of Lilavajra, who, again, is the disciple of 
princess Laksminkara) 

Saptama-siddhanta. rG xlvi.46 
Tathata-drsti. rG xlviii.48 
Prajna-paramita-hrdaya-sadhana. rG lxiii. 14 


The following works are attributed to Sthiramati in Tg. : 

Sutra-alamkara-vrtti-bhasya (commentary on Vasubandhu’s 
Sutra-alamkara). mDo xlvi-xlvii 

Trimsaka-bhasya (commentary on Vasubandhu’s Trimsaka- 
karika). mDo lviii.10 

Panca-skandha-prakarana-vaibhasya (commentary on Vasuban- 
dhu’s Panca-skandha-prakarana). mDo lix.l 

Abhidharmakosa-bhasya-tika-tattvartha-nama (supra-commen- 
tary on Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakosa). mDo cxxix- 

Madhyanta-vibhanga-ttka (commentary on Maitreya’s Madhy- 
antawibhanga). mDo xlviii.3 

Arya-maharatnakuta-dharma-paryaya-sata - sahasrika-parivarta- 
kasyapa-parivarta-tika (commentary on Kg Ratnakuta, 
vol. cha vi.8). mDo xxxvii.12 

Paramalamkara-visva-patala-vyuha-nama. rG lxiii.34=lxxv.39 

Prakarana-tika-visesa-vyakhya. rG lxxv.37 



Bodhicitta-druma. rG lxxv.38 
Samaya-astavimsa-mula-vrtti. rG lxxvi.45 
Samaya-ratnanidhi. rG ]xxvi.46 
Sutra-panjika. rGlxxvi.123- 

Yana-uddyotana-pradipa (col. probably of Sthiramati). 
rG lxxvi.124 


The following works are attributed to Dignaga in Tg. : 
Misraka-stotra (Matrceta and Dignaga). bsTod 41 
Gunaparyanta-sfptra-tika (commentary on Ratnadasa’s Guna- 
paryanta-stotra, bsTod 44=mDo xxxiii.96) bsTod 45 
=mDo xxxiii.97 

Gunaparyanta-stotra-pada-karika bsTod 46=mDo xxxiii.98 
Eka-gatha-tika. bsTod 64 
Arya-manjughosa-stotra. rG lxviii.20 

Arya-prajna-paramita-samgraha-karika. mDo xiv.2=cxxviii.7 
Yoga-avatara. mDoxxx.12 

Samantabhadra-carya-pranidhanartha-samgraha. mDo xxxviii.3 
Abhidharmakosa-vrtti-marma-pradipa-nama. mDo lxx.2 
Pramana-samuccaya. mDo xcv.l 

Pramana-samuccaya-vrtti (col. auto-commentary). mDo 

Alambana-pariksa. mDo xcv.4 

Alambana-pariksa-vrtti (col. auto-commentary). mDo xcv.5 
Trikala-pariksa. mDo xcv.6 

Nyaya-pravesa-nama-pramana-prakarana. mDo xcv.7 
Nyaya-pravesa-nama-pramana-sastra. mDo xcv.8 
Hetu-cakra-damaru. mDo xcv.9 

Supplementary Notes 



The following works are attributed to Bhavya or Bhava- 
viveka in Tg : 

Pradipa-uddyotana-nama-tika (chapters 1-8 acarya Aryadeva 
and 9-17 mahacarya Bhavyakirti). rG xxxi 
Panca-krama-panjika-nama (commentary on Nagarjuna’s Panca- 
krama). rG xxxiv.l 

Prajna-pradipa-mula-madhyamaka-vrtti (commentary on Nagar- 
juna’s Prajna-nama-mula*madhyamaka-karika. mDo 
xvii.l) mDo xviii.8 

Madhyamaka-ratna-pradipa-nama. mDo xviii.9 
Madhyamaka-hrdaya-karika. mDoxix.l 
Madhyamaka-hrdaya-vrtti-tarka-jvala. mDo xix.2 
Madhyamaka-artha-samgraha. mDo xix.4 
Nikaya-bheda-vibhanga-vyakhyana. mDo xc.12 


The following works are attributed to Candrakirti in Tg : 
Pradipa-uddyotana-nama-tika (commentary on Guhya-samaja- 
tantra). rG xxviii.l 

Ganapati-samaya-guhya-sadhana. rG lxxxiii.60 
Sadanga-yoga-nama-tika. rG xxviii.2 
Yukti-sastika-vrtti. mDoxxiv.l 

Bodhisattva-yogacarya-catuh-sataka-tika (commentary on Arya- 
deva’s Catuh-sataka-sastra-karika). mDo xxiv.2 
Pancaskandha-prakarana. mDo xxiv.3 
Sunyata-saptati-vrtti. mDo xxiv.4 

Mula-madhyamaka-vrtti-prasannapada-nama. mDo xxiii. 1 
Madhyamaka-avatara-karika. mDo xxiii. 2 




Madhyamaka-avatara. mDo xxiii.3 
Madhyamaka-avatara-bhasya. mDo xxiii.4 
Madhyamaka-prajna-avatara. mDo xxiii.5 
Tri-sarana-(gamana)-saptati. mDo xxxii.9=xxxiii.l01 
Vyakarana-linga-avatara (Attributed to Thon-mi-sambhota, 
section 6 of which is Samanta-bhadra-vyakarana attri- 
buted to Candraklrti). mDo cxxiv.4 
Amrta-siddhi-mandala-vidhi ( madhyamilca Candra, probably 
Candraklrti). rG lxxv.49 


In Tg are attributed over sixty works to Candragomi, a 
large number of which are Tantrika treatises and stotra - s of 
Taradevi. Specially interesting, however, appear to be the 
following works on medicine, grammar and ethics. 
Akala-marana-nivarana-upaya. rG lxix.145 
Kustha-cikitsa-upaya. rG lxix.151 
Jvara-raksa-vidhi. rGlxix,155 
Pasumari-raksa-vidhi. rG Ixix. 1 56 
Pusti-vasi-homa. rG Ixix. 159 
rG Ixix. 160 

Ayuh-vardhani-tara-kalpa. rG lxxi.363 
Candra-vyakarana-sutra. mDo cxvi.l 
Vimsati-upasarga-vrtti. mDo cxvi.2 
Varna-sutra. mDo cxvi.3 
Candragomi-vrtti. mDo cxxiii.38 
Unadi. mDo cxxxii.7 
Sisya-lekha. mDoxxxiii.33 

There is also one work attributed to him having the title 
Lokananda-nataka-nama (mDo xcii.2), a drama with a Jataka 
theme consisting of 4 acts and a prologue. 

Supplementary Notes 



As is evident from the use of the expression ‘it is said’, 
Taranatha hesitates to subscribe fully to the view that acarya 
Dharmapala of the period under discussion actually visited 
Suvarnadvipa in the later part of his life. Still, this reference 
to such a hearsay is interesting and it indicates that among the 
Tibetan scholars this view somehow or other gained ground. 
There is no doubt, however, that the view itself is due to a 
confusion. There was actually another Dharmapala — also an 
outstanding Mahayana acarya — who lived in Suvarnadvipa and 
is usually referred to as th e guru of Suvarnadvipa ( gser-glin-pa ). 
But he belonged to a much later period, because Atisa 
spent a considerable period studying the Mahayana texts 
under him — see A. Chattopadhyaya AT 84fF. 

Acarya Dharmapala referred to by Taranatha as a disciple 
of Dignaga and the successor of Candrakirti at Nalanda must 
have been the same acarya as mentioned by Yuan-chuang and 
I-Tsing. Yuan-chuang’s own preceptor Silabhadra was a 
disciple of this Dharmapala. See Watters i.372, 374, ii. 109, 
165, 168, 215, 226ff and I-Tsing (Takakusu) xiv, xxvi, lvii. lviii, 
179, 181. 

Stfangely, however, it is difficult to trace with certainty the 
works of this Dharmapala in the Tg, most of the Mahayana 
texts attributed to Dharmapala in Tg being the works of the 
guru of Suvarnadvipa. Yet the Chinese pilgrims speak of 
Dharmapala of the period under discussion as ‘an author of 
repute and wrote treatises on etymology, logic and the meta- 
physics of Buddhism’ (Watters ii.228). 

However, the works of acarya Dharmapala, the preceptor 
of Silabhadra, survive in Chinese translation : ‘The transla- 
tions of 4 works attributed to Dharmapala all date A.D. 650 to 
710 — see Nanjio Cat. Apppendix i, 16.’ [Takakusu (I-Tsing) 



Incidentally, another Buddhist acarya called Dharmapala 
visited Tibet on the invitation of king Ye-ses-’od ten years 
before Atisa went to Tibet — see BA i.69 ; 83-6. 

32. VIRU-PA 

The following works are attributed to Viru-pa in Tg : 
Rakta-yamari-sadhana. rG xliii.96 
Rakta-yamantaka-sadhana. rG xliii.97 
Bali-vidhi. rG xliii.98 
Prabhasa-udaya-krama. rG xliii.99 
Sunisprapanca-tattva-upadesa. rG xliii.100 
Rakta-yamari-sadhana-vidhi. rG xliii.101 
Yamari-yantravall. rG xliii. 1 02 
Amrta-adhisthana. rG xliii. 125 
Sri-virupa-pada-catuh-asiti. rG xlvii.23 
Doha-kosa. rG xlvii.24 
Marga-phalanvita-avavadaka. rG xlvii.25 
Amrta-siddhi-mula. rG xlvii.27 
Karma-candalika-dohakosa-glti. rG xlviii.4 
Virupa-vajra-gltika. rGxlviii.16 
Virupa-gltika. rG xlviii.29 
Chinnamunda-sadhana. rG xiv.33 

nama. rG xxvi.63 

Guhya-abhiseka-prakriya. rG lxxiv.25 
Amara-siddhi-vrtti-(sanatana-siddhi) (commentary on rG 
xlvii.27). rGlxxxiv. 14 
Amrta-siddhi. rGlxxxv.2L 

Supplementary Notes 




The following works are attributed to Santideva in Tg : 
Sarasvati-puja-vidhi. rG lxxi.400 
Cakra-samvara-tika. rG lxxiii.59 
Cakra-samvara-sadhana. rG lxxiii.60 

Bodhisattva-carya-avatara (in 2 parts containing 1000 sloka-s, 
10 chapters). mDoxxvi.l 


Siksa-samuccaya-karika. mDo xxxi.l =xxxin.86 
Siksa-samuccaya. mDo xxxi.2 

Tathagata-hrdaya-papa-desana-vidhi-sahita-sataksara-raksa (ex- 
tract from Siksa-samuccaya). mDo xxxi.3=xxxiii.61 
Arya-atyaya-jnana-(nama)-mahayana-sutra-vrtti. mDo xxxvii.7 
Kevali. mDo cxxiii. 1 5 

Bhodhisattva-carya-avatara-udbhava-pranidhana. mDo cxxxvi.3l 



The following works are attributed to Dombi Heruka in Tg : 
Guhya-vajra-tantra-raja-vrtti (Dombi, the king of Magadha), 
rG ix.3 

Ekavira-sadhana. rG xiii.l 1 =lxxiii. 19 
Dasa-tattva. rGxxi.ll 

Yogi-yogini-nama-sadharana-artha-upadesa. rG xxi.12 
Gana-cakra-vidhi. rG xxi.13 
Tri-krama-upadesa. rG xxii.4 
Nairatmya-^'ogini-sadhana. rG xxi.17 
Arya-tara-kurukulla-stotra. rG xxi.30 
Sri-sahaja-siddhi. rG xlvi.8 
Nama-samgiti-vrtti. rG lix.8 
Sastotra-kurukulla-sadhana. rG lxxiv.49 
Mrta-vidhi. rG lxxxi.29 


Sri-ganapati-cakra-surya. rG lxxxiii.48 




In Tg the following works are attributed to Vajraghanta 
(rdo-rje-dril-bu) : 

Cakrasambara-seka-prakriya-upadesa. rG xii.l 2 
Cakrasambara-sadhana. rG xii.l 3 
Cakrasambara-pancakrama. rG xii.!4=lxxiii.21 
Sambara-kaya-mandala-abhisamaya. rG xii. l 5 
Cakrasambara-pancakrama-vrtti. rG xii. 1 6 
Sahaja-sambara-sadhana. rG xii. 17 

Bhagavat-cakrasambara-sadhana-ratna-cintamani. rG xii. 18 
Dvibhuja-sahaja-sambara-sadhana. rG xii. 19 
Ganacakra-vidhi. rG xii. 20 
Mandala-deva-stotra-ratna-mayadana. rG xii. 22 
Vajra-varahl-sadhana. rG xiv.49 
Ekavira-sadhana. rG xxi.8 
Abhiseka-vidhi-ratnamala-sannibha. rG lxxxiii.2 1 


In Tg the following works are attributed to Ratnaklrti 
(rin-chen-grags) : 

Yoga-caturdeva-stotra. bsTod 59 
Sasana-sarvasya-nama-sadhana. rG xl.25 
Prajna-paramita-mandala-vidhi. rG Ixiii. 1 8 
Sarva-dharani-sadhana-krama-dvaya. rG lxix. 196 
Sarva-dharanl-mandala-vidhi. rG lxix. 1 97 
Sarva-sadhana-karman. rG lxix. 198 
Vajra-vidarani-sadhana. rG lxxxii.55 
Vajra-vidarani-snana-vidhi. rG lxxxii.56 
Abhisamaya-alamkara-vrtti-kirtikala-nama. mDo viii.4 
Kalyana-kanda-prakarana. mDo lxi.ll 
Dharma-viniscaya-prakarana. mDo lxi. 1 5 

Supplementary Notes 



Bu-ston i.44ff : ‘The Seven Treatises (of Dharmakirti) 
consist of the three main works, which may be compared to a 
body, and four supplementary, which act as its members.’ 
The three main ones are : 

Nyaya-bindu. mDo xcv.12 
Pramana-viniscaya. mDoxcv.ll 
Pramana-vartika. mDoxcv.10 

The four supplementary works are : 

Hetu-bindu. mDo xcv. 13 
Sambandha-pariksa. mDo xcv. 14 
Vadanyaya. mDo xcv. 16 
Santanantara-siddhi. mDoxcv.17 
These apart, Tg contains— 

Pramana-vartika-vrtti (auto-commentary on Pramana-vartika 
and supra-commentary on Pramana-samuccaya) mDo 
xcv. 18. According to the Tibetan tradition, the first 
parivarta is Dharmakirti’s auto-commentary and from 
2-4 by his contemporary Devendrabuddhi. 
Sambandha-pariksa-vrtti. (auto-commentary on the Sambandha- 
pariksa) mDo xcv. 15. 


Jataka-mala-tika. (commentary on Sura’s Jataka-mala). 
mDo xci.2. 

Buddha-parinirvana-stotra. bsTod 47 

In Tg the following Tantrika works are also attributed to 
him : 

Hevajra-mahatantrarajasya-panjika-netra-vibhanga. rG xvii.6 
Sutra-vidhi. rG li.6 

rG lxiii.10 

Vajradakasya-stava-dandaka. rG xii.23 




In Tg the following works are attributed to Kambala : 
Arya-prajna-paramita-upadesa. rG lxxxvi.33 ; lxiii.15 ; 
mDo xxx. 11 

Bhagavat-hevajra-sadhana-tattva-caturakrama. rG xxi.31 
Asambandha-drsti. rG xlviii.38 
Asambandha-sarga-drsti. rG xlviii.39 
Mandala-vidhi. rG lxxii.54 ; mDo xxxiii.66 
Bhagavati-prajna-paramita-nava-sloka-pindartha. mDo xvi.l ; 
xvi.3 ; cxxxiii.10 

Commentary on above. mDo xvi.4 
Sadhana-nidana-nama-srl-cakrasamvara-panjika. rG vi.2 
rG xii. 24 

nama. rG xii. 25 
Kambala-gitika. rG xlviii.30 
Cakrasambara-abhisamaya-tlka. rG lxxiii.58 
mDo cxxxiii. 1 1 

cf BA ii.753 : ‘acarya Nagarjuna and his disciples obtained 

the Yoga-tantras, including the Guhya-samaja and others (the 

Anuttara-yoga-tantras were also called Maha-yoga-tantras) and 

preached them. They spread from the south. After that from 

the west Sri Kambala (dPal La-ba-pa) and others discovered 
the Yogini-tantras in the country of Oddiyana. They also 
spread towards Madhyadesa. 5 

BA ii.73 1 Ni-gu-ma (sister of Naro-pada) said, ‘Except 
myself and Kambala-pada (La-ba-pa) no one else knows the 
precepts of the Six Doctrines.’ 

Kambala is also called the Sleeping Bhiksu, because he is 
said to have slept for three years at the gate of king Indra- 
bhuti’s palace— BA i.362. 

Supplementary Notes 



In Tg the following works are attributed to Indrabhuti : 
rG xxiv.l 1 

rG viii.l 

Cakrasamvara-stotra. rG xii.21 

Cakrasamvara-anubandharsamgraha. rG xiii.2 

Siddha-vajrayogini-sadhana. rG xiv.23 

Sukla-vajrayogini-sadhana. rG xiv.27 
Dakini-vajra-panjara-mahatantrarajasya-panjika. rG xxiii.3 
Samputatilaka-nama-yogini-tantrarajasya-tika...rG xviii.6 
Ananda-puspa-mala. rG xxii.50 
Tattvamrta-upadesa. rGxxii.51 

Sarvabuddha-samayoga-nama-tantra-panjika. rG xxv.l 
Sarvabuddha-samayoga-gana-vidhi. rG xxv.l 2 
Vajrasattva-upayika. rG xxv.20 
Jnanasiddhi- nama-sadhana-upayika. rG xlvi.3 
Sahaja-siddhi. rG xlvii.l 
Tattva-astaka-drsti. rG xlviii.42 
Ratnacakra-abhiseka-upadesa-krama. rG xlviii. 1 32 
Ajna-vinivarta-ganapati-sadhana. rG lxxii.36 
Vajrayana-mulangapatti-desana. rG lxxiii.23 
Guhyagarbha-kramadvayoddesa. rG lxxvi.17 
Ratnacakra. rG lxxvi.32 (41) 

Jnanaloka. rG lxxvi.32 (42) 

Ratnamala. rG lxxvi.32 (43) 

Aparajita-meruvarabhadrankara-ratnasadhana. rG lxxxi.43 
Aparajita-ratnabhadra-sadhana. rG lxxxiii.62 
Cittaratna-visodhana. rG lxxxiv.16 
Kurukulla-sadhana. rG lxx.75 
Astabhuja-kurukulla-sadhana. rG lxxi.268 
Yajrayoginl-mantratattva-svadhisthana-nirdesa. rG xiv.24 




There is also a work attributed to ‘king Middle Indrabhuti 5 
(i raja-madhyama-indrabhuti ) — Sahaja-samvara-svadhisthana rG 
xiii.6. For Middle Indrabhuti, see note 68 of ch 26. Cf. BA 
ii. 553 for other legends about Indrabhuti. 


The following works are attributed to Kukuri-pa in Tg : 
Vajra-sattva-guhyartha-dhara-vyuha. rG xxv.4 
Vairocana-guhyartha-dhara-vyuha. rG xxv.5 
Vajra-heruka-guhyartha-dhara-vyuha. rG xxv.6 
Padma-narttesvara-guhyartha-dhara-vyuha. rG xxv,7 
Vajra-ratnaprabha-guhyartha-dhara-vyuha. rG xxv.8 
Sughota-lalita-guhyartha'dhara-vyuha. rG xxv,9 
Sarva-mandala-anusarena-panca-vidhi. rG xxv.10 
Sarva-buddha-samayoga-mandala-vidhi. rGxxv.ll 
rG xxiii.2 1 

Vajra-sattva-sadhana. rG xxiii.22 
Moha-tarana-kalpa. rG xxiii.23 
Mahamaya-sadhana-mandala-vidhi. rG xxiii.24 
Mahamaya-mandala-deva-stotra. rG xxiii. 25 
rG xlviii.65 

Srava-paricchedana. rG xlviii.66 
Mahamaya-vali-vidhi. rG lxxvi.28 


The following works are attributed to Saroruhavajra in Tg : 
GIti-tattva. rG xx.9 
Hevajra-sadhana. rG xxi. 1 

Supplementary Notes 


Hevajra-mandala-vidhi. rG xxi.4 

Samvara-cakra-isvara-alikali-mahayoga-bhavana. rG xlviii.80 
Hevajra-tantra-panjika-padmini-nama. rG xv.2 
Hevajra-inandala-karma-krama-vidhi. rG xxi.2 
Hevajra-pradipa-sulopama-avavadaka. rG xxi.3 
Homa-vidhi. rG xxi.5 
Hevajra-bhattaraka-stotra. rG xxi.7 
Hevajra-mandala-karma-krama-vidhi. rG xxii. i 
Guhya-kosa-nama-mantra-sastra. rG lxxiv.22 
Amrta-srava. rG lxxv.l 


Vajrabhairava-bali-vidhi, rG xliii.73 
Bhairava-mandala-vidhi. rG xliii.74 
Vajrabhairava-sadhana. rG xliii.72 
Vajrasattva-sadhana-vrtti. rG xxxiv.10 
Yamari-mandala-upayika-yamantakodaya, rG xliii.4 
Caitya-sadhana-pindikrta-vidhi. rG xliii.5 
Krsna-trimukha-sadbhuja-sadhana. rG xliii.4 1 
Krsna-yamari-homa-vidhi. rG xliii.44 
Vajra-bhairava-caturyoga-niyama. rG xliii.84 
Karma-yama-dharmaraja-sadhana. rG xliii.127 
Krsna-yamari-nama-cakra. rG lxxxi. 1 1 
Samaya-amrta-svada. rG lxxxi. 12 
Cakra-nama. rG lxxxi. 13 

rG lxxxi. 14 

Vajra-bhairava-sadhana-upayika. rG lxxxi. 16 
Vajra-bhairava-samaya-mandala-vidhi. rG lxxxi. 17 
Maha-vajra-bhairava-marana-cakra. rG lxxxi.22 
Kalacakra-rititi-sahaja-sadhana-nama. rGiv.10 
Bhagavat-ekajata-sadhana. rG xliv.33 



Besides, about sixteen Tantrika works are attributed to 
Mitrayogi or Jagat-mitra-ananda— probably the same as 
Lalitavajra : rG xliv.35 ; 39 ; 40 ; 47 ; xlviii. 126-31 ; lxviii. 
161-2 ; 164 ; lxxxiv. 9-10. The other name by which Lalita- 
vajra is mentioned in Tg is Ajita-mitra-gupta (rG xliv. 33) 

cf BA i. 367 — Buddhajnanapada heard many Kriya and 
Yoga Tantras from Lalitavajra, who was born in Manidvipa. 


The following works are attributed to Jalandhari-pa in Tg : 
Cakra-samvara-garbha-tattva-siddhi. rG xiii.3 
Vajra-yogini-sadhana. rG xiv.48 
Vimukta-manjari. rGlxxiii.49 

Maha-karunika-abhiseka-prakarana-upadesa. rG lxxxii.8 
Bhagavat-samvara-stotra. rG lxxiii.24 
Hevajra-sadhanasya-tippani-suddhi-vajra-pradlpa. rG xxi.!9 
Humkara-cittabindu-bhavana-krama. rG xlviii. 72 


cf. the prophecy quoted by Bu-ston ii. 1 20 : ‘And in the 
country of Odivisa there will appear a man possessed of the 
faculty of mystic meditation which he will exercise with great 
energy. He will be a follower of the precepts of Ramani. 
His name (is spelt as follows) : — The letter Ka of the first 
phonetic class is adorned with the first vowel (i.e. A). Then 
comes the fourth letter of the seventh class {Ha), being as if 
slightly mounted on the letter Na. This unique and powerful 
Yogin will secure the eight great principal magical properties. 

Supplementary Notes 


The person spoken of here is Kahna-pa or ICrsnacarin (nag- 
po-spyod-pa-pa). The six pupils of the latter are to secure 
the Great Seal (Maha-mudra) by means of which everything 
which has a separate and physical reality will be rejected.’ 

Tg contains a large number of works — over 1 50 in all — 
attributed to nag-po-spyod -pa-pa, Kahnapada, Krsnapada, 
Krsnacarya, Krsnapandita, Kahna-pa, nag-po(’i)-shabs, etc. 

cf BA ii. 754 : regarding the appearance of Kalacakra in 
the Arya-desa, ’Gos lo-tsa-ba remarks — ‘after Ghantapada 
(came) Kurmapada, he (transmitted it) to Jalandharapada ; 
the latter to Krsnapada, the latter to Bhadrapada ; the latter 
to Vijayapada ; the latter to Tilli-pa ; the latter to Naro-pa. 
Thus from Ghanta(pada) till Naro-pa, there have been eight 
teachers in the line.’ BA i. 385 also mentions Krsnapada 
coming next to Jalandharapada in the lineage. 


Following works are attributed to Sahajalalita in Tg : 
rG xxii.26 

Arya-tara-mandala-sadhana-vidhi. rG xxvi.23 
rG lxvi. 1 8 

Hevajra-udbhava-kurukulla-sadhana. rG xxii.28 
Halahala-sadhana. rG lxxi.25 ; 29 ; 116 
Khasarpana-sadhana. rG lxxi.26 
Arya-avalokitesvarasya-sadaksari-sadhana. rG lxxi.27 
rG lxxi.28 

Uddiyana-marico-sadhana. rG lxxi.39 
Arya-sadaksari-mahavidya-sadhana. rG lxxi.100 
Oddiyana-maricl-sadhana. rG lxxi.225 
Kurukulla-sadhana. rG lxxi.263 
Arya-amoghapasa-sadhana. rG lxxxii. 1 2 




In Tg the following works are attributed to Vinitadeva, 

whom Vidyabhusana HIL 320 proposes to place in c A.D.700. 

Prakarana-vimsaka-tika. (commentary on Vasubandhu’s 
Vimsaka-karika). mDo lviii.ll 

Trimsaka-tika. (commentary on Vasubandhu’s Trimsaka- 
karilca). mDoxli.l 

Vinaya-stotra-pada-vyakhyana. (commentary on Dharmasres- 
thi’s Vinaya-stotra). mDo lxxviii.5=xc. 10 

Trimsata-karika-vyakhyana. mDo lxxxix.4 

Vinaya-vibhanga-pada-vyakhyana. (commentary in 5,100 sloka-s 
on Kg Vinaya). mDo lxxx. 

Commentary on Vasumitra’s Samaya-bheda uparacana-cakra. 
mDo xc.13 

Tantrantara-siddhi-lika. (commentary on Dharmaklrti’s 
Santanantara-siddhi). mDo cviii.l 

Nyayabindu-tika. (commentary on Dharmakirti’s Nyaya- 
bindu). mDo cxi. 1 

Hetubindu-tika. (commentary on Dharmakirti’s Hetubindu). 
mDo cxi. 5 

Sambandha-pariksa-tika. (commentary on Dharmakirti’s 

Sambandha-paiiksa-prakarana). mDo cxii.l 

Vadanyaya-tika. (commentary on Dharmakirti’s Vadanyaya- 
prakarana). mDo cxii.3 

Alambana-pariksa-tika. (commentary on Dharmakirti’s 

Alambana-paiiksa). mDo cxii.5 

47. Jnanagarbha 

The Madhyamika works attributed in Tg to Jnanagarbha 
appear to be— 

Satya-dvaya-vibhanga. mDo xxviii.l 

Supplementary Notes 


Auto-commentary on the above called Satyadvaya-vibhanga- 

vrtti Satya-dvaya-viniscaya, mDo xviii.2, which was 

commented upon by Santaraksita, mDo xxvin.3 
Bhavana-yoga-marga. mDo xxx.2 


bhasya. (Partial commentary on Kg mDo Vol ca v.1-2) 
These apart, certain Tantrika works and commentaries on 
Dharanis are attributed to Jnanagarbha : rG xxi.58 ; xli. 1 3 ; 
lxviii.2-3. Tg also contains a considerable number of works 
translated by Jnanagarbha of India. 

Mar-pa is mentioned as a disciple of Jnanagarbha, under 
whom he translated some works contained in Tg — see Roerich 
BA ii.417n. 

48. Buddhajnana 

cf Bu-ston ii,159f — Buddhajnana, a disciple of Haribhadra 
and a preceptor of Gunamitra. He composed 14 works on 
Guhya-samaja and also ‘works on offerings, burning sacrifices, 
worship, magic circles, the propitiation of the Lord of the 
Water, etc, as runs the tradition.’ 

In Tg about 50 works are attributed to Buddhajnana. 

’Gos lo-tsa-ba (BA i.367ff) gives a long account of the 
Tantrika career of Buddhajnana. 


In Tg the following works are attributed to Santaraksita, 
/ , / * 

Santiraksita or Santijlva, about whom see A. Chatto- 
padhyaya AT 228ff : 

Vajradhara-samglta-bhagavat-stotra-tika. bsTod.52 
Asta-tathagata-stotra. bsTod.55 



Hevajra-udbhava-kurukulla-panca-maha-upadesa. rG xxii.29 
Tattvasiddhi-nama-prakarana. rG lxxii.4 
Satyadvaya-vibhanga-panjika. mDo xxviii.3 
Madhyamaka-alamkara-karika. mDo xxviii.4 
Madbyamaka-alamkara-vrtti. mDo xxviii.5 
Samvara-vimsaka-vrtti. mDo lxi. 1 3 
Vadanyaya-’vrtti-vipancitartha. mDo cviii.2=cxii.4 
Tattva-samgraha-karika. mDo cxiii. 1 
Danda-hasta-leklia. rG lxxvi.32 


In Tg the following works are attributed to Haribhadra 
(sen-ge-bzan-po) : 

Pancavimsati-sahasrika-prajna-paramita. mDo iii-v. The text 
is different from the Prajna-paramita of Kg. 
alamkara-aloka-nama. mDo vi. 
Bhagavat-ratna-guna-sancaya-gatha-panjika-nama. mDo vii.l 
vrtti. mDo vii.2 


In Tg the following works are attributed to Yasomitra : 
Abhidharmakosa-tlka Sphutartha-nama. mDo lxv-lxvi. Com- 
mentary on Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakosa, 
Bodhisattva-bhumi-sila-parivarta-tika. mDo liv.7 
Abhidharma-samuccaya-bhasya. mDo lvii.l 
Abhidharma-samuccaya-vyakhya. mDo lvii.2 

Also two stotra - s are attributed to acarya Jinaputra (rgyal- 
ba’i-sras-po), probably the same as Yasomitra : 
bsTod 58 

Tri-ratna-stotra-vrtti bsTod 36 

Supplementary Notes 



BA i. 359 mentions Sakyamitra as one of the four 


disciples of Nagarjuna. Another Sakyamitra is mentioned in 
BA i. 310 who was evidently in Tibet in A. D. 1387. The 
works of Sakyamitra catalogued in Supplementary Note 14 are 
perhaps those of the former. 


In Tg the following works are attributed to Kalyanamitra, 
mentioned as a Sautrantika acarya : 
Pratimoksa-vrtti-pada-premotpadika. mDo lxxviii.3 
Sramanera-siksapada-sutra. mDo xc.4 
Vinaya-prasna-karika. mDo xc.7 
Vinaya-prasna-tika. mDo xc.8 

Vinayottara agama-visesa-agama-prasna-vrtti. mDo lxxxi.2 
Vinaya-vastu-tika. mDo lxxix.2 


The following works are attributed to Damstrasena 
(mche-ba’i-sde) in Tg : 

prajna-paramita-vrhat-tlka. mDo xiv 
Satasahasrika-prajnaparamita-vrhat-tika. mDo xii-xiii. 

The name occurs in various forms : acarya Distasena, 
Damstasena, Damstasyana, etc. 




55. Manjusnkirti 

In Tg the following works are attributed to Manjusrlkirti : 
Vajrayana-mulapatti-tika. rGxlviii.146 
Sarvaguhya-vidhi-garbhalamkara. rG xlviii. 148 
Arya-manjusn-nama-samgiti-tika. rG lviii.3 
Dharmadhatu-vaglsvara-manjusri-mandala-vidhi. rG lx.50 

nama-mahayana-sutra-tika-kirti-mala-naina. (commen- 
tary on Kg mDo vol da — Sendai Cat. 127). mDo 

Syadyanta-prakriya. (Sans. Title Kalapasyadi ) mDo. cxvi.12 


Fortyseven works are attributed in Tg to LUavajra, Lilavajra- 
pada, Vilasavajra, Varabodhi, Visvarupa : rG xxi.66 ; xxii.35 ; 
xli.7 ; 10 ; xlii.5 ; xliii.4-5 ; 90 ; xlvi.5-6 ; lviii.2 ; Ixxii. 18-38 ; 
lxxiv.12 ; lxxv.3 ; 8 ; 23 ; 26 ; 29 ; 33 ; lxxvi.9 ; lxxxi.4 ; 23 ; 
xxxiii.19 ; xlv.27 ; lxxvii-lxxx ; xliv.4 ; lviii.2 

57. Pandita RAHULA 

The following works are attributed in Tg to pandita Rahula : 
Utpadanasamapi-nama-nairatmya-ekavira-sadhana. rG xxii.22 
Acintya-paribhavana. rG xlviii. 73 
Dharma-carya-aparadha-svayam-mukti. rG lxxiii.33 
Vajra-khecarl-sadhana. rG lxxxii.102 
Natha-samaya-stotra. rG lxxxiii.4 

Supplementary Notes 



In Tg the following works are attributed to Kalyanagupta, 

alias Vakgupta, Vakpraja, Kusalaraksita, Kalyanaraksita : 

Sarvajna-siddhi-karika. mDo cxii.7 

Vahyartha-siddhi-karika. mDo cxii.8 

Sruti-pariksa-karika. mDo cxii.9 
Anya-apoha-vicara-karika. mDo cxii.10 


The following works are attributed in Tg to Prabhakara : 
Nama-samgiti-sadhana. rG lxi.25 
Hayagriva-sadhana. rG lxix. 1 17 
Canda-maharosana-sadhana. rG lxix. 123 
Sarva-tantra-hrdaya-uttara^hayagriva-sadhana. rG lxxi.319 


The following works are attributed to Buddhaguhya in Tg : 
Durgati-parisodhana-artha-vyanjana-vrtti. rG lxi.54 
Dhyanottara-patala-tika. rG lxvi.1 

Arya-suvahu-pariprccha-nama-tantra-pindartha. rG Jxvi.2 
rG lxvi.10 

Sarva-durgati-parisodhana-mandala-vidhikrama. rG lxiii.9 
vrtti. rG lxv.1 

Vairocana-abhisambodhi-tantra-pindartha. rG lxv.2 



Vairocana-abhisambodhi-tantra-vrtti. rG lxiv. 2 
Citta-pindartha-dhyana. rG Ixxvi. 32(108) 

Cittartha-prakarana. rG Ixxvi. 32(109) 

Yoga-bali-lcrama. rG Ixxvi. 32(1 12) 

Caturapramana-tika. mDo xxx.6 
Mandala-kriya-vidhi. mDo xxxiii.62 

Yogi-kalpa-vighna-nirvahana. mDo xxxiii.72 = rG xlviii.116 
Bhota-svami-dasa-lekha. (Letter addressed to Khri-sron-lde- 
btsan, king of Tibet, and his subjects, the Tibetan 
devotees). mDo xciv.39 

Vajrasattva-maya-jala-prabha-krama. rG lxxv.16 
Suksma-jala. rGlxxv. 19 
Tattva-aloka-karma-alamkara. rG lxxv.20 
Marga-vyuha. rG lxxv.2l 
Citta-bindu-upadesa. rG lxxv.23 

Krodha-maya-abhiseka-mandala-vajra-karmavali. rG Ixxvi. 7 
Maya-abhiseka-avasyaka-mula-vrtti. rG Ixxvi. 8 
Vibhaga-vrtti. rG Ixxvi. 32(2) 

Bindu-pindartha. rG Ixxvi. 32(24) 

Santi-krodha-utpadana-samapana-upadesa. rG Ixxvi. 32(81) 
Maya-prabhavali. rG Ixxvi. 32(82) 
Heruka-kaya-vak-citta-sadhana. rG Ixxvi. 32(98) 
Krodha-mudra-dhyana. rG Ixxvi. 32(99) 
Vairocana-abhisambodhi-tantra-pindartha. rG lxiv. I 
Karma-upaya. rG lxviii.241 
Vajrapani-sadhana. rG lxviii. 173 
rG lxviii. 238 

rG lxviii. 239 

Arya-vajra-vidaram-nama-abhiseka-vidhi. rG lxviii. 242 
Dharma-mandala-sutra. rG Ixxii.l 
Mandala-kriya-vidhi. rG lxxii.55 
Maya-jala-vajra-karma-krama. rG lxxv.5 
Vajrasattva-maya-jala-abhiseka-avasyaka. rG lxxv.6 
Abhiseka-artha-nirbheda. rG lxxv.7 

Supplementary Notes 



Tg contains a number of works translated by Vairocana of 
India (rG xlvii.24 ; lxxxiii.47 ; 57 ; 60), by Vairocanaraksita 
(rG xxi. 31 : xlvii. 1 3 ; lxiii. 13 ; lxxxiv.7 ; lxiii. 55) 

Besides these, Tg contains the following by Vairocanaraksita 
of Vikramasila : 

Bodhisattva-carya-avatara-panjika, mDo xxvii.30 
Sisyalekha-tippana. mDo xciv.36 
Siksa-kusuma-manjari. mDo xxxi.5 

The same Vairocanaraksita appears to be the author of a 
number of Tantrika works (rG xliii.9 1 ; 92 ; 112). 


The following works are attributed to Kamalasila in Tg : 
Arya-sapta-satika-prajna-paramita-tlka. mDo xvi.6 
Aya-vajra-chedika-prajna-paramita-tika. mDo xvi.7 
Prajna-paramita-hrdaya-nama-tlka. mDo xvi.12 
Madhyamaka-alamkara-panjika. mDo xxviii.6 
Madhyamaka-alokanama. mDo xxviii.7 
Tattva-aloka-prakarana. mDo xxviii.8 
Sarva-dharma-abhava-siddhi. mDo xxviii.9 
Bhavana-krama. mDo xxx 7, 8, 9. 

Bhavana-yoga-avatara. mDo xxx.lO=mDo xxxiii.74 
Arya-avikalpa-pravesa-dharani-tika. mDo xxxvii.3 
Arya-sali-stambaka-tika. (commentary on Kg mDo vol. tsha 
xviii. 10) mDo xxxvii.4 

Sratnana-pancasatka-karika-pada-abhismarana. mDo xc.2 
Asta-duhkha-visesa-nirdesa. mDo xciv.38 
Sraddha-utpada-pradipa. mDo xciv.40 
Nyaya-bindu-purvapaksa-samksipti. mDo cxi.3 



Tattva-samgraha-panjika. mDo cxii.2-cxiv 
Citta-sthapana-samanya-sutra-samgraha. mDo cxxvii.3 
Pranidhana-paryanta-dvaya. mDo cxxxvi.39 


The following works are attributed to Dharmottara in Tg : 
Pramana-viniscaya-tika. mDo cix-cx.l 
Nyayabindu-tlka. mDo cxi.2 
Pramana-pariksa. mDo cxii. 12, 13 
A-(nya)-poha-prakarana. mDo cxii. 1 4 
Paralokasiddhi. mDo cxii. 15 
Ksanabhanga-siddhi. mDo cxii. 17 


See BA i. 191f : ‘Vimalamitra was also a direct disciple of 
Buddhaguhya. Buddhaguhya taught the Maya Cycle to 
Vimala and the latter to rMa Rin-chen-mchog. Now, it is stated 
in ancient records about the acarya Vimalamitra that there 
had been two Vimalamitras, the Earlier and the Later, during 
the reigns of the religious kings Khri-sron-lde-btsan and mNa 5 - 
bdag Ral-pa-can. The Earlier lived during the reign of the 
religious king Khri-sron-lde-btsan. He did not dress in 
monastic robes but went about attired as a Yogin. The king 
and his ministers expressed doubt as to whether he was a heretic 
or a Buddhist. Doubts were also expressed, because while 
making obeissance, he had broken an image of Vairocana. In 
order to remove the doubts of the ministers, he composed the 
sadanga-sarana, in which he said : “The king and ministers 
did not trust me, so I compose the rite of the six Branches of 

Supplementary Notes 


the Refuge-taking Ceremony. He also composed an extensive 
commentary on the Prajna-hrdaya and Sakrtpravesikanirvikalpa- 
bhavanartha. To judge from the method employed in these books 
he must have lived after the acarya Kamalasila. The Later 
Vimalamitra is the author of an extensive commentary on the 
Pratimoksa-sutra in fifty chapters ( Pratimoksa-sutra-tika 
Vinayasamuccayci) . He should be regarded as a monk. The 
Earlier Vimala taught the precepts of the sNin-thig to the king 
and to Myan Tin-’dzin-bzan-po. Then Vimala proceeded to 

Roerich adds in note BA i. 1 19n : rDsogs-po-chen-po-snin- 
thig [i.e. the Doctrine of Maha-santi] is the ‘name of a mystic 
doctrine of the rNin-ma-pas [i.e. followers of the old Tantras] 
said to have been founded by Vimalamitra ..The philosophic 
background of the system is the Madhyamika doctrine.’ 

Tg contains over eighty works of which Vimalamitra is 
mentioned either as the author or the translator. 

For Vimalamitra, see also BA i. 106-8 ; 197 : ii. 491 ; 497. 


The following works are attributed to Dharmakara in Tg : 
Vajra-tara-sadhana. rG lxxi.185 
Dhvajagra-keyura-sadhana. rG lxxi.296 

Tg also contains the following works as translated by 
Dharmakara : mDo xxiii.38 ; lxxii.4, 5 ; xc.7, 8, 11 ; xciv.24 


The following works are attributed to Anandagarbha in Tg : 
jala-samvara-uttara-uttara-tantra-tika. rG xxv.2 


Sri-guhya-samaja-panjika. rG xlii.l 

tantra-vyakhya-tattvalokakari. rG lii-liii 



Paramadi-vrtti. rGliv.l 
Paramadi-tika. rG liv.2 ; Iv ; lvi.l 
Mayajala-mahatantra-raja-tika. rG lvi.2 
Vajra-dhatu-mahamandala-upayika-sarva-vajrodaya. rG lvii.1 
Vajra-sattva-udaya-nama-sadhana-upayika. rG lvii.2 
Vajra-sattva-sadhana-upayika. rG lvii.3 
mandala-upayika. rG lvii.4 
Paramadi-mandala-vidhi-nama. rG lvii.5 
Pratistha-vidhi. rG lvii.6, 7 

samyak-sambuddhasya-nama-kalpa-tika. rG lxiii.1 
rG lxiii.3 ; 4 

Sarva-durgati-parisodhana-preta-homa-vidhi. rG lxiii.5 
Sarva-durgati-parisodhana-agame Sava-suddhi-samskara-sutra- 
pindita-vidhi. rG lxiii.6 

Sarva-durgati-parisodhana-mandala-vidhi. rG Jxiii.8 
rG Ixiii. 1 2 

Prajna-paramita-mandala-upayika. rG Ixiii. 18 
Maricl-devi-sadhana. rG lxxi.358 
Mahavatyali. rG lxxvi.32(52) 

Sri-guhya-samaja-mahatantra-raja-tika. rG lxxvii-lxxx 


The following works are attributed to Parahita in Tg : 
Mandala-abhiseka-vidhi. rG xxvi.27 
Sunyati-saptati-vivrti. mDo xxiv.5 
Sutra-alamkaradi-sloka-dvaya-vyakhyana. mDo xlviii.l 

Tg also contains more than twenty works as translated or 
corrected by Parahita. 

Supplementary Notes 


See BA i. 87 — Parahita of Kashmir who went to Tibet and 
assisted Mahajana and other Tibetan scholars in translating 
the Buddhist scriptures. 


A large number of works in Kg and Tg remain preserved as 
translated by Jinamitra, who went to Tibet during the reign of 
king Ral-pa-can and took part in the large-scale and authentic 
translation of the Buddhist texts, cf. Bu-ston ii. 196-97 : Ral-pa- 
can found the earlier translations of the scriptures partly 
unintelligible. ‘Besides, different translations were made from 
the Chinese, from the language of Li and Sahor etc. Owing 
to this there were many different rendering of words and the 
study of the Doctrine became very difficult. Seeing this, the 
king issued the following order : “The Aparantaka teachers 

f m 

Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi, Silendrabodhi and Bodhimitra, the 
Tibetan teachers Ratnaraksita and Dharmatasila, the skilful 
translators Jnanasena, Jayaraksita, Manjusrivarman, Ratnendra- 
sila and others are to translate the Hinayanistic and Mahaya- 
nistic Scriptures directly from Sanskrit.’” 

69. Sarvajnadeva 

Tg contains more than twentythree works as translated by 
Sarvajnadeva, inclusive of the works by Matrceta, Dignaga, 
Aryadeva, Santideva, Nagarjuna, Candragomi and others. 





The following works are attributed to Tilli-pa in Tg : 
Tattvacaturopadesa-prasanna-dipa-nama. rG xxi.24 
Antara-vahya-visa-nivrtti-bhavana-krama. rG xlviii.88 
Bodhicitta-vayu-carana-bhavana-upaya. rG xlviii.92 
Sad-dharma-upadesa. rG lxxiii.27 
Acintya-mahamudra. rG lxxiii.32 
Guru-sadhana. rG lxxxiv.2 
Vahya-siddhi-pralitya-samutpada, rG lxxxiv,3 

71. Prajnapalita 


The following works are attributed to Prajnapalita in Tg : 
Pratistha-vidhi. rG lvii.9 

Thirtyseven (or thirtysix) works on Yamari-tantra beginning 
with Rakta-yamari-karmavali-sadhana-cintamani-nama (rG 
xliii.129) and concluding with Yamari-cintarnani-mala-nama- 
sadhana (rG xlviii.165) : these 37 (or 36) works are mentioned 
as forming a continuous one, rG xliii.129 being the intro- 
duction and rG xlviii.165 the conclusion. 


The following works are attributed to Jetari in Tg : 
Hevajrasya-seka-niscaya. rG xxi.48 
Dasa-krodha-vidya-vidhi. rG xxi.49 
Catuh-pitha-tattva-catuska. rG xxiii. 1 4 
Natha-aksobhya-sadhana. rG lxiii.30 
Aparimita-ayuh-stotra. rG lxviii.6 
Arya-aparimita-ayuh-jnana-sadhana. rG lxviii.7 

Supplementary Notes 


Aparimita-ayuh-jnana-vidhi. rG lxviii.8 
Arya-lokesvara-cintamani-cakravarti-sadhana. rG lxviii.156 
Canda-maharosana-sadhana. rG lxix.124 
Sitavati-sadhana. rG lxix.182 
Mahapratisara-cakra-lekhana-vidhi. rG lxix.186 
Vajra-srnkhala-sadhana. rG lxxi.360 
Mandala-vidhi. rG lxxii.56=mDo xxxiii.63 
Sugata-mata-vibhanga-karika. mDo xxix.7=mDo xxxiii.84, 
cxxviii.4 & 5 

mDo xxxvii.9 

Balavatara-tarka-nama. mDo cxii.26 
Hetutattva-upadesa. mDo cxii,24 
Dharma-dharmi-viniscaya. mDo cxii.25 

Bodhicitta-utpada-samadana-vidhi. mdo xxxii.6=mDo xxxiii.29 
Maya-jala-krama-avalokitesvara-sadhana. rG lxxi.94 
Catuh-mudra-sadhana. rG lxxiv.24 

Adi-karmika-bhumi-pariskara. mDo xxxi.7=mDo xxxiii.30 
Citta-ratna-visodhaiia-krama-nama-lekha. mDo xxxiii.3 1 = 
mDo xciv.30 


The following works are attributed to Kalacakrapada in Tg : 
Naksatra-mandala-sadhana-ekadasa-anga-nama. rG iv.5 
rG iv.19 

Kalacakra-supratistha-upayika-vidhi. rG v.5 
Kalacakra-ganacakra-upayika-vidhi. rG v.6 
Kalacakra-homa-upayika-vidhi. rG v.7 
Padmini-nama-panjika. rG iii.3 
Kalacakra-upadesa. rG iv.13 
Seka-uddesa-tika. rG iv.l 

See BA ii.765 : there were two Kalacakrapadas, one Senior 
and the other his disciple, Kalacakrapada the Junior. 



74. S ANTI-PA 


The following works are attributed to Santi-pa in Tg : 

Sukha-duhkha-dvaya-parityaga-drsti. rG xlviii.37 

nama. .mDo lxi.3 

Prajna-paramita-upadesa. mDo lxi.9 

Prajna-paramita-bhavana-upadesa. mDo lxi.7, 10= 
mDo xxxiii.82 

Vijnaptimatrata-siddhi. mDo cxii.22 

Antar-vyapti. mDo cxii.23 

mDo x. 1 

mDo xxx. 30 

Madhyamaka-alamkara-upadesa. mDo lxi.16 

Chandah-ratnakara. mDo cxvii.4 & 5 ; cxxxiii.7 

Vajra-tara-sadhana. rG lxxi.!86=rG xxii.38 


The following works are attributed to Vagisvaraklrti in Tg : 
Samaya-tara-stava. rG lxxxii.48 
Mrtyu-vancana-upadesa. rG xxvi.68=lxxxi.21 
Sapta-anga. rGxl.17 
Tattva-ratna-aloka. rG xl. 1 8 
Vajrapani-sadhana. rG xlviii. 1 97 
Pratistha-vidhi. rG lxix. 190 
Tattva-ratna-aloka-vyakhyana. rG lxxi.6 
Mrtyu-vancana-pindartha. rG lxxxi.19 
rG lxxxii.6 


Supplementary Notes 429 

In BA are mentioned three Vaglsvaraklrtis — 1) the famous 
door-keeper scholar of Vikramaslla (i.206), 2) the younger 
Pham-mthih brother also known as Vagisvara (i.384) and 
3) one named Pindo-acarya, famed as Vaglsvarakirti in the 
Madhya-desa (ii.757f). 

76. NARO-PA 

Over thirty works are attributed in Tg to Naro-pa, Nada- 
pandita, Nada-pada, Naro-pa’i-shabs, Naro-tapa, Naro-panta. 

In BA, Naro-pa is said to have been a disciple of Tilli- 
pa (i.361, 380), a teacher of Atls'a (i.243) and of the Kashmirian 
Jnanakara (i.36 1 ). He was ‘the guardian of the northern gate 
of Vikramasila. The acarya Santi-pa (Ratnakarasanti) and the 
venerable Maitri-pa heard the Tantra from him’ (i.380). Pham- 
mthin-pa attended on Naro-pa for seven years and Pham-mthin- 
pa’s younger brother for five years. Mar-pa Do-pa received 
Naro-pa’s blessings in Tirhut (i.383). The Six Doctrines were 
bestowed by Naro-pa on the Master Mar-pa (ii.728). 


The following works are attributed to Bodhibhadra (the 
disciple of Mahamati of Somapurl) in Tg : 
Rahasya-ananda-tilaka. rG xxii.59 
Yoga-satya-laksana. rG xlviii. 1 18=mDo xxxiii.73 
Jnana-sara-samuccaya-nibandhana. mDo xviii.7 
Samadhi-: ambhara-parivarta. mDo xxx.l8=mDo xxxiii.67 
Bodhisattva-samvara-vidhi. mDo xxxii.5 = mDo xxxiii.27 
Bodhisattva-samvara-vimsaka-panjika. mDo lxi. 1 4 




The following works are attributed to Ratnavajra in Tg : 
Heruka-sadhana-nama. rG xiii.26 
Cakra-samvara-mangala-gatha. rG xiii.27 
Cakra-samvara-mandala-devagana-stotra. rGxiv.10 
Cakra-samvara-stotra. rG xiv. 1 i 
Bali-karma-krama. rG xxii. 1 1 
Hevajra-stotra. rG xxii. 16 
Mahamaya-sadhana. rGxxiii.28 



Tg also contains seventeen other works composed or transla- 
ted by him. 


In Tg Mahajana is mentioned as the author of Prajna- 
paramita-hrdaya-artha-parijnana (mDo xvi. 15). His name also 
occurs as the translator of sixteen works inclusive of some by 
Candragomi, Vasubandhu, Nathamaitreya and others. 

80. Jnanasn 

BA i.206 & 372 refers to Jhanasri as one of the Six Door- 
keeper Scholars of Vikramasila. Jnanasrimati is mentioned 
as one of . the teachers of Atlsa — BA i. 243. Cf also BA i.70, 
85,347,355 : the great Pandita Jhanasri of Kashmir who went 
to Tibet without having been invited. Sum-pa 1 1 8 mentions 
Jhanasri as one of the four eminent disciples of the gum of 
Suvarnadvipa (Dharmakirti or Dharmapala). 

Tg contains works by Jhanasii, Jnanasrimitra of Kashmir, 

Supplementary Notes 


Jnanasrlbhadra and Jnanamitra. Of these, a number of works 
on Vajra-vidarani-karma (rG Ixviii. 232-35) mentions maha- 
pandita Jnanasri as author and translator, the name occurring 
also as the translator of a number of other treatises (rG 
Ixviii. 225-31). Besides these Tg contains : 

Sutralamkara-pindartha (mDo xlviii.2) by acarya maha-pandita 

Karyakaranabhava-siddhi (mDo cxii.29) by maha-pandita 

Sila-samvara-samaya-avirodha-nama (rG lxxii. 19) by Jnanasri- 
bhadra of Kashmir. 

Pramana-viniscaya-tika (mDo cx.2) by Jnanasribhadra of 


Tg contains over a hundred works of which Amoghavajra 
is mentioned as the author or translator. These include a 
considerable number of works on Amrtasiddhi, composed 
by him in Tibet : these mention Viru-pa as the acarya of 
Amrtasiddhi : rG lxxxv. 22-9 ; 38-47. BA ii. 1042 mentions 
him as a disciple of Mitrayogin and according to BA i. 162 he 
visited Tibet soon after A. D. 1086. See also Supplementary 
Note 95. 


Apart from a few translations attributed to him, Tg contains 
his work Pahcakrama-Panjika Artha-prabhasa-nama (rG 
xxxiv.4). Besides, the colophon of the Bodhisattvavadana- 
kalpalata of Ksemendra (mDo xciii) mentions tha^ it is edited 



on the basis of the manuscripts obtained from India, Kashmir, 
Khotan, Nepal and China and that the edition is guided by the 
research of VIryabhadra, the date of the completion of the work 
being probably A. D. 1052 in the month of Vaisakha on the 
birth anniversary of the Buddha. 

83. Manikasrl 

The following works are attributed to Manikasri in Tg : 
Ekavira-sadhana. rG xiii.29 
Cakra-samvara-ekala-vira'Sadhana. rG xiv. 17 

He is also mentioned as the translator or corrector of a 
number of works. BA i. 385 mentions him as an exponent of 
Cakrasamvara and as belonging to the lineage of Lui-pa, Dengi- 
pa, La-va-pa, Indrabhuti, etc. 

84. Jnanavajra 

In Tg Jnanavajra of Nepal is mentioned as the translator 
of six works : rG xiv. 3-7 ; 24 ; 61 ; lxxiii.22. Besides these, he 
is mentioned as the author of 
Sadhana-carya-avatara. rG xxxiii.32 
Arya-jambhala-stotra. rG lxxii.45 

A large number of Tantrika treatises are also attributed in 
Tg to Jnanavajra of Oddiyana, alias Advaya-jnanavajra. 

Tg mDo xliii (a commentary on the Lanka vatara) is attri- 
buted to Jnanavajra of China. 

Supplementary Notes 



Also known as bodhisattva Vajrapani. Tg contains a 
number of his works inclusive of : 

Bhagavati-prajna-paramita-h rdaya-lika-artha- pradipa-nama 
(mDo xvi. 10) — text expounded to the Tibetan kalyanamitra-s 
at Lalitapattana in Nepal. 

Sadanga-yoga rG. iv. 1 1 

rG vi.l 

Tattvagarbha-sadhana. rG xii.7 

tantra-vrtti. rG xliv.73 

cf BA ii. 843 : ‘This Vajrapani (Phyag-na) was born in the 
Fire-Female-Serpent (year : A. D. 1017). From childhood he had 
sharp intellect and was learned in all the heretical and Buddhist 
sciences, as well as in many sections of the Tantras of the 
Mantra-yana. He specially mastered the Cycle of Doha 
(Saraha’s Doha).’ He was a younger brother of Ksitigarbha, 
(who accompanied Atisa to Tibet) — BA ii. 842. He is mentioned 
as one of the Four Great Disciples of Maitri-pa (born A. D. 
1007 or 1010), the other three being Na-te-ka-ra, Devakaracandra 
and Ramapala — BA ii. 842. He was invited to Tibet by ’Brog 
Jo-sras and he composed the Vajra-pada-nama — BA i. 857. Tg 
contains a considerable number of works translated by him. 


V n ‘According to Thob-yig, Abhayakaragupta was born in 
eastern India as the son of a chief of all the Brahmins. A 
young yoginl sent him to Magadha for being ordained in the 




Law of the Buddha. He came to Bhamgala and became a 
sramanera. Thereafter in Vigamala (?) vihara, he studied 
logic, Tripitaka, Madhyama, Paramitas and became th egana-pati 
of the samgha - s and taught logic. For studying the siddhantas, 
he went to the teacher Ratnakaragupta in a cave of the city 
of Be’u. When his fame spread far and wide, the Magadha- 
raja Rathika made him the chief of all the pandita - s and gave 
him as gift the Indrauli garden. He freed from the prison a 
little over hundred persons whom the king Carasinda wanted 
to offer as sacrifice, drove away the Turuska army etc. His 
works related to the commentaries on 8,000 Paramitas, Vinaya, 
Logic and Madhyama. On Tantras, his works which are parti- 
cularly famous are : 1) a commentary on Samputa known 
under the name Upadesa-manjarl, 2) the Sea of Siddhantas, 
where all the precepts for propitiating various deities are 
collected at one place, 3) Vajra-mala, where all the mandala - s 
of sadhana are described.’ 

BA i. 32 quotes from his Muni-matalamkara (mDo xxix.10) 
and BA i. 371 refers to his Vajravall and Vajravall-nama- 
mandala-sadhana. In Tg are attributed about 50 works to him. 

BA i. 219 — rMa lo-tsa-ba (born in A. D. 1044) studied in 
India under Abhayakara. 


BA ii.599— there exists a biography (rnam-thar) of Sakyasri 
of Kashmir by Khro-phu-lo-tsa-ba (byams-pa’i-dpal), who 
invited him to Tibet. He visited the Tibetan monasteries 
in A.D. 1208 — BA i.306. He ‘ordained many monks in 
Tibet including the Sa-skya Pan-chen and others... The 
great bhadanta Tson-kha-pa also obtained monkhood 
through the lineage of Sakyasribhadra.’ In BA i.35 is 
quoted the prophecy of Tara to Sakyasribhadra about his 
becoming tne Buddha Bhaglrathl of the Bhadra-kalpa (i.e. one 

Supplementary Notes 


of the Thousand Buddhas of the Bhadra-kalpa). Cf also BA 
ii.l062ff: Sakyasri was born in A.D. 1127, ordained in 1149, 
came to Tibet in his 78th year ( A.D. 1204), stayed there 
for ten years and left for Kashmir in A.D. 1214. He passed 
away in Kashmir at the age of 99 in A.D. 1225. 

In Tg are attributed to him the following works : 
Kalpa-puja-maha-catuska-karika. bsTod 62 

, rG xxvi.39 

Visuddha-darsana-carya-upadesa. rG xlviii. 1 24 
Manjusri-cala-cakra. rGlxviii.13 
Simhanada-raksa-cakra. rG Ixviii. 1 67 
Samksipta-amoghapasa-sadhana. rG Ixviii. 168 
Amoghapasa-bali-vidhi. rG Ixviii. 169 
Posadha-karaniya. rG Ixviii. 170 
Arya-amoghapasa-posadha-vidhi-amnaya. rG Ixviii. 171 
Arya-maitreya-sadhana. rG lxxi.344 
Arya-tara-sadhana. . rG lxxi.395 
Arya-krsna-jambhala-sadhana. rG lxxii.43 
Arya-amoghapasa-sadhana. rG lxxxii.10 
Bodhisattva-margakrama-samgraha. mDo xxxii.15 
Mahayana-upadesa-gatha. mDo xxxii.20 
Saptanga-saddharma-carya-avatara. mDo xxxii.14 


The following work is attributed to Ratnaraksita in Tg : 
rG xii.l 

He is also mentioned as the translator and corrector of a 
large number of works. ■ 



89. Dipamkarabhadra 

In Tg Dipamkarabhadra is mentioned as the author of a 
large number of Tantrika works. These include— 
Guhya-samaja-mandala-vidhi. rG xxxix.13 
Asta-krodha-mandala-abhiseka. rG lxix.7 
Arya-vajra-vidaranl-pratistha. rG lxix.20 

He is also mentioned as the translator of rG xl.8 


In Tg more than thirty Tantrika works are attributed to 


Srldhara, which include : 

Krsna-yamari-sadhana. rG xliii.l 

Krsna-yamari-mandala-upayika. rG xliii.2 

Rakta-yamari-sadhana. rG xliii.l 03 

Caturyoga-tattva-nama-svadhisthana-upadesa. rG xliii.l 05 

Krsna-yamareh-rakta-yamaresca-puja-vidhi. rG xliii. 1 09 

.... , 

Besides, two works on lexicon are attributed to one Srldhara 

of Nepal (mDo cxxxiii.2 ; 3) 


The following works are attributed to Bhavabhadra 
(Bhavabhatta) in Tg : 

Cakra-samvara-panjika-nama. rG vi.3 
Vajra-daka-nama-mahatantrarajasya-vivrti. rG ix. I 
Hevajrasya-vyakhya-vivarana-nama. rG xv.3 
Catuh-pltha-tantrarajasya-tika-smrti-nibandha-nama. rG xxii.60 
Catuh-plthu-sadhana-upayika. rG xxiii.9 i 

Supplementary Notes 


Catuh-pltha-jala-homa. rG xxiii.10 
Mandala-avatara-samksipta-kalpa. rG lxxi.372 
Cintamani-tara-nama-sadhana. rG lxxi.374 =lxKi.38 1 
Tara-dhavana-vidhi. rG lxxi.375 
Posadha-vidhi. rG lxxi.376 


In Tg the following works are attributed to him : 
Ratnacchata-nama-panjika. rG vi.4 
Saptaksara-sadhana. rG xiii.8 = lxxxvi.67 
Cakrasamvara-sadhana-amrtaksara-nama. rG xiii.9 
Kaumudi-nama-panjika. rG xvii.l. 
Sadanga-nama-sadhana. rG xxi.21 
Sarvabhuta-bali. rG xxi.23 
Nairatmya-sadhana. rGxxii.18 
Nairatmya-devl-pancadasa-stotra. rG xxii. 1 9 
Jnfom-vajrapanjara-pancadaka-sadhana. rG xxii. 3 5 
Mahamaya-tantrasya-panjika-mayavali-nama. rG xxiii. 16 
Suparigraha-nama-mandala-upayika-vidhi. rG xxi.22 


In Tg the following works are attributed to him : 

Ubhaya-nibandha. rG vii.5 

Yogini-samcarya-nibandha. rG xii.3 

Smasanesta. rG xxn.43 

Sragdhara-sadhana. rG xxvi.15 
/ _ 

Sunyata-bhavana. rG xxvi.16 

Kudrsti-dusana. rGxxvi.17 

Corabandha. rGxxvi.18 



Vidyavardhana. rGxxvi.19 
Mrtyu-kapatya. rG xxvi.20 
Vajrasattva-sadhana-bhasya. rG xxiv.9 
Vajrabhairava-hastacihna-visuddhi. rG xliii.8 1 
Caturmukha-samaya-siddhi-sadhana. rG lxxxii.73 


The following works are attributed to him in Tg : 
Krsna-yamari-sadhana. rG. xliii.10 
Mandala-vidhi. rG xliii. 12 

Krsna-yamari-sadhana-mandala-vidhi. rG xliii.32 
Vajra-bhairava-sadhana-udbuddha-kamala-nama. rG lxxxi.15 

Kamalaraksita was a contemporary, of Atlsa, to both of 
whom the guru of Suvarnadvipa (Dharmapala or Dharmaklrti) 
expounded the following works : mDo xxvi.6 ; 7 ; xxxi.4 ; 
xxxiii.87 — see also A. Chattopadhyaya AT 93 ; 479f ; 484 ; 491. 


BA ii.728f T shall now tell the story of the Lineage of the 
Six Doctrines founded by Ni-gu-ma, sister of Naro-pa. Its 
Lineage and of Guidance and Initiation : the introducer of the 
doctrine (to Tibet) was the siddha Khyun-po-rnal-’byor. He 
belonged to the Khyun-po clan and was born at sNe-mo- 
ra-maiis in the Tiger Year (1086 A. D.) as son of father sTag- 
skye and mother bKra-sis-skyid. Soon after his birth, the 
Indian siddha Amogha came there and uttered an auspicious 
prophecy about him. At the age of ten, he mastered reading 
the Indian and Tibetan alphabets. He became proficient 
in the Kalacakra. At the age of thirteen, he studied with the 

Supplementary Notes 


acarya gYun-drun-rgyal-ba the Bon doctrine and preached it to 
others, and about seven hundred scholars (possessing manus- 
cripts of the text) attended his class. He then studied exten- 
sively the Cycle of the rDsogs-chen-sems-sde with the bla-ma 
’Byun-gnas-seh-ge, and then preached it. During that time 
also he gathered about seven hundred disciples... Having taken 
with him a considerable quantity of gold, he journeyed to 
Nepal and studied there the work of a translator with the 
pa'iidita Vasumati .. He was well-received by Atulyavajra and 
met rDo-rje-gdan-pa. He became a novice (attendant of 
rDo-rje-gdan-pa — Amoghavajra) and heard many doctrines. He 
then heard many Tantrika doctrines from Sri Bhadrasajjana, 
Vairocana .. After his return to Tibet... he secured more than 
a thousand golden srans... After that he journeyed again to 
Nepal and obtained from Pham-mthin-pa the Samvara-mula- 
tantra and the gdan-bshi. After that he proceeded to India 
and offered to rDo-rje-gdan-pa a hundred golden srans. He 
heard many doctrines at Nalaiida from Danasila, a disciple of 
Naro-pa, Sumatikirti, Ramapala, Natekara, the venerable 
Ratnadevi of Kam-ka-ta, and from the siddha Suryagarbha, a 
disciple of Kukuri-pa. He met also Maitri-pa and obtained 
from him many Tantras, and offered him seven srans of gold.’ 
He is said to have met Ni-gu-ma, the sister of Naro-pa, Lalita- 
vajra, Aryadeva, dalci Sumati, dakini Sukhasiddhi, a disciple 
of Viru-pa, Gangadhara Samantabhadri, Sukhavajra, Advaya- 
vajra, etc, and presented gold to 150 teachers. After his return 
to Tibet, he met Atisa at mNa’-ris. ‘Some of his own Indian 
(Sanskrit) manuscripts being slightly damaged, he restored 
them after collating them with the manuscripts in Atisa’s 

In Tg rG lxxiii. 30 ; 34 ; 36 ; 39-41 are mentioned as works 
exposed by Ni-gu-ma to Khyuh-po-rnal-’byor, alias Garuda- 
yogi or Garuda-bhatta. Tg lxxxii. 104 is exposed by Maitri-pa 
to him. 




BA ii. 797ff : ‘The Precious Great pandita was born [in 
1384 A. D. — Roerich n] as the son of .a king in the town of 
Sadnagara in eastern India [Chittagong District, East 
Bengal]. At the age of eight, he received the noviciate 
from one named Buddhaghosa.’ At the age of 20, he 
received the final monastic ordination under Buddhaghosa and 
Sujataratna. ‘Then having become an ascetic he journeyed 
to Ceylon. He spent six years there.’ Next he journeyed to 
Kalinga in southern India. ‘There a great pandita called 
Naraditya (mi’i-ni-ma) famed as a scholar in Jambudvipa 
praised him. ..Again he proceeded towards Sri Dhanyakataka 
Mahacaitya and stayed for some time in the hermitage of 
Nagabodhi...Then while en route to Magadha, he studied with 
the heretical pandita Harihara the book kalapa .’ In the vihara 
called Uruvasa ‘a miraculous stone image of Arya Avalokites- 
vara spoke to him : “Go to Tibet ! After attending on a king, 
you will be of benefit to many !” In accordance with this 
prophecy, he first proceeded to Nepal... He reached Tibet in the 
year Fire-Male-Horse’ (A. D. 1426 : Vanaratna is often called 
“Pandita-mtha’-ma” or the Last Pandita). 

In Tg are preserved over 40 works written or translated by 
him. BA ii. 801 : he belonged to the lineage of Abhaya, 
Nayakapada. Dasabalasri, Sribhadra, Lalitavajra, Dharma- 
gupta, Ratnakara, Padmavajra, etc. 

’Gos lo-tsa-ba, the author of the Blue Annals , was himself a 
student of Vanaratna (BA i. 380), about whom therefore ’Gos 
lo-tsa-ba shows the highest regard : ‘He seems to have been the 
most popular among the pandita-s who visited Tibet in later 
times’ (BA ii. 802) and ‘Therefore, he became our highest and 
only refuge’ (BA ii. 805). 

Supplementary Notes 



Tg contains a considerable number of works on Sfthaja- 
siddhi. Thus : 

Sahaja-siddhi by the king Indrabhuti. rG xlvii.l 
Sahaja-siddhi-paddhati (commentary on the above) by Laksmin- 
kara. rG xlvii.2 

Sahajananda-dohakosa-gitika-drsti by Bhadhe (Bhandarin). 
rG xlviii.8 

Sahaja-astaka by Maitri-pa. rG xlvi.17 


Sahaja-samvara-svadhisthana by Maha Sahara. rG xiii.5 
Sahaja-samvara-svadhisthana by raja madhyama Indrabhuti. 
rG xiii.6 

Sahaja-mandala-traya-aloka-samjanana-nama by Jnanasrl. 

rG xiv.20 

Sahaja-glti by Santideva. rG xlviii.l 
Sahaja-rati-samyoga by Ratnakarasanti. rG xxi.28 
Sahaja-ananda-pradlpa-nama-panjika by Vajragupta. rG xx.4 
Sahaja-ananta-svabhava by Kanthalin. rG xlviii.90 
Sahaja-samvara-svadhisthana by Tilo-pa. rG xiii.24 
Sahaja-tattva-aloka by Kusali-pa. rG xiii.55 
Sahaja-amnaya by acarya Medini. rG xlviii.76 
Sahaja-yoga-krama by Ratnakarasanti. rG xxi.29 
Sahaja-sadyoga-vrtti-garbhaprakasika-nama by acarya Thagana. 
rG xxi. 30 

Sahaja-siddhi by Samayavajra. rG Ixxiv. 28 



[ Note contributed by Harbans Mukhia ] 

It is nearly impossible to identify the owner of the name 
‘the Moon’ with certainty, for no known name among the Turks 
mentioned in this context corresponds to this word. One could, 
however, stretch the meanings of some of the names and try to 
narrow the gap between them and the Moon. Shihab-ud-din 
Muhammad Ghori, for instance. 

Minhaj-us-Siraj has included ‘Adwand-Bihar’ among the 
conquests of Shihab-ud-din. ( Tabaqat-i-Nasiri , tr. H. G. Raverty, 
Vol. I, London, 1881, p. 491). ‘Adwand-Bihar’ is obviously a 
corrupt form of ‘Odantapurl-vihara’ or ‘Uddandapura-vihara.’ 
Considering that the word ‘Shihab’ means ‘a bright star’, 
(Steingass, Persian- English Dictionary, s.v.) it is possible that 
the reference to ‘the Moon’ might have been intended for him. 
Taranatha’s reference to the region of the ‘Antaravedi’ (Fol. 
125B) is not very helpful either. Prof. S. C. Sarkar suggests 
that the reference might have been meant for either Shihab-ud- 
din or Qutb-ud-din Aibak, the word ‘Qutb’ signifying the 
pole-star. (S. C. Sarkar, ‘Some Tibetan References to Muslim 
Advance into Bihar and Bengal and to the state of Buddhism 
thereafter’, Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commi- 
ssion, vol. xviii, 1942, pp. 138-52, n. 10). 

There could be little doubt, however, that the person who 
was directly responsible for the destruction of the Odanta- 
puri and Vikramasila monasteries was Ikhtiyar-ud-din 
Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khalji, the dubious credit for whose 
accomplishment was passed on to his master Shihab-ud-din 
(certainly by Minhaj, probably also by Taranatha). Odantapuri 
or Uddandapura was the ancient name of the city of Bihar or 
Vihara and it was situated very close to Vikramasila. (A 
Cunningham, Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India, vol. 
viii, p. 75 ; also vol. xi, p. 185, where this point has been further 
reinforced. In vol. iii, pp. 128-29 Cunningham had suggested 

Supplementary Notes 


that Uddandapuradesa was the name of a district and the place 
was the modern Tandwa, also called Bishenpur Tandwa where 
considerable Buddhist remains still exist). These monasteries 
were destroyed around 1203 A.D. (The date is inferred indirectly 
— see A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in 
India, 2nd. edn., Allahabad, 1961, p. 84, notes 78 and 79). Tara- 
natha’s account of this destruction largely tallies with 
the one given by Minhaj. (Minhaj, op. cit., pp. 551-52). Minhaj 
had as his informants two of the ‘holy warriors’ who had them- 
selves participated in the venture under the leadership of 
Ikhtiyar-ud-din Khalji and had shared the booty. The greater 
number of the inhabitants of Odantapuri were shaven-headed 
Buddhist monks whom Minhaj (and presumably his informants) 
mistook to be Brahmans. They were all slain. Minhaj, how- 
ever, states that Ikhtiyar-ud-din and his companions had 
attacked the place under the impression that it was a fortress. 
It was only when they noticed books and became acquainted 
with their contents that they realized what they had destroyed 
were monasteries and libraries. 

Taranatha’s allusion to ‘the petty Turushka rulers of Bham- 
gala and other places’ (Fol. 125B) raises an interesting 
question. While the king of Bengal at this time was 
Laksmanasena (Taranatha’s Labamsena ?), could it be that the 
Turks had already established themselves at some levels of 
administration and, on the arrival of Ikhtiyar-ud-din, got 
united, presumably under his leadership, and ‘ran over the 
whole of Magadha . etc. ? There is no evidence to this effect 
from the other sources and Taranatha’s evidence, not fully 
reliable, is inadequate for arriving at so vital a conclusion. For, 
if true, this would suggest that the process of the establishment 
of the Turkish rule in Bengal stands exactly reverse to the 
similar process in North India, or indeed, the whole of India 
excluding Bengal. In North India the Turks captured and 
controlled only the higher echelons of administration, /the lower 
ones being left almost entirely in the hands of the Hindus from 
the beginning to the end of the medieval period of Indian 
history. (Prof. S. C. Sarkar has drawn the following conclusion 



from Taranatha’s allusion which appears to be a little far- 
fetched : This reference to the existence of 'Turki Muslim 
puppet kings of Bhamgala [i.e. East Bengal] and other adjacent 
regions’ [tr. Prof. Sarkar’s] is an important revelation ; they 
evidently acknowledged the suzerainty of the Turushka power 
of Upper India. The question is how and when were these 
Muslim principalities founded : probably Turki adventurers 
seized the Arak-Persian [Tajik] trading settlements in the 
Gangetic ports and deltaic regions which could easily have 
come into existence in the preceding few centuries, — and these 
Turki adventurers would subsequently affiliate themselves to the 
main Turki state of Delhi in the same way as Md.-ibn- 
Bakhtiyar did. The Senas, as patrons of ‘Tajiks’ would, of 
course, tolerate these principalities as allies, [op. cit., Fn 12]. 
Prof. Sarkar does not take into account the possibility that 
Taranatha might have been misinformed). Taranatha’s mention 
of monks acting as the messengers of the Turks, if true, could 
similarly point to a very interesting line of inquiry into the 
social and political conditions of the region. The burden of 
available evidence, however, does not appear to support 
Taranatha. (Prof. Sarkar similarly appears to read too much 
into this reference by Taranatha : This Tibetan allusion raises 
the point whether the invasion of Bihar and Bengal, 1199-1203, 
was due only to the stray adventures of Md.-ibn-Bakbtiyar or 
was planned under the direct leadership of the Delhi kingdom 
in support of Buddhist Dissenters and of the Senas who patro- 
nized Islam and Brahmanicai reaction against Buddhism. 
[op. cit., Fn 10]). 

Supplementary Notes 


[ Note contributed by Pranabranjan Ray ] 

Taranatha’s ‘History of Image-makers’ will remain a some- 
what enigmatic source of information for the students of Indian 
art history. Myths and dogmas so shroud whatever he has 
recorded here that it becomes difficult to correlate his account 
with known historical facts and art objects at hand. In a sense 
the sections on arts and crafts in Abul Fazl’s Ain-i-Akbari, though 
attempt to give less information in time-span, are much more 
dependable for their objectivity and understanding. 

In the opening paragraph, Taranatha says something about 
the human artists of the “ancient period” who flourished within 
about a hundred years of Buddha’s pan-nirvana. Archaeological 
evidence about art of the period referred to are conspicuous by 
their absence. Can Taranatha’s account be taken as a literary 
reference that fills up a gap in our knowledge ? 

Taranatha’s naivette about stylistics makes it difficult to 
accept many of his assertions about the art styles removed from 
him in time-span. Taranatha, for instance, extols the Yaksas 
-—as also the Nagas and Devas — for having been successful in 
creating illusions of real objects. Excepting the Gandhara art we 
know of no other art style that could be remotely called realistic. 

Taranatha’s account assumes importance when he mentions 
the names of individual artists. For instance he speaks of an 
artist called Bimbasara, during Buddhapaksa’s (a late Gupta ?) 
reign. It is of some significance, since we know that by the end of 
the Gupta period the unified style of the high classical art of the 
Gupta era was giving way to local variations, one of which the 
late R. D. Banerjee termed as the Eastern School of Gupta art. 

Taranatha mentions another sculptor called Srigadhari 
in the region of Maru, that is either Rajasthan or Gujarat. 
Till about the end of nineteenth century there had never been 
any art object in India which bore the impression of a purely 
individual style (with the possible exception of some paintings 
of a few masters like Mansur). So Srigadhari, was either a 



pioneer or an acknowledged master of a stylistic trend, which 
itself possibly evolved out of some older stylistic trend 
through certain innovations made by certain individual artist. 

Of greater significance are the names of Dhiman and 
Bitpalo, the two artists, who flourished in Varendra during 
the reign of Devapala and Dharmapala, who were, by impli- 
cation, the innovators of the Pala idiom of sculpture and 
painting. But from the known examples of the Pala period, 
sculptures and tempera paintings on wooden manuscript covers, 
it is very difficult to notice any difference between the father’s 
and the son’s stylistic structures. Taranatha even mentions 
their engraving (!) . 

Taranatha has perhaps rightly pointed out an affinity 
between Nepalese and western Indian art, even if one disagrees 
with his main contention about the decisive influence of the 
latter over the former. In absence of detailed information about 
the time and the sort of stylistic change Plasuraja brought 
about in Kashmiri art, it is not possible to vouch for the veracity 
of Taranatha’s statement about him. 

Despite the various shortcomings of Taranatha’s history, — 
largely motivated by his sectarian zeal — Taranatha has done one 
singular service to the historiography of Indian art. Taranatha in 
this little chapter has concentrated his attention on high arts, 
which according to Stella Kramrisch’s characterization are ‘time- 
bound’ arts, as against the folkish or ‘time-less’ art forms. 
These high arts, were essentially urban in origin and depended 
on the patronage of courts, reflecting the fashions and attitudes 
of the ages in which these were created. And as such, individual 
innovators and improvisers had great roles in the shaping 
and enrichment of these systems. Though each of these 
systems had to work within the framework of iconographic 
canons and certain other a priori canons of beauty etc., as also 
within the conventions set up by the individual systems them- 
selves. Yet, within the systems individul artists could improvise 
and innovate unlike that in folkish modes. But unfortunately 
few texts have recorded the names of these innovators and 



[ In 1869 was published from St. Petersburg a German 
translation of Vasil’ev’s Introduction to Taranatha’s History 
of Buddhism in India by A. Schiefner along with Schiefner’s 
Foreword to it. In this Appendix is given Schiefner’s 
Foreword first and then Vasil’ev’s Introduction. The 
German Foreword is translated by Prof. Haridas Sinharay 
and Vasil’ev’s Introduction is translated from the Russian 
original by Sri Harish Chandra Gupta. ] 




To the Introduction of the Russian Translation of Taranatha’s 
History of Buddhism in India by Professor Wassiljew (Vasil’ ev) 


Translated from the German by Professor Haridas Sinharay 

During my journey through Berlin in June 1860, I presented 
a copy of the recently published German translation of Professor 
Wassiljew’s Buddhismus Part I to Carl Friedrich Koeppen, who 
was already famous for his profound work on the religion of 
the Buddha. I received from him a highly original and compli- 
mentary letter, in which he expressed himself as follows : 

‘Please accept at least my thanks for your present 
which I hardly deserve and the seed of which falls 
upon a barren soil, inasmuch as for a full year I 
have completely given up my investigations into the 
Buddha and His Holiness and have given over my 
few Buddhist books to the dealers in antiquities. 

In spite of this and in spite of my reluctance, an old 
passion has swayed me to devour the work of 
Wassiljew. This has convinced me that I have so 
long written as a blind man does on colours and in 
this I am thoroughly convinced. I shall regard it as 
my last duty towards the Buddha and His Holiness 
to acknowledge this conviction openly, i.e. to 
prove to the best of my ability the profound 
significance of this work and the advancement 
in Buddhistic research which it shows in any 
of the critical journals like the Brockhausschen 
Blaettern, should my publisher take the trouble.’ 




I am not aware if this project has taken shape. However, 
I hold it as my duty to reiterate the judgement of this profound 
scholar who mentions in the letter his own work as a theory 
of the blind on colours. I had an opportunity to publish a 
few words on the work of Professor Wassiljew published by 
the Academy, and in this to mention my relation to his work. 
To begin with, I have, on January 7, 1854, reported in brief in 
the Bulletin Hist. Phil. (Vol xi.p.380) on the works on 
Buddhism discovered by Professor Wassiljew during his stay 
for ten years in Peking. I have already expressed my wish 
there that he should not delay any more the publication of 
Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India written in the Tibetan 
language, along with his annotations and explanations worked 
out from Tibetan and Chinese sources. In the same month, 
I placed before the Academy a German translation of his highly 
learned article on the works relating to Buddhism in the 
University Library of Kazan ( Bulletin Hist. Phil. Vol xi, 
pp.337-365). In my report on the above-mentioned work on 
Buddhism that I submitted on April 4, 1856 ( Bulletin Hist. Phil 
Vol xiii, pp. 348-352), I have clearly stated how the leading 
western scholars on ancient India — Lassen, Roth and Weber— 
could expect a widening of our knowledge of Buddhism from 
the scholarship of Wassiljew, and how the published work 
justified this expectation to a high degree. That is the reason 
why I immediately thought of bringing out an edition of this 
work in the French or the German language. After I had 
supervised and brought to an end'the printing of the Russian 
edition in 1857 of this work, I prepared a literal French 
translation of it. However, this could not be published because 
of comments against its French style. Thus I held it all the 
more as my duty to persuade a noteworthy expert in ancient 
India to translate this work into German. The printing of this 
translation appeared in 1860 and has been supervised by me. 
In certain passages where a greater exactness was desired, 
I have to acknowledge entirely the services of Wassiljew. 

As a continuation of this work. Professor Wassiljew placed 
before the Academy on April 19, 1866, his Russian translation 



of the History of Buddhism in India written by the Tibetan 
scholar Taranatha at the beginning of the seventeenth century. 
This circumstance gave me the chance to publish the Tibetan 
original, the expenses for it being borne by the Academy. For 
editing this text I have collated four manuscripts. Two of 
these belong to our University Library, one — which is very 
corrupt — to the Asiatic Museum of the Academy of Sciences 
and the fourth to Professor Wassiljew. As I have clearly noted 
in the Latin Foreword to this edition of the text published in 
1868, the Russian translation of Professor Wassiljew has 
served me substantially in the restoration of the correct reading 
of some of the corrupt passages. 

With the editing of the Tibetan text, I simultaneously 
undertook a translation of the work in German. And as I had 
a Russian translation before me, I hope I have thereby 
profited by his knowledge. The printing of this translation 
I began simultaneously with the printing of the Russian trans- 
lation, and could continue it uninterrupted till May 1868. 
I had, however, to wait for a full year for the publication as 
Professor Wassiljew had been hindered by other works to 
devote his energy to the printing of the Russian translation. 
Due to this delay, the world of learning has gained, inasmuch 
as it was possible for me to incorporate into my German 
translation as a supplement a major portion of the notes taken 
from the rich treasure of his studies in the Tibetan and Chinese 
literature on Buddhism, which Professor Wassiljew added 
during the printing of his translation. 

I want to be fully clear about this in the present Foreword 
to his Introduction. If I have made this Foreword shorter than 
had .been my original purpose and have taken a few notes on 
the life of Taranatha from the Introduction of Professor 
Wassiljew’s Russian translation, it is partly explained by the 
circumstance that I planned to publish my German translation 
as a commemoration of the 550th Jubilee of the Ritter und 
Domschule at Reval, on June, 19. And thus it was that the 
content of the Russian Introduction could not be given in 
detail. On the express wish of Professor Wassiljew who lays 



quite rightly a special worth on his Introduction, I hold it as 
my duty to take up the publication of the same in the form of a 
postscript in order that I may be nearer the points in which 
I have differed from him. 

A. Schiefner 

St. Petersburg, 

September 30, (October 12), 1869. 






Translated from the Russian by Sri Harish Chandra Gupta 

The learned world — better than us — will evaluate the merits 
of this work translated by me, though prima facie it is not 
going to meet the expectations that its high-sounding title 
holds : History of Buddhism in India. Taranatha’s account is 
not a faithful exposition of something unknown. As it is, it 
rather needs a tremendous amount of investigation and 
explanation. It is merely some new material which can put off 
the spark of doubts and perplexities, which, considering the 
present state of our knowledge of Buddhism, can hardly be 
extinguished altogether. We are, however, sure that the learned 
world will not refuse either to collate or to annotate and 
investigate this material, for it will be in a better position 
than ourselves. 

These remarks about the inadequacy of Taranatha 
concern, of course, the early centuries of Buddhism, about 
which we know much even from other sources. However, 
we are sure that the learned world will pay attention 
to the fact that whatever the period in which the Buddha 
might have lived — a thousand years and odd before 
Christ as the Chinese think, or two or more as the 
Tibetans think — in the whole span of this period, in all the 
Buddhist accounts — or better, legends— we find the same perso- 
nalities and the same events. And now, when we have before 
us a full survey of this History by Taranatha — for which the 
learned world would find it easier than ourselves to give a 
fairly definite or at least an approximate chronology — it turns 
out, if Taranatha is to be trusted, that this history did not 
begin so many years before our era. We are sure that the 
scholars will not ignore pur note that there hardly existed two 



Asokas, for it was not Kalasoka but Dharmasoka, the builder 

of monuments and the acknowledged patron of Buddhism, who 

lived, as generally admitted 116 years after the Buddha. We 

can hardly say anything about the assumption that by the 

well-known Piyadasi is meant Asoka and not Ajatasatru, whom 

our author calls ‘Gifted with Auspicious Vision’ (mthon-ldan- 

dge-ba : ksemadarsin)} In that case, it would be necessary to 

recollect the legend of the well-known drama of Virudhaka, the 

companion of Sandrakotta and the murderer of Artha-siddha 

(as Sakyamuni was called) and who, according to the Buddhist 


legends appears as the annihilator of all the Sakyas. Besides 
in the Chinese text on Nirvana, Ajatasatru consults Sakyamuni 
for a war with Yue-ci-s, in which, because of wrong under- 
standing of Chinese texts from the so-called Tibet minor, one 
must see a corruption of either the word for Greeks or 
Bactrians (under a general and most ancient name Yaksa ?). 
Since in Taranatha’s account, instead of two Asokas there 
appear two Kaniskas, of whom the latter has of course a better 
claim to historicity, it can be shown that the well-known kieu- 
tsieu-kio is rather not Kaniska but Asoka, who conquered all 
lands west of the Indus and built monuments there and whom 
our author does not at all link with Ajatasatru. This of course 
he would not have done for the reason that for a Buddhist it 
would be more pleasant to consider the noble king related to 
the patron of the founder of the Doctrine (probably some data 
were available for this purpose). 1 2 Then, even the appearance 
in Kusavana of Dhitika — having greater claim to contem- 
poraneity with Asoka than Upagupta — would have given some 
grounds for consideration. 

In general the scholars will elucidate better than us the 
question as to whether the Buddhist account has an 
archaeological and antiquarian aspect, besides having the 

1. Sum-pa in his History calls him simply "gifted with vision” (mthoh- 

2. Sum-pa also takes the name Tharu for that of a tribe which Asoka 
came from. 



legendary one. Tn other words, on the expiry of a long time 
after its foundation, when attempts began to be made to explain 
this foundation, did the Buddhists not encounter the Greek 
accounts of their previous connections with India ? Did they 
not come across the monuments left by the line of Piyadasi— 
the significance of which could be understood also by them as 
obscurely as by the present scholars — and did they not try to 
link their account with all these ? 3 

Similarly, we shall not undertake to decide as to what 
authenticity should be ascribed to Taranatha’s account of the 
later appearance of Panini. According to the general tone of 
Buddhism, this date would not appear to be a later one, for 
the use of the script unknown to him in the beginning could 
not have been mastered by him later than others— because the 
religion itself required it. The scholars will not, of course, 
ignore [without proper -attention] Taranatha’s legend of Asoka’s 
sending a letter to the Naga-s. They will judge better than 
ourselves whether or not one should see in this legend the 
impression which the importance of reading and writing 
(hitherto unknown to them) — which has the power to order 
the return of the seized treasures — might have created on the 
people. The scholars also, of course, know what power, in 
the mystic teaching, the letters of alphabet — their contempla- 
tive movement, their absorption inside oneself — have. It is 
left to them to decide whether this again is not due to the first 
acquaintance with reading and writing — which to the Indians, 
though unfamiliar with it, but much advanced in thought and 
civil development — must have appeared in its time, a more 
remarkable invention than wireless to the present-day crowd, 
which they credit to supernatural power. 

3. Generally speaking, Ajatasatru, Asoka and Kaniska appear before us 
in. the same light. All of them patronised (Buddhism), built monu- 
ments and monasteries. — which nevertheless judging from the initial 
asceticism of the Buddhists, could not have appeared either under the 
first or the second king. All the three took part in convening Councils 
while the same history represents them elsewhere as not having taken 
part in these events. This raises doubt even about the historicity of 
the Councils themselves (i.e. at least of the first two). 



As regards the non-Buddhist personalities included by 
Taranatha in his account, we must make one general remark. 
The author has not done so on purpose ; they had to appear 
in the legends (or biographies) of those Buddhist personalities 
with whom they had some connections. Buddhism is not at 
all alien to historiography because it found in history a means 
for its own exaltation. The general character of the peoples 
of the East, who even today believe in the personality of the 
Chinese emperors (who ^officially announce miracles taking 
place in their empires) and who believe in everything mira- 
culous, provided the Buddhists with an opportunity to convert 
history into legend— a fact that has always been of use to 
religion. There is not a single famous Lama or Hoshang now 
who dies without his biography being written or his sayings 
recorded. But this is so from the very beginning of 

Buddhism. We have legends not only about persons who 


lived in the period most close to that of Sakyamuni but also 
about those who have lived much later. Probably, in their 
time, these individual legends were far too many. Though 
our author mentions that he has drawn not upon the legends 
about individual persons but upon whole histories, it is now 
seen from the tone of his exposition that even these histories 
from which he took material were compiled from various 
individual biographies. From the language and tone, it is now 
clear that this work includes biographies written in their time 
in different schools with different beliefs and notions. It can 
also be noticed that the biography of a much later person was 
written earlier than that of another who might have lived 
earlier. Anyone— whatever his acquaintance with the 
Buddhist legends — can see this from the tone and subject- 
matter of the legend and its language. The question as to how 
these should be identified in a history compiled by one person 
is very simple : the Eastern writers never try to pass on any- 
thing read by them in their own words ; the earliest text, as 
originally written, is reproduced in toto from one work to 

By this, we do not at all mean to say that the legends given 



by Taranatha have reached us without any interpolation. On 
the contrary, these must be seen from various angles. We 
should not forget that our history is written in Tibet, which 
imported Buddhism in its stage of latest development, i.e. 
mysticism called Tantras. That is why not only the Mahayana 
but also Hinayana personalities are here mostly Tantrikas. This 
does not prevent one from seeing various strata of legends on 
the earliest soil of the ancient texts. Thus, Asvaghosa, a prota- 
gonist of Hinayana, is converted first into a Mahayanist and 
then into a Tantrika. We may nevertheless remark that by 
Tantrika legends we do not mean the miraculous as such ; 
miraculous stories appear no less in Hinayana. 

Another legendary aspect lies in the tendency to carry every- 
thing to antiquity ; the facts of a later period are attributed to 
a remote period. For example, the author begins the history 
of mysticism from a period almost contemporary to Nagarjuna. 
The actual appearance of personalities, who have published 
some work on mysticism, is almost always- preceded by a refer- 
ence to a person who was supposed to be acquainted with this 
work. But this too is typical not of mysticism alone. The 
whole Buddhist literature, for instance, was so compiled. The 
mystics, passing their Tantras for something preached by the 
Buddha, at least do not conceal the fact of their later appear- 
ance in the world. We can even determine, approximately 
though, the very period of their appearance, if we can follow the 
method of fabricating their legends. However, about the 
Mahayana works, we only know that Nagarjuna brought to 
light the Prajna-paramita, though it is not known in which 

The author also mentions the time of the appearance of the 
Asta-sahasrika-prajna-paramita. By comparing the Mahayana 
literature in Chinese and Tibetan, we can also infer that 
Maitreya’s works did n<?t appear at the same time. Nevertheless, 
the Mahayana literature that have come down to us in 
Chinese and Tibetan translations are enormous ; when did 




all these works appear ? The only thing that can be asserted by 
us is that according to the data available to us — and as per 
remarks just made by us on Taranatha — the fabrication of 
Mahayana works attributed to the Buddha continued until 
Mahayana itself was overcome by mysticism. Besides many 
canonical Mahayana works were written when several commen- 
taries had already been produced on each of the other works 
that had appeared earlier. The same can be said of the Hinayana 
works ; their redactions changed continually. Thus the Tibetan 
Vinaya is not what the Vinayas of all the four schools known 
in Chinese translation are. 

Not to speak of the Abhidharmas, even the Sutras were 
subjected to change. We have indications that 800 years after 
the death of the Buddha there v/as a collection of works of the 
Sammitiya school. Probably the other schools also did not 
lag behind. 

Our main concern, however, is the question of the 
literature. With the classics before us, there is a possibility 
of following and analysing critically the sequence in which the 
works appeared and even the reasons for their appearance. All 
this would not obstruct the understanding of Taranatha, more 
so because his History is full of the names of works attributed 
to the Buddha as well as with works of other individuals. 
But this has to be left to the work of future scholars. 

While reading Taranatha, we must be aware also of the 
same tendency to carry back to antiquity even the names of 
places and persons. 

The main historical merit of Taranatha’s work indis- 
putably is that this work acquaints the learned world for the 
first time with personalities totally unknown till now and with 
those from a period which can unmistakably be called 
“historical”. If this period cannot be so considered from 
the time of Nagarjuna, it can in any case begin from the time 
of Arya Asanga. The span of time covered by this period 
till that of the total extinction of Buddhism from the 
Madhya-desa should be assumed to be more than a thousand 
years. Till now we know practically nothing about this period, 



particularly about all that had happened after the visit of the 
famous Yuan-chuang who also alludes to various personalities. 

The learned world would, we think, compare the sugges- 
tions of Yuan-chuang with Taranatha’s account, establish 
identity between persons mentioned perhaps under different 
names by both the authors, and thus facilitate the study of this 
period. We know for the first time only from Taranatha 
about the sequence in which the most notable ones accepted 
Buddhism, the names of their patrons and enemies and the 
trends of their theological activities. It is not for us to 
suggest to the learned world that if the Siddha-s represented by 
our author as enwrapped in legends— that appear ridiculous to 
us — be unmasked, they will turn out to be workers, writers, 
etc, though traversing a totally new path purified from the one 
followed earlier by the other leading Buddhists. We speak 
of mysticism in its full and extraordinary development as the so 
called principles of meditation. 

The information communicated by Taranatha on this period 
has all the appearance of authenticity. He knows the scholarly 
method of ascertaining the relative period of a particular 
person from his works and from the references to him by 
others. Probably in this case the account used by him had, 
as their sources, individual biographies. We do not know 
what the learned world will surmise from these legends for a 
history of India of that period, but it will nevertheless make 
use of Taranatha’s account. Perhaps Taranatha’s last chapter 
alone — that on the artists — will be regarded as a great contri- 
bution redeeming all other shortcomings of his History. 

As regards the period preceding Arya Asanga, one must 
treat it with a greater caution. If from the account of the later 
period we note for instance how the legends about Arya 
Asanga, Vasubandhu or Gunaprabha as given by Taranatha 
differ from those given by Yuan-chuang, and how the ones 
given by the latter vary from those in the still earlier sources, — 
what then should we surmise about the legends pertaining to a 
more remote period ? 

If our comment that Nalanda which later became so famous 



had been an insignificant place at the time of Fa-hien is justi- 
fied, what should one think of the anecdotes which Taranatha 
links with this place alone ? And these fancies of Taranatha 
automatically lead one to think whether similar accounts of 
other places and personalities should not be looked upon with 
the same distrust. We see for example that Nalanda claims 
all the celebrities of Buddhism. Even Vasubandhu, Arya 
Asanga and Nagarjuna had to live there. This is fully refuted 
by the other documents. We clearly see from this work of 
Taranatha that the monasteries tried to link their legends with 
well-known personalities. That is why the biographies of the 
latter take them from one place to another. And Taranatha 
repeatedly refers to the founding and restoration of religious 
centres. If so, how can one avoid doubting that Sariputra 

and Maudgalyayana, in whose birthplace Nalanda was built, 


were direct disciples of Sakyamuni ? More so, because the 
well-known Abhidharmas are attributed to them. This further 
leads one to assume that they could have been born in the 
north-western India, the home of the Abhidharmas. This fact 
alone leads to many historical absurdities. The names of these 
teachers are closely linked with the works attributed to the 
Buddha. In almost each of these— even including the 
Hinayana works — one of them is either putting questions to 
the Buddha or teaching in his stead. This means that we must 
look from a different angle at the redaction of these very works. 
The dogma founded in these is concerned with a local problem 
— so much so that what the work frequently has in view is 
not the dogma but the place and the person concerned. Again, 
the very facts about the place where the Buddha attained 
enlightenment, — the famous Vajrasana, — the time of the build- 
ing of the Mahabodhi image, the place of the abode of Kapila 
(which the well-known great Tibetan scholar places at some point 

further to the west) are doubtful. If in investigating the possible 


origin of the legends about Sariputra and Maudgalyayana, by 
examining all the places and chronological points, we come to the 
conviction — or at least to the assumption — that these teachers, 
who had actually livfed much later, had to be dated by the 



followers to the earliest possible period, we surmise that Buddh- 
ism moved not from east to west but in the reverse direction. 

In any case, when as a result of the spread of the written 
language (for which Taranatha mentions the approximate period 
too), Buddhism took to recording its history, it had already 
digressed from its original character. Having spread over a 
vast area, it continued in many places in the form of monastic 
life, which presupposed statutes and legends. This resulted in 
diversity and discord, though not in the form in which it is 
represented by the Buddhists. This would rather give some 
grounds for agreement and reconciliation which was expressed 
in the basic similarity of the directions of the Vinaya as well as 
in the tradition of the original teachings of the Buddha and in 
its subsequent fate. We think that we cannot look on ancient 
Buddhism except through the prism of the so-called Third 
Council — historically the first in our opinion — and again one 
held in the west ! 

And so Taranatha’s History is not a history as such but 
only a document which calls for further research into history 
and provides for this some remarkable and rare facts. Besides, 
this History becomes all the more valuable as it gives the hope 
of discovering still more ancient histories. We already know 
from Yuan-chuang that neither historiography nor a description 
of the country was unknown to the Indians. Taranatha 
positively refers to three hitherto unknown historical works 
compiled veritably in India. There is no doubt that these will 
be searched out. If the author had them at his disposal at the 
beginning of the 17th century, they could not have become 
extinct thereafter. These are to be searched for not only in 
Tibet but also in Nepal. It is a pity that our scholars have 
not so far known what to look for, or the scholars going there 
were not learned enough. 

It will not be out of place to mention that the rare honour 
of acquainting the academic world with Taranatha fell to our 
lot almost unexpectedly. At a time when we had just taken up 
the study of Oriental languages at Kazan, one Lama Nikituyev 



— who had come in 1835 from Transbaikal — was the first person 
to inform our most respected and well-known Professor, O. M. 
Kovalevsky, of the existence of this history. The manuscript 
itself was soon procured from the Kalmuk steppes. As 
Professor Kovalevsky was not good at Tibetan, Lama Nikit- 
tuyev (with whom we used to live for our practice in Mongo- 
lian language) translated, right before us, the entire work of 
Taranatha into Mongolian language for our honourable profes- 
sor. We were absolutely sure that the honour of acquainting 
the academic world with this work would sooner or later go to 
this professor of ours. The idea of superceding him did not 
even occur to us, not only because we were aware of the gap 
between his and our capabilities, but also because it would have 
been extremely indelicate and too ungracious of us to go ahead 
of a scholar who was going to honour us by taking the lead. 
Another factor that weighed with us was that in Mongolian 
language we possessed then few— or almost none — monumental 
works that it would have been sinful to snatch away this 
material from the hands of our professor. 

Therefore, on arrival in Peking in 1840, when we easily 
procured a Tibetan copy of Taranatha (and showed it to father 
Avvakum, who brought the copy for the Asiatic Department), 4 
we did not at all think of making a complete translation of this 
whole work. We made only some brief excerpts for personal 
use, — which we tried to supplement in the course of our subse- 
quent studies, though only for a knowledge of the subject and 
not for publication. It was only in the last year of our stay in 
Peking,— when we had already compiled a lexicon of the 
Dogma, the Mahavyut patti, made translations of (the treatise 
on the) various sects, surveyed the Buddhist literature and sys- 
tem, — that we realised that all these works together with the 
translation of Yuan-chuang made by us in 1842 were not 

4. This is what paying attention is ! One may pass by rare works and 
not know their worth ! Professor Kovalevsky had also been in Peking. 
Because of his acquaintance with Minjnl Khukutu (whom we did not 
find alive any more), it would have been easier for him to procure all 
sorts of histories, had he only known their Tibetan titles. 



by themselves adequate (for our purpose) without the history 
of Taranatha. It was then that we started making a complete 
translation of Taranatha, though without the slightest idea of 
getting it published. This is also seen from the first part of 
our Buddhism— though, from a different aspect — where, with a 
long list of the contents of Taranatha’s work, we seem to have 
asked of the learned world the question : “Does this work 
deserve to be translated in full ?” 

Although at the time of our stay for ten years in Peking, we 
made a comprehensive study of Buddhism from the Chinese and 
Tibetan sources, and prepared many works,— which we hoped 
to finalise on our return to Russia with the help of European 
sources and European scholars, — we, on our return, got an 
absolutely different assignment which diverted us from 
Buddhism. Besides,' our colleagues were so little interested in 
this subject that when, because of the truly learned participation 
of Mr. Schiefner, the first volume of our work on Buddhism 
was published, the criticism in Russia was considerably 
colder than in the foreign press. Only when our Buddhism was 
translated into French (though not without mistakes, as in the 
German translation) and we saw that even after a decade of its 
publication, our work was often arousing the interest of 
scholars, who nonetheless continued to refer to it and draw 
materials from it, did we think of our previous works lying in 
abeyance. In particular, when there started appearing referen- 
ces even to Taranatha from whom we had only quoted some 
short extracts, it naturally occurred to us that it would be better 
to publish the whole of Taranatha’s work. These were the 
ideas expressed by us in our well-known letter to Schiefner — 
printed in St. Petersburg News (No. 141 of May, 26 1866). 

There was now hardly any hope of Professor Kovalevsky 
publishing his translation from the Mongolian. It was almost 
fifteen years he had left the faculty. Besides, when we 
now took up this work, we realised what it meant to publish 
Taranatha in a manner worthy of the learned world and that 
our learned professor (Kovalevsky) did not wish to risk his 
reputation by publishing it in the form in which we are doing. 



True, a scholarly • treatment of the history of Buddhism 
demanded not only a good study of all that had been written 
in Europe but a much more profound study of all the Buddhist 
works. We fully admit that we do not fulfil these prere- 
quisites and are no more than mere translators. We cannot 
even vouchsafe that our translation is throughout faultless. 
The few translations from the Tibetan that have so far 
appeared in Europe are largely those of the Buddhist Sutras — 
which are not so difficult in language and the translations of 
which could be checked either with their Sanskrit originals 
or with other translations available in the Chinese and 
Mongolian languages. Any one studying the Tibetan text of 
Taranatha published by Mr. Schiefner will well understand 
that the language here is considerably different, for the 
understanding of which there exists an entirely different 
grammar totally unknown to Europe and for which the lexicons 
published so far are inadequate. Above all, nothing can be 
done if one does not really know what is discussed and what 
is not discussed by Taranatha ! 

Besides, we must confess that we did not make the resump- 
tion of the study of Buddhism or the continuation of the 
work started a prerequisite for our wish to publish Taranatha. 
This would have diverted us from our immediate respon- 
sibilities and would have opened the perspectives of 
a never-ending labour which, with our present resources, 
was hardly possible. Hence we are setting some limits and 
wish to publish only what has already been done. We will 
consider it a great honour for ourselves and be fully satisfied 
if we are able to publish all our materials relating to Buddhism 
even in the form in which it is at present available to us. 
Now, with the return of Mr. Minaev, who has in Europe 
made a study of Buddhism from Pali sources, one can hope 
for the better. But at present nothing can be said of the 
future. As regards the present work, we must admit frankly 
and unreservedly that this publication would never have been 
possible without the participation of Academician Schiefner. 
The very restoration of Sanskrit proper names would have 



been impossible for us without him. Besides, the translation 
made by us was written in free hand and at a time when we 
had no Tibetan teacher to help us. Some unavoidable slips, 
therefore, crept in. Besides there are lacunae where the text 
could not be clearly read or the literal translation seemed 

Mr. Schiefner was the first to set upon the task of publishing 
the Tibetan text by collating the few manuscripts available in 
St. Petersburg. And if we can say without vanity, — and 
Mr. Schiefner will agree (let us hope) — that in many places, 
our Russian translation served him as an important handbook 
for publishing the text as well as his translation into 
German, we must also say — not out of sheer false courtesy — 
that we have been checking our own translation with the text 
published by Mr. Schiefner and with his translation printed 
before ours. Else, our mistakes would have been too many. 
If at certain places, our translation varies from the German 
translation, we have retained our version largely for future 
research and consideration of the learned scholars. In our 
translation, we did not stick everywhere to literal accuracy. 
To express the ideas of the author more clearly, we have made 
some additions in parentheses. We must also, therefore, remark 
that Mr. Schiefner’s translation is marked by greater accuracy. 
Whatever the case may be, we nonetheless must mention to 
our readers — and the whole European academic world will, of 
course, agree — that taking into consideration the present 
knowledge and resources of the European scholars, Taranatha’s 
work could be translated at present in our St. Petersburg alone. 

We are not after fame and popularity and would, therefore, 
have easily refused to get our translation of Taranatha publi- 
shed in the Russian language. Schiefner’s German translation 
rendered it only an extra luxury. But we had regard not only 
for the Russian sentiment, which wanted that everything 
published in Russia and with Russian money should be in 
Russian, but also for the fact that Taranatha’s translation would 




be a tremendous manual for our missionaries to whom this 
book could give the best idea of the weak side of the Buddhists, 
of all their absurdities, of all the distortions made by them in 
their own religion and of all trash passed on by them as sacred. 
Of no little use will be the legends quoted in this work to the 
research scholars on folk-literature in general. 

With Schiefner’s German translation before us— -as we have 
already mentioned — we have added Schiefner’s notes to our 
translation. Whatever we have added on our own behalf has 
been done only to make -‘the sense of the translation more 
intelligible. Nevertheless, in many places, particularly in the 
account of mystic subjects, the translation still remains obscure. 
In fact, we intended to give a detailed exposition of the whole 
Tantric system because of the newness of the subject in a 
special article which would have also served as a commentary. 

Besides, we also wanted to take this opportunity of putting, 
in form of appendices, the surveys compiled by us earlier of 
the Vinaya, Hinayana, Yogacara and Madhyamika literature 
—though only in the form in which these were available 
to us. We also found an old translation of Bhavya on the 
Hinayana schools. To all these, we are sure, the learned world 
would have given the same indulgence as given earlier to the 
appendices in the first volume of our Buddhism . But since all 
these additions would have occupied a considerable space besides 
holding up the very printing of even the German translation of 
Taranatha’s work— which Mr. Schiefner, with his characteris- 
tic sense of modesty, has already held up for a whole year, — we 
propose to bring these out in the form of a separate monograph. 

We must, however, now voice our reservations on some charac- 
teristics of the language of translation. First of all, it must be 
mentioned that the Tibetans often translate into their langu- 
age not only the dogmatic terms but also the proper names of 
persons and . places. It is only rarely that the real Indian 
names are also given (in their Indian form). This had to be 
one big hurdle in the work of the translation. The best thing 
would have been to translate these proper names also into 



Russian : if any scholar happens to come across any name in 
Sanskrit original, he could, from our translation, guess to whom 
the reference was. But there lies the rub : the proper names 
cannot always be translated with accuracy, particularly into our 

Nevertheless, we have, before us, many Sanskrit words in 
Tibetan translation. It may be remarked that the Tibetans 
always translate the same term by certain fixed words. One 
can, therefore, reconstruct the original Indian name more 
or less accurately. However, it is possible to depend upon 
the experience and skill of Mr. Schiefner who undertook this 
important task. It is our duty to mention this so that the 
scholars are not faced with any difficulty. As for us, we 
have tried always to append the original Tibetan words in case 
of the proper names. 

Some scholars will perhaps deem inappropriate the use by 
us of certain words borrowed from the language of our 
orthodox religion : for instance, dukhovnye [for samgha- s], 
posvyashchenie [consecration], blagoslovenie [blessing] etc. But 
when a scholar comes across, in the language of another — 
even heathen — religion, synonymous words, he cannot escape 
the duty to convey the meaning and the spirit of the author 
accurately. A scholarly translation is not meant to attract 
the layman. 

Certain Russian words have been used by us in an abso- 
lutely new sense. For example, we are always writing : tri 
sosuda [lit. three caskets] in the sense of the three types of 
Buddhist works. Some scholars do not translate, this term 
and use the original Sanskrit word tripitaka. The Tibetans 
and the Chinese, however, always translate it into their 
language ; the Sanskrit word would have hardly been under- 
stood in Russian. It properly means : three “chests”, 
“baskets”, “reservoirs”, etc., for it is seen that each type of 
works, in its time, comprised a “special treasure”. It appeared 
odd to us to translate this term into Russian by the words 
tri koroba or tri korziny, for these words do not express the 
reverence that the Buddhists have for their term. 



Another word often used by us is sovershenie , sovershaf 
in the sense of attaining a certain supernatural power or calling 
[propitiating] a certain spirit or deity. Our verb vyzvaf 
[lit. to call], we think does not fully express the sense of the 
Buddhist word. This word does not indicate that “calling” 
or “attaining” is the consequence of a certain procedure 
subjected to certain conditions, customs, even continued 
efforts of spirit and body. This, it appeared to us, is rather 
expressed by the verb sovershaf. The Tibetans and the Chinese 
convey this sense by using the equivalent words : siddhi, 
sadhana, etc. As regards the usual oddities of the language 
of translation, we feel that these are unavoidable in a tran- 
slation from the language of subjects which are not very 
much in vogue in the world of scholarship. In his preliminary 
draft translation, the translator first sees not to the purity of 
the syllable but to the accuracy of translation. He tries not 
to say anything more or less than what is intended by 
the author. But later, on examining his translation, he is 
afraid of making any corrections so that he may not damage 
the sense for the sake of clarity. In our translation, many 
scholars will of course find many places vague, incomplete 
and indistinct. But this was not always due to the lack of 
knowledge of the language. On the contrary, this demanded 
greater skill because often the authors also express themselves 
vaguely. In the oriental languages in particular the native 
writers are not well acquainted with our etymological and 
syntactical structure. 

Now a few words on Taranatha himself. This name is not 
very well known among the Lamas. It is known to us more from 
the time of Urgin rJe-btsun Dam-pa Khutuktu, the incarnation 
of Taranatha. Despite this, however, we have very scanty data 
on the first of all these Khutuktu-s. As we shall see, Taranatha 
gives the number of years that had passed since his birth when 
he wrote his work. This year, the Earth-Monkey year, — 
according to Sum-pa-mkhan-po’s “Chronological Table” 
(available in his “History of Buddhism”), — corresponds to 



A.D. 1608. The year of birth, the Wood-Pig year, corresponds 
to A.D. 1575. From these very tables, we know that the 
personal name of Taranatha was Kun-dga’-snin-po. Properly 
speaking, this is all that we know of Taranatha. We do not 
know whether there is any separate biography of his. However, 
it is true that there exists a biography of rJe-btsun Dam-pa, 
which certainly must be containing an account of Taranatha. 
But in spite of all our efforts, we could not procure it. 

Why Taranatha is little known among the Lamas of the 
present day can be explained by the antagonism of the domi- 
nant Yellow-cap (dge-lugs-pa) sect of dga’-ldan [monastery] of 
Tibet and Mongolia — founded by Tson-kha-pa — towards all 
other schools or sects formed in Tibet. Taranatha belonged 
to one such school called Jo-nan, from the place Jo-mo-nan. 
This school had built up a monastery, which gave asylum to 
one Dolvupa (? grol-grub-pa) who had quit the Sa-skya-pa 
followers and developed, in his work Ri-chos-nes-don-rgya- 
mtsho, the fundamental teaching of this school about special 
emptiness (gshan-ston). Although Tson-kha-pa himself heard 
the Kalacakra and the Paramitas from one of the pupils of 
this Dolvupa and a pupil of this pupil, the theory of special 
emptiness was refuted by all the Yellow-cap scholars. After 
Tson-kha-pa, however, the Jo-nan follower Kun-dga’-grol- 
mchog and particularly his incarnation (skye-ba) Taranatha — 
according to the history of Tibetan schools — spread the teaching 
of this school. The monastery rTag-brtan-phun-tshogs-glin 
was founded, images were installed, blocks were prepared for 
the printing of most of Jo-nan books, Under the patronage of 
Rin-spuns of Kar-ma-bstan-skyon-dban-po, the strength of this 
school doubled. But when the power of Rin-spuns declined,— 
it is said, — that after the death of Taranatha, the Fifth Dalai 
Lama converted the Jo-nan monasteries into Yellow-cap ones 
and sealed the blocks. As a result, of the works of Jo-nan 
teaching, only two works of Taranath^ — the Siddhanta and 
History of Buddhism— arc now known. 

To this small piece of information of Taranatha himself, we 
can add a little more from the same history of thr school. “In 



Khal-kha 5 , the king (Khan ?) Usutai, after seeing the third Dalai 
Lama, founded the monastery of Erdeni-Jobo. The son of his 
grandson Tushiet-khan was an incarnation of Taranatha — 
rJe-btsun Dam-pa blo-bzan-bstan-pa’i-rgyal-mtshan, the jewel of 
Khal-kha, who had earned great honours from the Manchurian 
Emperor (Kang-hi). He founded the monastery Ri-bo-dge- 
rgyas-glin and the number of his incarnations has not come to 
an end now.” It is known that the incarnations of Urgin 
khutuktu-s must be looked for in Tibet, the home of Taranatha. 

April 4, 1869 

V. Yasil’ev 

5. The native name of Mongolia Proper, the country of Jenghis-khan, 
lit. the sacred enclosure of Khal-kha ; the name applied to Urga in 
Northern Mongolia, where the incarnation of the Taranatha Lama 
resides. The latter is sometimes styled Khal-kha-rje-btsun-£iam-pa, 
the Venerable Holy One of Khal-kha : D 143. — Ed. note. 


BA : The Blue Annals. The Deb-ther-shon-po of ’Gos lo-tsa-ba, translated 
by G. N. Roerich 2 vols. Calcutta 1949 & 1953, 

Basham, A. L. History and Doctrine of the Ajivikas. London 1951. 

Beal, S. Buddhist Records of the Western World. London 1884. 
Bongard-Levin, G. M. & Volkhova, O. F. The Kunala Legend and an 
Unpublished Asokavadana Manuscript. Calcutta 1965, 

Bu-ston, A History of Buddhism. Translated by E. E. Obermiller. 2 parts. 
Heidelberg 1931-2. 

Chattopadhyaya, A. Atlsa and Tibet. Calcutta 1967. 

Cordier, P. Catalogue du fonds tibetain de la bibliotheque Nationale. 2 e 
partie. Index du bsTan- gyur . Paris 1909-15. 

Das, S. C. A Tibetan-English Dictionary. Reprint Calcutta 1960. 

Dutt, N, Aspects of Mahayana Buddhism and its Relation to Hinayana. 
London 1930 

— Early Monastic Buddhism. Calcutta 1960. 

ERE : Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. 

Filliozat, J, Studies in Asokan Inscriptions. Translated by R. K Menon 
Calcutta 1967. 

Fa-hien — see Legge. 

HB : History of Bengal. Vol i, Dacca 1943. 

1A : Indian Antiquary 

IHQ : Indian Historical Quarterly. 

I-Tsing — see Takakusu. 

JAIH : Journal of Ancient Indian History. CU. 

Jaschke, H. A. A Tibetan-English Dictionary. London 1958 ed. 

JASB : Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

Keith, A. B. A History of Sanskrit Literature. Oxford 1928. 

Kushan Studies in USSR. Calcutta 1970. 

Lalou, M. Repertorie du Tanjur d'apres le catalogue de P. Cordier. 
Paris 1932. 

Legge, J. A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms. Being an account by the 
Chinese Monk Fa-hien of his travels in India and Ceylon (A, D. 
399-414) in search of Buddhist Books and Discipline. New York 
1965 ed. 

Monier-Williams, M. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford 1899. 
Mahavyutpatti. (Asiatic Society edition). 

Nanjio, B. A Catalogue of Chinese translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka, 
the sacred canon of the Buddhists in China and Japan. Oxford 1 833. 
Przyluski, J. The Legend of Emperor Asoka in Indian and Chinese Texts. 
Translated by Dilip Kumar Biswas. .Calcutta 1967. 



Ramanan K. Venkata. Nagarjuna's Philosophy as presented in the Mahd- 
prajnaparamita-sastra. Tokyo 1966. 

Roerich, G. N. Selected Works (Izbrannye Trudy), Moscow 1967, 
— see also BA. 

Rockhill, W. W. Life of Buddha. London 1907. 

Sachau, B. C. Alberuni's India. Reprint New Delhi 1964. 

SBE : Sacred Books of the East. 

Sankrityayana, R. Puratattva-nivandhaball (in Hindi). Allahabad. 

Sastri, N. S. Bahyartha-siddhi. Sikkim 1967. 

Sastri, H. P. Prdcina-bahgaldra-gaurava (in Bengali). Calcutta 1963. 
Schiefner, A. Tdrancitha's Geschiclite des Buddhismus in Indien. (Tr of 
Taranatha’s History in German). St Petersbug 1869, 

— (ed) Taranatha'i rGya-ga -chos-'byuh . (Taranatha’s Tibetan text). 

St Petersburg 1868. 

Schlagintweit, E. Buddhism in Tibet. London 1863. 

Sendai Cat : A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons, 
edited by Hakuju, Ui and others. Sendai 1934. 

Sircar, D. C. Cosmography and Geography in Early Indian Literature. 
Calcutta 1967. 

Stcherbatsky, Th. Buddhist Logic. 2 vols Leningrad 1930-32. 

— Conception of Buddhist Nirvana. Leningrad 1927. 

Takakusu, J, A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India 
and the Malay Archipelago by I-Tsing. Reprint Delhi 1966. 
2500 Years of Buddhism, ed P. V. Bapat. New Delhi 1956. 

Vasil’ev (Wassiljew), N. P. Taranatha' s History of Buddhism in India (in 
Russian translation). [ Buddizm : Ego Dogmaty, Istoriya I Literature. 
Pt III — Istoriya Buddizma v Indii, Sochinenie Daranaty.] St 
Petersburg 1869. 

Vidyabhusana, S. C. History af Indian Logic. Calcutta 1921. 

Watters, T. On Yuan Chwang's (Yuan-chuang's) Travels in India. (A. D. 
629-645 ). Reprint Delhi 1961. 

Winternitz, M. A History of Indian Literature. Vol. ii, Calcutta 1933. 


[ Taranatha’s text only ] 




Abhidharmakosa 88n, 94n, 174, 

181, 212, 227 
— bhasya-tika Tatt- 
vartha-nama 18 In 
— sastra-karika- 
bhasya 167n, 168n 
— maha-vibhasa- 
sastra 94n, 96n 

Abhidharma-pitaka 89, 190, 201 

— prakarana-pada- 
sastra 94n 
— samuccaya 160 
Abhiniskramana-sutra 19 
Abhisamaya-alamkara 159n, 160-1, 
188-9, 191 
— vrtti Pindartha 

Acintya-kramopadesa 262n 
Agama-gatha-mala 92 
Ajatasatru-kukrtya-vinodana 25n 
Akasagarbha-sutra 292 
Aksayamati-nirdesa-sutra 169, 172 
Amarakosa 225n 
Amarasimha-gltika 225n 
Amrta-kundall-agama 149n 
Apoha-siddhi 240n 

60n, 116n 

190, 208, 266n 

sutra 154n 

— avatamsaka-dharmaparyaya- 
sata-sahasrika 98 
— buddha-bhumi-vyakhyana 260n 
— catur-dharmaka-yyakhyana- 
tlka 269n, 285n 
— cunda-sadhana 257n 
— dasabhumi-sutra-nidana- 
bhasya 239n, 260n 
— dasabhumi-vyakhyana 169n 
— gayasirsa-sutra-misraka-vya- 
khya 239n, 260n 
— lankavatara-pancavimsati- 
sahasrika 98 

aya-sata-sahasrika 103 
— maitreya-sadhana 156n 
— mula-sarvastivadi-sramanera- 
karika 168n, 259n 
— mula-sarvastivadi-vinaya-karika 

— nama-samglti 316n 
— nandamitra-avadana 97n 
— pancavimsati-sahasrika-prajna- 
tika 188n 

— prajna-paramita-sarngraha- 
karika-vivarana 178n 
— ratiiakuta-dharma-paryaya-sata 
-sahasrika 98 



— ratnakuta-samaja 143, 171 
— svapna-nirdesa-nama-mahayana 
-sutra 92n 
— tara-stotra 31 In 
— vasumitra-bodhisattva-sanglti- 
sastra 94n 

Asokavadana 32n, 35n, 38n, 51 n, 
54n, 55n, 67 
Asoka-vinlta-avadana 67 
Asokena-naga-vinita-avadana 67 
Asta-bhaya-trana 197n 
Astadasa-purana 19 
Asta-mahasthana-caitya-stotra 62n 
stava 62n, 261 n 
Astanga-hrdaya 132 
Asta-sahasrika-vrhat-tika 260 
Atma-yoga-nama 262n 
Avadana-kalpalata 43n, 58n, 67, 76n 
Avalokitesvara-sadhana-sataka 207 
Avatamsaka 143, 171 

Bahubhumika-vastu 158n 
Bhagavat-sakyamuni-stotra 178n 
Bhairava-asta-vetala-sadhana 326 
Bharata (Mahabharata) 19 
Bhiksu-varsagraprccha 341 
Bhota-svami-dasa-lekha 282n 
Bodhicaryavatara : see Caryavatara 
— panjika 295n 
Bodhisattva-jataka 93n 
— samvara-vimsaka 207 
— yogacarya-catuhsataka-tika 

124n, 199, 213, 213n 
Brahmajala-sutra 93n 
Buddha-anusmrti 172 


Buddha-purana 70n, 259n, 350 
— satnayoga 103 
— udaya-nama 178n 

Caitya-avadana 67 
Cakra-samvara-udaya-tika 318 
Canakya-nlti-sara 130n 
Candra-pradipa 207 
Candra-vyakarana 84, 84n, 203 
Caryavatara 218-9, 238, 292 
Carya-samgraha-pradlpa 152 
Catuhsataka-vrtti 124 
Caturasiti-siddha-pravrtti 235n 
Citta-tattvopadesa-nama 262n 
Cullavagga 20n, 68n, 69n 
Cunda-sadhana 257n 

Dasabhumi-sutra 169, 172, 207 
Devatisaya-stotra 16n, lOOn, 101 
— — tTka 259n 

DevT-vasudhara-stotra 240n 
Dharma-dharmata-vibhanga 159n 
-sahasrika 98 
Dharma-skandha 87n 
Dhatu-kaya 88n 
Dhyanottara-patala-tlka 282 
DTpavarnsa 52n 
Divyavadana 54n, 77n, 93n 
Dohakosa-tattva-gTtika 290n 
Drstanta-malya 92n 

Ekottara-karmasataka 176n 

Gandalamkara 207 
Ghana-vyuha-dvadasa-sahasrika 98 
Guhyasamaja-Tantra 103, 104, 132, 
198n, 24In, 290 

Gunaparyanta-stotra 178n, 190 

Homa-vidhi 285n 
Hrdaya-stotra 127 



Indra-vyakarana 84, 113 
Jataka-mala 132, 135n 

Kalapa-vyakarana 113-4 
Kalpasutra 11 In 
Kalpatraya 243n 
Kalpokta-mancl-sadhana 290n 
Karma-siddha-prakarana 268n 

— siddhi-tlka 268n 
Karyatraya-stotra 126n 

— — nama-vivarana 126n 

— avatara-mukha 148n 

— vrtti 268n 
Kamsadesa-vyakarana 60n, 1 1 6n 
Karmasiddhi-prakarana 172n s 
Kaya-traya-avatara 207 
Kosalalamkara 270, 270n 
Kriya-vajravarahi 299n 
Kunala-avadana 67, 76n 
Kurukulla-sadhana 129n 
Kustha-cikitsopaya 202n 

Lalitavistara 5, 19 
Lokesvara-sataka 271n 
Lokesvara-satakarstotra 269n 
— stotra 153n 

Madhyama-agama 92n 
Madhyamaka-alamkara 260, 269, 270 

— avatara-karika-nama 199 

— catuh-satika 213 

— mu la 187, 198n, 212, 218 

— satya-dvaya 270 
Madhyanta-vibhanga 159n 
Mahabhasya 112n, 113 
Maha-mudra-tilaka 287n 
Maharaja-kaniska-lekha 135n 
Mahasamaya-sutra 171n 

Mahavibhasa 88n, 150n 
Mahavyutpatti 46n, 56n, 79n, 98n, 
259n, 285n, 291n, 
Mahayana-samgraha 160 
Manasamangala 145n, 146n 
Mangalastaka 116n 
ManjusrT-mula-tantra 6n, 9n, 60n, 
83, 97n, 104n, 126n, 
137, 154n, 336 
Mayajala Tantra 154 
Meghaduta 116 
Misraka-stotra 1 90-1 
Mrtyu-vancana-upadesa 297n 
Mulapatti 197n 

Nagananda-nama-nataka 178n 
Nama-samgTti 203, 270, 271, 327 
Nyayalamkara 108, 109 

Pancakrama 326n 
Pancamudra-sutra 172 
Pancaskandha-prakarana 172n 
Panca-virnsati-sahasrika 189n 
— — — asta-adhyaya 

189, 194-5 

siddhi-labhakhyana 316n 
Panini-vyakarana 83, 83n, 84 
-krama-varna-samgraha 284 
desa 285n 

Pisaca-pilupala-sadhana 82n 
Pitakadharamusti 92 
Pradipa-mala-sastra 207 
Pradipa-uddyotana 198n 
Pradlpoddyotana-nama-tika 326n 
Prajna-mula 108n 
Prajna-paramita-abhisamaya 189 
— astasahasrika 90, 171 



— pancavimsati-sahasrika 


— sarngraha 136 

— sata-sahasrika 105, 108, 


— sutra 156, 162, 188, 189, 


vrtti 260n 

Prajna-pradipa-tTka 260n 
Prajnapti-sastra 87n 
Prakarana-pada 88n 
Pramana-samuccaya 183, 229 
Pramanavartika 239n, 308n 

— alamkara 239n, 240n 

— alamkara-tlka-supari- 
suddha-nama 239n 

— tika 240n, 260n 

— vrtti 239n 

Pranidhana-saptati-nama-gatha 1 36n 
Prasannapada 198, 198n, 199 
Pratibandha-siddhi 240n 
Pratimoksa-svitra 80, 259n 

— paddhati 259n 

desa-tika 212n 
Pratltya-samutpada-sutra 172 
Puspamala 150n, 197, 334n 
Putra-lekha 302n 

Raghuvamsam 19 
Rakta-yamantaka-sadhana 245n 
Rakta-yamari-sadhana 245n 
Ramayana 19 

Sadahga-yoga 316n 
Saddharma-pundarTka-vrtti 26 In 
Sadhana-mala-tantra 257n 
Samaja-ratna 171 
Samantabhadra [-vyakaranaj 

140-1, 206 

Samayabhedoparacanacakra 104, 

227, 340 

Sambandha-pariksanusara 309n 
Samksipta-nama-drsti-vibhaga 31 In 
pariksa 262n 

Sanibandha-parlksanusara 240n 
varna-samgraha 284n 


Samyukta-agama 92n 
Sannipata-sahasrika 98 
Santi-krodha-vikrldita 244 
Sapta-kalpa-vrtti 243n 
nama 262n 

Sarvajna-mahesvara-stotra 16n, lOOn 
Sarva-siddhikara-nama 154n 
-yamari-nama-tantra 243n 
— tattva-samgrah^-mahayana- 
khya-tattvalokakarT-nama 286n 

— nama-mahayana-sutra 90n, 

270n, 286n 


1 48n 

— stotra 133n, 134, 191n 

/ , 

Sata-upadesa 103 

Satya-dvaya-vibhanga 270n 

Siddha-garuda-sastra 142n 

Siksa-samuccaya 217-8 2i9n, 292 

Simhanada-sadhana 202n 
/ ( * 

Sisya-lekha-tippana 209n 

— vrtti 209n, 295n 

Sitabhyudaya 227n 
Sravaka-pitaka 67, 121, 167-8, 171, 179 

f -akhyana 222n 
SrI-cakra-samvara-sadhana 230 
tantra-raja 242n 



Sri -devl-vasudhara-stotra 308n 
nama 287n 

Sri-jnana-guna-phala-nama-stuti 268n 
SrI-paramadi (-vivarana) 286 
vajra-nama-samadhi 153n 
Srl-ratna-manjarl-nama-tlka 225n 
nama 230n 


tlka 287n 

— panjika 288n 

Stotra-sata-pancasatka 148, 191 

Stuti-sata-pancasika 203 

Sunyata-saptati 108n 
Suprabhata-stotra 261 n 
Sutra-asta-adhyaya 189 
Sutralamkara 159n, 172- 
Sutra-pitaka 95 
Sutra-samuccaya 217, 219 
Suvarnamalavadana 92 
Suvarnavarna-avadana 22 
Svarna-dana-avadana 67 

Tanu-vicarana-sastra 262n 
Tara-sadhana-sataka 207 
Tarkajvala 80n 

Tathagata-hrdaya-sutra 127, 143 
Tattvasamgraha 90 
Tattvavatara-vrtti 225n 
Tat t vavatarakhya-sakala-su gata- 
prakarana 285n 
Tattvaviniscaya 161n 
Trayamisrana-mala 103 
Trikaya-stotra 126 
Tri-svabhava-nirdesa 162 
Trimsaka-karika-prakarana 172 
Tripitaka 92. 124 

Udanavarga 91n, 104, 259n 
Usnlsa-vijaya-dharanl 170, 172, 174 
Utsava-avadana 67 
Uttaratantra 159 

Vaidalya-sutra 108n 


Vairocana-mayajala-tantra 242 
Vajra-dhatu-yogavatara 282 
Vajra-gandhari-sadhana 167n 
Vajramrta-tantra-tika 288n 
Vajrasattva-sadhana 230 
Vajrasuci 132n 

Vajrayana-mulapatti-tlka 290n 
Varnanarha-varnana 133n, 134n 
Vastu-samgraha 158n 
Vayusthana-roga-parlk s a-n ama 290n 
Vayutattva-bhavanopadesa 227n 
Vedas 45, 48, 229 
Vibhangadvaya 172 
Vibhasa 86-88, 89n, 168 
Vigraha-vyavartani 108n 
Vijnana-kaya 88n 
Vimala-ratna-lekha 305n 
Vimsaka-karika-prakarana 172n 
Vinaya 26n 
Vinaya-agama 108 
Vinaya-karika 150n 
Vinaya-ksudraka-vastu 20n, 21, 32n, 
68n, 69n 

Vinaya-samgraha 259n 
Vinaya-sastra 19 
Vinaya-stotra 82n 
-vyakhya 176n 
Vinayavastu 19n 
Visesastava 16n, lOOn, 101 
— tlka 259n 
Vivarana-samgraha 158n 
Vyakarana-lingavatara 206n 



Vyakhya-yukti 172 
— tlka 212n 
Vyavahara-siddhi 108n 

Yamantakodaya 244 

-nirdesa 268n 
Yoga-pota 271 

Yoga-tantra-tattva-samgraha 270 
Yukti-sastika 108n 
— vrtti 199 


( including names of monasteries and temples ) 

Abhu [Mount Abu] 99, 333 
Agra 314 

Agrapurl, in Mathura 179 
Ajanta 132n 
Amda-giri 327 
Amrta-kumbha temple 262 
Anga 50n, 53, 70, 97 
Ahgiri (Ahga-giri) 327n 

See also Amda-giri 

Antaravedi 319 

Aparantaka 38-9, 65-6, 102, 116, 120, 
137-8, 256, 330, 351 
Arvanti (? Avanti) 249 
Arya-desa 5, 152, 245, 271, 287n, 
341, 346, 352 

Asmaparanta 76-7, 96 
Ayodhya 165, 174n, 175n, 314 

Bagala (Bagla) 39, 244 
Balaku 330 

Balanagara 224n See also Palanagara 
Balapurl 212 
Bahlika country 96n 
Bengal 259n, 284n 
Bhaga-vihara 180n 

Bhahgala (Bahgala ; Bhamgala) lOn, 
109, 121-2, 127, 144, 153n, 186, 
210, 225, 251-3, 255-8, 259n, 
268, 285-6, 294-5, 303, 314, 
319-20, 333, 348 
Bhati island 295 
Bhiruka-vana 83 
BikramasTla (?) See Vikramasila 
Bodhimanda (Vajrasana) 37 
Brag-stod-chos-kyi-pho-bran 352 

Cak-ma (cakrna ; ca-ga-ma) 330-1 
Campa 33, 50n, 51n, 154n, 330n 
Camparan 235n 
Camparana 50 
Candradvlpa 202 
Catighabo (catigon) 255 
Ceylon 18n, 29n, 295n, 296n 
Chagala 267n 

See also Rara 

China 29n, 138, 257n 
Chittagong 255 
Citavara 253, 333 
Cudamani 228 

Daksi-nagara 218n 

See also SrT Daksina 



Dandakaranya 180 
Dantapurl, Dantapurl 186 
dBus [Central Tibet] 282 
Devagiri 212, 241n 
Devlkota 214, 215 
DhanasrTdvIpa 332 
Dhanya-kataka 107, 192, 209, 345 
Dharma-ganja 141, 243 
Dharmahkura-vihara 160 
Dhumasthira 287 
Di-li (Dilli ; Delhi) 131, 314, 320 
Dramila 207n, 331-2 
DravalT 109, 232, 335 
Dravida country 207 

Gajni 149 
GandakI river 252n 
Gandhamadana 33, 34n 
Gandhara 34, 59n, 79, 97n, 167n 
Ganga 24, 34, 52, 59, 60, 145, 153n, 
202, 233, 235,294-6,314, 319 
Gangasagara 268 
Ganja kingdom 24 In 
Gauda 121, 133, 173, 175, 302 
Gaudapurl (Gaudapura) 235n 
Gaya 13 In, 302 
Girivarta 330 

Gotapuri temple (Gaudapuri ?) 235 
Guha-vihara 35n 
Gujiratha 235, 333 
Gur-pa-parvata 156 
Gurva hill 27 

Hacipura [Hajipura ?] 252 
Hala 224 
Hamsavati 330 

Ha-sa-ma (Assam) 142, 198, 330 
Hastinapura city 243 
Hastinapuri 104 

Himalaya (Himalayas) 53, 60, 76, 
265, 282 

India 5, 18, 39, 68n, 214n, 227m 
287, 290n, 299n, 319, 323, 330, 
332, 344-5, 349-50, 351-2 

See also .arya-desa 

Indus 29n 

Jagaddala-vihara (Ja-gar-da-la) 

314n, 319 

Jalandhara 91, 93, 121, 274 
Jambudvlpa 15n, 17, 60, 62, 71-2, 
124, 192-4, 202, 208, 243 
Jetavana 24, 62n 
Jlta 333 
Jo-nan 352 
Jvala-guha 188, 286 

Kaccha country 261 

See Ti-se [Kailasa] 
Kalihga 218, 237, 333, 336 
Kamaru 268 

Kamarupa 47, 133, 253, 314, 330 
Kamboja 319, 330 
Kamsadesa 60n 
Kanci' II, 126, 181, 334 
Kah-karova 241 n 
Kapilabhargu (?) 24 In 
Kapilavastu 62n, 241n 

See Kashmir 

KaravTra province 24 In 
ICarnata 288, 335 

Kashmir 29-31, 32n, 33, 46, 51n, 
62n, 65, 71, 80, 87n, 91-2, 
137, 149, 167-8, 174, 177, 
185, 197, 211, 220,235-6, 
259-61, 266-7, 269-70, 285, 
287,301-03,311, 316, 318, 
329, 332, 334n, 338, 351 



Kasi-VaranasI 82 
Kausambi 39n, 68 
Khagendra 147, 331, 333 
Khorasana 118 
Khorosan 178 
Khoten 60n 
Ko-ki 330-1, 334, 351 
Konkana 296, 325 
Koh-ku-na country 199, 333 
Kosala 270 

Kukkutarama-vihara 55n 
Kundalavana-vihara 92n 
Kusavana 73 
Kuslnagara 62n 

Kusuma-alamlcara monastery 130 
Kusumapura 6n, 85, 97, 130 
Kusumapuri 68 
Kuvana monastery 92n, 93 

Lahore 137 
Lanka 18n 

See also Ceylon 

Lankapuri 245n 
La-ta city 196 
Lhasa 352 
Li-yul 60, 62, 116 

Madhima island 272 
Madhya-des'a 33-4, 121, 137, 164, 
168, 188, 213, 217-20, 
224, 229, 257, 286, 
330, 348 

Magadha 18n, 22, 24, 25n, 27, 39, 
43n, 52, 57, 62n, 100, lOln, 
1 lOn, 1 1 In, 114-15, 121, 
133,138,165, 168, 173-5, 
180, 197, 210-11, 234, 256, 
258, 259n, 262, 285-6, 288, 
294, 296, 301, 303, 314, 
318-19, 321, 325, 327-8, 
330, 347-8, 350 

Mahodadhi 336 
Malapurl 241n 

Malava 47, 49, 68, 108, 131, 179, 
210, 249, 287, 314 
Malya-ra 186, 333, 335 
Manidvipa 272n 
Mar-ko 330 
Maru 253, 333, 348 
Mathpra 30n, 32n, 34, 35n, 45, 60n, 
81, 85n, 179, 234, 314 
Me-vS-ra 333 
Mu-pan 319, 330-1 
Murunda 35n 

See also Urumunda 
Murundaka hill 244-5 

Naga-loka 265 
Nairanjana river 62n 
Nalendra [Nalanda] 93n, 99, 101, 
106-7, 109, 111, 120, 123, 
125-7, 133-4, 136, 138, 

141, 167, 171, 175, 182, 
187, 197-8, 203, 206, 

208-9, 211, 213-5, 218, 
220-2, 232, 242, 251 , 258, 
268,271, 289, 297, 307, 
313, 320-21 , 328 
Nam-ga-ta 330-1 

Nata-bhatika vihara 30n, 34n, 35, 
37, 87 

Nepal 51, 174-5, 256, 271, 298,305, 
311, 317-9, 348 

Odantapurl 258, 262-3, 266n, 289, 
304, 306, 313, 318-9 
Oddlyana 241n 

Odi'visa 78, 90, 104, 108-9, 133, 148, 
150, 152, 173, 175, 177-8, 
182, 184-5, 226, 251, 253, 
256, 267-8, 286, 300, 314, 
319, 321, 330 
Odiyana 332 



O-jg-na 333 

Otsayana-cudamni monastery 286 
Pahkhi-tirtha 334 

Pataliputra 39n, 52, 57, 62, 64, 66, 
69n, 77, 80n, 97, 299n 

Pegu 330n 

See also Hamsavati 

Persia 244n 

Pinda (Pindaka) vihara 254 
Potala 317, 352, 382 
Potala hill 208, 247, 248, 281 
Prayaga 160n, 288, 314 
Pu-khan 319, 330, 336, 349 
Radha country 109, 267n, 

See also Ra-ra 
Rajagrha 20n, 42, 52n, 53, 61, 62n, 
167, 174 
Rakhan 330-1 
Ramesvara 336 
Ra-ra country 267, 292 
Ratnagiri 144, 333, 336 
Ratnagupta monastery 1 85 
Rsi Matanga 234 
rTag-brtan-phun-tshogs-glin 352 

Shola 352 

Sirnhala (Singala-dvipa) 72, 123-4, 
202, 207, 325, 332 

Sindhu 74 

Sira hill 34-5 

Sirsa-parvata 35n 

See also Urumunda 

Sisa 272 

Sitavana 32, 287 

Somapuri 266-7, 289 

Sonaka city 69n 

Sonargaon 122 

Sravasti 27, 62n, 79 

Sri-dhana 241n 
/ _ 

Sri Dhanya-kataka 

See Dhanya-kataka 


See Nalendra 
Sriparvata 110, 121-2, 124, 127, 215 
Sri Trikatuka 

See Trikatuka 

SukhavatT 337 
Sumeru 59, 263-4 
Suvarnadvipa 332 

Saddharma-megha-visalaganja 345 
See also Dhanya-kataka 
Sa-ga-ri (Sagar ; Saugar ?) 161, 314 
Salipura nagara 305n 
Saketa 82n, 9 In, 103, 260n 
Samatata 198 
Sambhala 245n, 289n 
Sarnkasya 69n 
Samsa 272n 

Samudragupta temple 267 

Sanava desert 24 In 

Santipun 298 

Saravati vihara 80 
Satapuspa mountain 19 In 
Satrunjaya 19 In 
Sauri 320 

Saurastra 215, 333 

Taksasila 51n, 76n, 77n, 78n, 96n, 


Tala-kohkuna 335 
Tamradvipa 332 

Thogar 46, 65, 96, 117, 149, 253, 351 
Tibet 29n, 84, 174-5, 210, 266, 269, 
271, 282n, 285, 294n, 302, 305, 
31 On, 315, 317-9, 331, 344-5, 

Tirahuti 34, 54, 133, 210, 314, 318 

Ti-se [Kailasa] 282-3 

Trikatuka monastery 266n, 267 , 289 

Trilihga 333 

Trimalaya 228 

Tripura 40, 330 

Tukharistan 46n, 65n, 96n, 176n, 253n 
Tu-lu-ra-ti 335 
Tusita 337 



Udantapuri (? Odantapuri) 290n 
Udyana 243n 

See also Urgyana 
UjjayinI 45, 49, 52n, 86 
Upara Kohkuna 335 
Urgyana 241n, 243-4, 245n, 271-2, 
283, 287, 332, 351 
Urumunda hill 34n 
Urva-si 333 
Uttara 39, 40 

Vaisall 20, 24, 25n, 62n, 68-9 
Vajracuda 344 

Vajrasana 313-4, 318, 320, 347 
Varanasi 26, 31, 41, 62n, 103, 114-5, 
138, 154, 189, 194, 210, 233, 
235-6, 282, 296, 306, 314 

Varendra 199, 244, 266, 268, 290, 348 
Vidyanagara 333, 335 
Vikramapurl 308 

Vikramasila 18, 93n, 285,289,292, 
294, 295n, 297-8, 301-2, 
304, 307-8, 311, 313-4, 
317-9, 325-6, 329 
Vindhya 53,60,87,211 
Vindhyacala 232, 234, 333, 335 
Vistaravati 96n, 149n 
Vrksapuri 292 

Yamuna 314, 319 
Yavadvipa 332 


Abhayakaragupta 313-6, 319, 329-30 

Abhijna Vajrasana guru 230n 

Acala 292, 294 

Adarpa 16, 47 

Agnidatta 8, 85 

Aja 26 

Ajatasatru 6n, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 
54n, 61 

Ajita bhiksu 69n, 205 
Ajita jina 277 
Ajita mitragupta 316n 
Ajitanatha 156,159,211-2 
Ajitakrsna 123n 
Akasa 213 
Akasagarbha 213 
Aksacandra 7, 117, 120 

See Prajnakaragupta 

Alapalu 29n 
Al-beruni 11 In, 138n 
Altekar, A.S. 320n 
Amarasimha 225, 227 

Amitavajra acarya 305 
Amoghapasa 193 
Amoghavajra 305 
Amrapala 8,310,312 
Amrtaguhya 288 

Ananda 21-5, 26n, 30, 32n, 33, 68n, 

74n, 75 

Anandagarbha 284-6 

See Goraksa 
Anesaki, M. 130n, 13 In, 132n, 133n 
Antivahana 9n 
Anupa 50n 

Anupamasagara acarya 307 
Anuruddha See Radhagupta 

Apalala 29n 
Ardho 119 
Arhat acarya 154 

Aryadeva 123-9, 136, 151,186,188, 


Arya-sura 132, 135n 
Asana-simha-kosa 72 



Asanga 177, 197, 204-5, 225, 254, 

269, 302 

Asanga brothers 106, 149-75, 185-6 
Asoka 6, 39n, 49-53, 54n, 55n, 57n, 
58n, 59, 61, 62n, 66-70, 75-7, 
78n, 91n, 135, 330 
Asoka (Asokasri). acarya 201 
A-svabhava 252-4 

Asvaghosa 117n, 1 3 1 n , 132, 135n, 
136n, 139n, 148, 190n, 

Asvagupta 13, 97 

Atisa (Jo-bo-rje ; Dlipamkara Sr7- 
jnana) 157n, 197n, 213n, 

289n, 302, 304-5, 310, 317n, 

AtTtavahana 331 
Audusta 29 

Avadhuti-pa (Paindapatika) 214n, 

Avadhuti-pa bhiksu 298 
Avalokitavrata (? Avalokitesvara- 

vrata) 260 

Avalokitesvara 83, 98, 112, 131, 137, 
154-5, 201-2, 205, 

209,223, 246-7,253, 
281, 300, 302, 307, 

Avantaka 14 
Avitarka 98, 102 
Ayogi-pa See Yoga-pa 

Bahubhuja 13 
Bai-kham-pa 118 
Balacandra 7, 210 
Balamitra 12, 336 
Bala-pandita (?) 55n 
Balabhadra 333 
Balasundara 331 
Balavahana 331 

Ban-de-ro alias Khuni-ma-mpta 137 

Basham, A.L. 20n 
Basunaga 164 
Behula 145n, 146n 
Bhadaghati (Bhataghati) 69 
Bhadra 16, 80-2, 85, 94 
Bhadrananda 12 
Bhadrapalita 17, 184-5 
Bhago 287-8 

Bhamsacandra (? Vamsacandra) 7, 

120, 122 

Bhanta (? Bhata) 34 
Bharadvaja 23 
Bharthari (? Bhartrhari) 249 
Bharsa (Bharsi ; Varsa ?) 10, 196, 

Bhatta Acarya 226 
Bhavabhadra 18, 326 
Bhavaviveka (Bhavya) 80n, 177-8, 
186-9, 196, 198, 212, 
226, 253, 260 
Bhavyaklrti 18, 326 
Bheyapala 8, 295, 303-05, 309 
BhTmasukla 112, 114-5 
Bhoga-subala 11, 334 
Bhojadeva 108 
Bhrgu See Bhrku-raksasa 
Bhrku-raksasa (Bhrgu) 47-8 
Bhrkuti 192-3,281 
Bhrhgaraguhya 232 
Bhumigarbha See Ksitigarbha 
Bhumindrabhadra 43n 
BhumisrTbhadra 320 
Bhusuku (Bhu-su-ku) 31 On 
Bimbisara 52n 

Bindusara 6n, 7, 50n, 5 In, 52n, 


Bi-sli-mi-lil 118 

Bitpalo 348 

Bito-pada 289n 

Bodhibhadra 18, 300-11, 327 

Bodhivarman 259n 

Bongard-Levin, G.M. 52n, 76n, 77n, 


Brahma 154,226 


Brhaspati 17, 142, 144, 148 
Buda (Budha) 11, 335 
Buddhadasa 150, 177, 188 
Buddhadeva 15, 103 
Buddhajnanapada ( Buddhajnana, 
Buddhasnjnana) 260 276, 278, 
280, 289n, 292, 325 
Buddhaguhya 276,280,281,282 
Buddhakapala 153 
Buddhakirti 257n, 314, 31 5n 
Buddhanandl 74 

Buddhapaksa 9, 138, 139n, 142, 144, 
148-9, 155, 190 

Buddhapalita 177, 186-8, 197-8, 204, 


Buddha Samantaprabha 96n 
Buddhasanti 276, 280-3 
Buddhasena 320 
Buddhasirnha 161n 
Buddhasri 317 
Buddhasuca 11, 335 
Buddhasrlmitra 317-9 
Burnouf, E. 53n